Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible · 1 Timothy Kapitel 1

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1 Timothy Kapitel 1

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真实性——古代教会从未怀疑这些书信的正典地位以及它们出自保罗之手。它们见于第二世纪的别西托叙利亚文(Peschito Syriac)译本。穆拉多利(Muratori)的*《圣经正典残篇》(Fragment on the Canon of Scripture)——作于第二世纪末——承认它们为正典。爱任纽(Irenæus)[《驳异端》*(Against Heresies)1;3.3.3;4.16.3;2.14.8;3.11.1;1.16.3]引用

提前 1:4, 9;6:20; 提后 4:9-11; 多 3:10。

亚历山大的革利免(Clement of Alexandria)[《杂记》(Miscellanies)2,第457页;3,第534、536页;1,第350页]引用

提前 6:1, 20;

论到女执事时引《提摩太后书》;

多 1:12。

特土良(Tertullian)[《驳异端的处方》(The Prescription against Heretics)25;6]引用

提前 6:20; 提后 1:14; 提前 1:18;6:13 等等;提后 2:2; 多 3:10, 11。

优西比乌(Eusebius)将三卷书列入"普世公认"的圣经之中。安提阿的提阿非罗(Theophilus of Antioch)[《致奥托录库》(To Autolychus)3.14]也引用

提前 2:1, 2; 多 3:1,

该犹(Caius)(见于优西比乌[《教会史》(Ecclesiastical History)6.20])也承认它们的真实性。罗马的革利免(Clement of Rome)在第一世纪末的*《致哥林多人前书》*(Epistle to the Corinthians)[29]中引用

提前 2:8。

伊格那丢(Ignatius)在第二世纪初的*《致坡旅甲书》*(Epistle to Polycarp)[6]中暗指

提后 2:4。

坡旅甲(Polycarp)在第二世纪初[《致腓立比人书》(Epistle to the Philippians)4]暗指

提后 2:4;

并在第九章暗指

提后 4:10。

黑吉西坡(Hegisippus)在第二世纪末,见于优西比乌[*《教会史》*3.32],暗指

提前 6:3, 20。

雅典那哥拉(Athenagoras)在第二世纪末暗指

提前 6:16。

游斯丁(Justin Martyr)在第二世纪中叶[《与特里弗对话录》(Dialogue with Trypho)47]暗指

多 3:4。

唯独诺斯底主义者马吉安(Marcion)拒绝这些书信。

这些书信所反对的异端,构成从律法主义(以其苦修形态)到后来发展成熟的诺斯底主义的过渡阶段。其中论及犹太教与律法主义的引用是清楚的

(提前 1:7;4:3; 多 1:10, 14;3:9)。

初阶诺斯底主义的痕迹也是无可置疑的

(提前 1:4)。

诺斯底主义关于善恶双重原则自太初并存的理论,已见其萌芽于

提前 4:3

等等。在

提前 6:20

中,"Gnosis"("学问")一词本身即已出现。另一项诺斯底错误——"复活的事已过"——见于

提后 2:17, 18。

此处所反对的犹太教,并非较早书信中的那种犹太教——后者维护律法,并试图将律法与因信基督称义相联合。它首先转入《歌罗西书》中所显出的阶段,即在犹太化的见解之上又添加了私意崇拜与天使崇拜。然后同一邪恶的进一步阶段见于《腓立比书》

(腓 3:2, 18, 19),

不道德的行为伴随关于复活的错误教义(参

提后 2:18,

与 林前 15:12, 32, 33)。

这种从律法主义到迷信、从迷信到不敬虔的下滑,在教牧书信对这些事的提及中更为成熟。假教师如今既不知律法的正用

(提前 1:7, 8),

更已抛弃无亏良心与真道

(提前 1:19;4:2);

说谎假冒,心思败坏,以敬虔为得利的门路

(提前 6:5

多 1:11);

借如同毒疮越烂越大的异端败坏了信心,说复活的事已过

(提后 2:17, 18),

偷进人家,牢笼无知妇女,常常学习,终久不能明白真道,像雅尼和佯庇一样敌挡真道

(提后 3:6, 8),

污秽不信,在言语上说是认识神,在行为上却否认祂,可憎恶,悖逆,在各样善工上可废弃

(多 1:15, 16)。

这一描述与约翰和彼得的普通书信,以及《希伯来书》中的描述相符。这一事实证明这些教牧书信晚于保罗较早的书信。此处所谴责的犹太教不是较早时期那种对律法极其严谨的犹太教;它如今已倾向于行为上的不洁。另一方面,这些书信所反对的诺斯底主义,并非较晚期的反犹太的诺斯底主义——后者是耶路撒冷和圣殿被毁后犹太教倾覆的产物,而是犹太教与诺斯底主义之间的中间形态——其中后者的东方与希腊元素与犹太教以某种混合形态存在,正好在耶路撒冷倾覆之前。

关于教会治理者和传道者的指示——"监督—长老和执事"——是使徒预见自己即将离世,为提摩太(以弗所教会的领袖)和提多(在克里特任同样职分)所能自然赐下的,为要在他不在之后、并在异端迅速兴起之时,确保教会得着妥善的治理。可参他对以弗所长老讲话时类似的关切

(徒 20:21-30)。

长老职(elders;priest 一词是 presbyter 的缩略)与执事职自教会最早时期即已存在

(徒 6:3;11:30;14:23)。

提摩太和提多作为监督或主管("监督"[bishop]后来即此义),当在以弗所按立长老时,行使使徒在总体监督外邦各教会时所行使的同一权柄。

思想与表达方式的特点,是这些书信与其他书信相比,所论对象和所论及之人的处境和主题不同所当有的。其中一些独特短语也见于《加拉太书》——在该书中,正如在教牧书信中一样,保罗以其特有的热切攻击假教师。可比照

提前 2:6; 多 2:14,

"为我们舍了自己"与

加 1:4;

提前 1:17; 提后 4:18,

"世世无尽"与

加 1:5:

"在神面前",

提前 5:21;6:13; 提后 2:14;4:1,

与 加 1:20:

"柱石",

提前 3:15,

与 加 2:9:

"中保",

提前 2:5,

与 加 3:20:

"到了时候",

提前 2:6;6:15; 多 1:3

与 加 6:9。

写作时间与地点——《提摩太前书》写于保罗离开以弗所往马其顿去之后不久

(提前 1:3)。

既然提摩太在保罗从以弗所经过马其顿时与保罗同在马其顿

(林后 1:1)——

如

徒 19:22;20:1

所记,而《提摩太前书》则预期提摩太在以弗所较久居住,莫斯海姆(Mosheim)便推测保罗在以弗所"三年"

(徒 20:31)

的大部分时间——九个月——是在马其顿,也可能在别处(或许在克里特)度过的(仅提到"三个月"和"两年",

徒 19:8, 10,

支持此说),并在此九个月期间,提摩太在保罗不在时督导以弗所教会。以弗所及其附近教会不太可能长期没有教会职员和组织——而本书信正给出了相关的规则。此外,提摩太当时仍是"少年人"

(提前 4:12),

若在保罗第一次被囚之后,他至少三十四岁,便难以如此称呼。最后,在

徒 20:25

中保罗断言自己知道**以弗所人将不再见他的面,如此

提前 1:3

便指他在以弗所的停留,即

徒 19:10

所记,他从那里前往马其顿。但难点在于:根据此理论,假教师几乎在教会建立之后立即出现。然而他在

徒 19:1-41

所记的访问并非他首次访问。以弗所教会的建立大概是在他一年前的访问中

(徒 18:19-21)。

亚波罗、亚居拉和百基拉接续了这一工作

(徒 18:24-26)。

因此,关于假教师的突然兴起,时间是足够的——尤其考虑到以弗所最初的归信者在亚波罗最初不完全的基督教教导之下,他本人很可能深受亚历山大(亚波罗的家乡)的斐罗(Philo)的学说影响,并将其与施洗约翰的旧约教导结合

(徒 18:24-26)。

此外,以弗所因其在亚细亚的地理位置、臭名昭著的纵欲与邪术

(徒 19:18, 19),

以及淫秽的亚底米(即腓尼基的亚斯他录)崇拜,从一开始就很可能使一些归信者的基督教信仰染上东方的猜测与亚细亚式放纵的行为色彩。因此,本书信所呈现的错误形态——介于犹太教与晚期诺斯底主义之间(见上文)——这一现象,在以弗所教会早期既可能出现,在晚期——我们知道当时已有公开的错误"使者"

(启 2:2, 6)——

以及行为败坏的尼哥拉党——也同样可能出现。至于本前书与后书(后书必写于保罗生平末了)之间的密切关联——阿尔福德(Alford)正是据此将前书也定于保罗生平末了——处境的相似、受信人同一(或当时在以弗所,或至少与以弗所——其担任教会监督之处——相连),以及所对付的异端与前书同出一脉,都可解释这一关联。两书之间的语调并不那么同一,以至于迫使我们采纳两书之间不可能相隔数年的理论。

然而,所有这些反对较晚日期的论据都可以被回应。本前书可能并非指教会初次设立监督、长老与执事的首次组织,而是在后期因丑闻而有必要时,为这些职员所定的道德资格。事实上,他把提摩太留在以弗所的目的,他明说是

(提前 1:3)

为要制止假教师——不是为首次组织教会。关于合格的长老和执事之选立的指示,是指填补空缺,而非首次任命。教会寡妇制度的存在暗示已有完备的组织。至于提摩太的"年轻",可作相对年轻——相对于如今"年老"的保罗

(门 9),

以及比提摩太年长的一些以弗所长老——他们的监督。至于

徒 20:25,

我们不知道是否所有被召到米利都的以弗所长老都"未再见保罗的面",正如他借着默示"知道"将会如此——这便免去了阿尔福德(Alford)那种宽松的见解——即保罗在这一积极的受默示的预知上错了(因为这是受默示的预知,而非对未来模糊的预感)。如此他大概在罗马第一次被囚之后又访问了以弗所

(提前 1:3; 提后 1:18;4:20,

他在距以弗所如此之近的米利都,不大可能不去访问以弗所),尽管他在米利都从前所劝勉的以弗所长老并未再见到他。两书信在主题和风格上的普遍相似,以及教会状态上的相似,都支持两书日期相近的见解。再者,反对较早日期的理论也有其难点:在保罗在以弗所两三年的停留期间,很难确定何时可以插入一段足够长的保罗不在以弗所的时间——本情形的要求意味着提摩太在以弗所有一段长期的停留和督导(然而可参另一面的

提前 3:14)

——就是在被保罗"留下"之后。保罗离开以弗所时,提摩太并未留下

(徒 19:22;20:1; 林后 1:1)。

在

提前 3:14

保罗说:"我写这些话,是希望快到你那里去";但在较早那次从以弗所前往马其顿的情形中,他并无此期望,而是计划在马其顿过夏、在哥林多过冬

(林前 16:6)。

"直等到我来"

(提前 4:13)

一语暗示提摩太当留在他岗位上直到保罗到达;这一难点和前一难点都不构成对莫斯海姆(Mosheim)理论的反驳。此外,保罗在辞别以弗所长老的话中预言性地预告**将来必有假教师从他们中间起来;因此,本前书——其中提到他们在以弗所实际已经出现——自然应当是在那次讲话之后,而非之前,即属于较晚的日期。在《以弗所书》中并未提及犹太化—诺斯底主义的错误,若它们当时确实存在,本应被提及;然而,与之同时代的姊妹书信《歌罗西书》却有所提及

(西 2:1-23)。

无论对前书的日期必定存有多少疑问,对后书的日期几乎无可置疑。在

提后 4:13

中,保罗吩咐提摩太把使徒留在特罗亚的书籍和外衣带来。若所提特罗亚之行就是

徒 20:5-7

所记的那一次,那么外衣和皮卷便在特罗亚搁置了约七年——这正是那次访问与保罗在罗马第一次被囚之间相隔的时间:此说极不可能,他竟如此长久搁置不用。再者,当他第一次在罗马被囚、写信给歌罗西人

(西 4:14)

和腓利门

(门 24)

时,底马与他同在;但当他写

提后 4:10

时,底马已因贪爱现今的世界离弃他,往帖撒罗尼迦去了。再者,当他写给以弗所、歌罗西、腓立比、腓利门时,他对即将获释怀有良好的盼望;但此处

提后 4:6-8

他预期即将殉道,且至少已经受过一次审讯

(提后 4:16)。

再者,本书信表明他的囚禁比他第一次被囚时所写那些书信更为严密(即便在代表他对生命更不确定的《腓立比书》中,他仍盼望很快获释,

腓 2:24; 提后 1:16-18;2:9;4:6-8, 16)。

再者

(提后 4:20),

他说自己把特罗非摩留在米利都时病了。这不可能是

徒 20:15

那一次的情形,因为此后不久特罗非摩仍与保罗同在耶路撒冷

(徒 21:29)。

此外,如此他便是把六七年前发生之事当作新近之事讲述;况且在使徒于米利都那次,提摩太与保罗同在,因此无需被告知特罗非摩在那里生病之事

(徒 20:4-17)。

再者,

(提后 4:20)

"以拉都在哥林多住下了"一语暗示保罗不久前曾在哥林多,并把以拉都留在那里;但保罗在第一次被囚之前数年未到过哥林多,且在此间隔期间提摩太一直与他同在,所以他无需在此后写信提到那次访问。因此他必定在第一次被囚之后获释(事实上,

来 13:23, 24

明确证明作者在意大利且得了释放),重新开始他的使徒行程,并在罗马再次被囚,就在他离世前不久写下了《提摩太后书》。

优西比乌[《编年史》(Chronicles),纪元2083](始于主后67年10月)说:"尼禄在他其余的罪行之上,又加上了对基督徒的逼迫:在他手下,使徒彼得和保罗在罗马完成了他们的殉道。"耶柔米(Jerome)[《论显赫人物》(On Illustrious Men)]亦说:"在尼禄第十四年,保罗为基督的缘故在罗马被斩首,与彼得同日,葬于奥斯提亚路,在我们主离世后第三十七年。"阿尔福德(Alford)合理地推测教牧书信即写于接近此日期之时。此间隔期间可能被一次前往西班牙的行程所填满(如此罗马的革利免所言——保罗传道直至"极西之处")

(罗 15:24, 28),

按他最初的本意。穆拉多利的*《圣经正典残篇》*(约主后170年)也提到保罗前往西班牙的行程。优西比乌、克里索斯托(Chrysostom)、耶柔米亦然。无论如何,他在第二次被囚之前似乎访问过以弗所,那里如今有一批新的长老治理教会

(徒 20:25),

时间大概在主后66年末或67年初。假设他归信时三十岁,如今已年逾六十,且因持续的劳苦,体质比年龄更老。甚至四年前他已自称"保罗—老年人"

(门 9)。

他从以弗所往马其顿去

(提前 1:3)。

他可能从马其顿写了《提摩太前书》。但他在

提前 1:3

用"前往"(went)而非"来到"(came)——"我往马其顿去的时候"——暗示他写信时并不在那里。无论他在何处,他都不确定自己会被耽搁多久才能到提摩太那里

(提前 3:14, 15)。

伯克斯(Birks)指出他大概是从哥林多写的——哥林多与以弗所之间的交通快速便捷。他的行程与前两次一样,是从马其顿到哥林多。他发现

提前 2:11-14

与 林前 14:34

关于女人在教会中当闭口的相符;

提前 5:17, 18

与 林前 9:8-10

关于传道人得供养的相符——其原则与摩西律法"牛在场上踹谷的时候,不可笼住它的嘴"相同;

提前 5:19, 20

与 林后 13:1-4

关于对长老的控告相符。使徒正是在这些指示曾经被贯彻之地,在自己的书信中重申它们,是十分自然的。

《提多书》的日期当取决于所定《提摩太前书》的日期——两书在主题、措辞和语气上相连。《提多书》就其本身而言,定在较早日期——即保罗第一次被囚之前——并无困难。在

徒 18:18, 19

中,保罗从哥林多往巴勒斯坦去时,因某种缘故在以弗所登岸。如今我们见

(多 3:13)

亚波罗从以弗所往哥林多去时,要在克里特停靠(这似乎与

徒 18:24, 27;19:1

所记亚波罗从以弗所往哥林多之行相符);因此保罗也可能在哥林多与以弗所之间取道克里特;或者,也许在他三次海难

林后 11:25, 26

所述中的一次中被吹离航线到了那里;这便解释了他何以在从哥林多往巴勒斯坦的路上取道以弗所——尽管那不在他惯常的路线之上。在以弗所,保罗可能写了《提多书》[胡格(Hug)];他在那里大概遇见了亚波罗,把《提多书》交给他,在他借克里特往哥林多去、使徒往耶路撒冷去之前

(徒 18:19-21, 24)。

此外,在保罗从耶路撒冷和安提阿返回的路上,他在上亚细亚行了一些时候

(徒 19:1);

大概就是在那时,他"在尼哥波立过冬"的意愿得以实现——在安提阿和他撒之间有一座同名之城,正位于保罗前往加拉太的路线上

(多 3:12)。

如此,在这一理论中,《提摩太前书》便被置于两年半之后

(徒 20:1;

参

提前 1:3)。

阿尔福德(Alford)将《提多书》与《提摩太前书》一同归为保罗第一次罗马被囚之后所写,其论据随他将《提摩太前书》归于该日期的论据而立或废。事实上,胡格(Hug)对《提多书》较早日期的无懈可击的论证,若不被其他论据所抵消,反倒支持与之相近的《提摩太前书》的较早日期。克里特教会刚刚建立

(多 1:5),

然而其中所谴责的异端与以弗所相同,这表明阿尔福德(Alford)所提反对《提摩太前书》较早日期的论据

(多 1:10, 11, 15, 16;3:9, 11),

不能从此处得出。

但反之,若如上述论据所倾向的那样,将《提摩太前书》归于较晚日期,则《提多书》因风格相似,必属同一时期。

阿尔福德(Alford)追溯保罗第二次被囚之前最后一次行程如下:至克里特

(多 1:5)、

米利都

(提后 4:20)、

歌罗西(应验他的意愿,

门 22)、

以弗所

(提前 1:3; 提后 1:18)——

他从那附近写了《提多书》;特罗亚、马其顿、哥林多

(提后 4:20)、

以庇鲁斯的尼哥波立

(多 3:12)——

他本打算在那里过冬;那是一个罗马殖民地,他可以免受暴民的暴力,却更易受到京城罗马敌人的直接攻击。因在罗马作为基督徒领袖而为人所知,他大概[阿尔福德(Alford)]因涉嫌引发主后64年(尼禄归咎于基督徒)的罗马大火而被捕,并被尼哥波立的两位市长解往罗马。他在那里作为普通罪犯被囚

(提后 2:9);

他在亚细亚的朋友们都离弃了他,唯独阿尼色弗不然

(提后 1:16)。

底马、革勒士和提多都离开了他。他已经差推基古往以弗所去。唯独路加与他同在

(提后 4:10-12)。

在此情形下他写了《提摩太后书》——大概当时提摩太在以弗所

(提后 2:17;

参

提前 1:20; 提后 4:13),

恳求他在冬天以前到他那里来

(提后 4:21),

并预期自己即将被处决

(提后 4:6)。

推基古大概是《后书》的携信人

(提后 4:12)。

他的辩护并未在皇帝面前进行,因为皇帝当时在希腊

(提后 4:16, 17)。

传统记载他死于刀下,这与他作为罗马公民可免受酷刑的事实相符;大概在主后67年末或68年——尼禄最后一年。

提摩太首次见于

徒 16:1,

居住在路司得(不是特庇,参

徒 20:4)。

他母亲是犹太人,名叫友尼基

(提后 1:5);

他父亲是"希腊人"(即外邦人)。既然提摩太在

徒 16:1

中被称为"门徒",他必定在此前已经归信,并且是借着保罗归信的

(提前 1:2),

大概在保罗前次访问路司得时

(徒 14:6);

大约也在那时,他那爱慕圣经的母亲友尼基和外祖母罗以从犹太教归信基督

(提后 3:14, 15)。

不仅路司得弟兄们对他有好名声,他部分犹太、部分外邦的血统也使他特别适合作保罗在传道工作上的助手——使徒每到一处,先是向犹太人、后是向外邦人做工。为避免犹太人的偏见,保罗先为他行了割礼。他似乎陪伴保罗走遍马其顿;但当使徒继续前行到雅典时,提摩太和西拉留在庇哩亚。他被保罗差回去看望帖撒罗尼迦教会

(帖前 3:2),

并将消息带到哥林多的使徒那里

(帖前 3:6)。

因此我们见他的名字与保罗一同列在两封《帖撒罗尼迦书》的问安中——这两封信写于哥林多。我们又见他在以弗所长期停留期间"服事"保罗

(徒 19:22)。

他由此被差在保罗之前往马其顿和哥林多

(林前 4:17;16:10)。

保罗写《哥林多后书》时他与保罗同在

(林后 1:1);

次年冬天在哥林多,保罗从那里写了《罗马书》

(罗 16:21)。

在保罗经由马其顿返回亚细亚时,他先行在特罗亚等候使徒

(徒 20:3-5)。

接下来我们见他在保罗被囚于罗马时与保罗同在——使徒当时写了《歌罗西书》

(西 1:1)、

《腓利门书》

(门 1)

和《腓立比书》

(腓 1:1)。

他大约与《希伯来书》的作者同时被囚、同时获释

(来 13:23)。

在教牧书信中,他被提及为使徒留在以弗所以督导那里的教会

(提前 1:3)。

关于他的最后记载,是保罗对他的请求

(提后 4:21)

"在冬天以前来",即约主后67年[阿尔福德(Alford)]。优西比乌[《教会史》3.42]记载他为首任以弗所监督;而[尼塞福鲁斯(Nicophorus),《教会史》3.11]记载他是殉道而死。若如此,约翰(如传统所言)居住并离世于该城,那必是在更晚的时期。保罗亲自按手按立或受职他,又与众长老一同按手,按着那些拥有预言恩赐者论他所发的预言性指明而行

(提前 1:18;4:14

提后 1:6)。

他那克己的品格,可见于他立即离家跟随使徒、为福音的缘故受割礼;也见于他的节制(

提前 5:23

有所提及)——尽管他身体软弱,本可享有更丰富的饮食。胆怯、缺乏自信和应对处境难处时的胆量,似乎是他那作为基督徒传道人的美好品格中的缺陷

(林前 16:10; 提前 4:12; 提后 1:7)。

《前书》的主旨是:(1)指引提摩太嘱咐假教师不可再传福音以外的教训

(提前 1:3-20;

参

启 2:1-6);

(2)就崇拜的有序进行、监督和执事的资格、以及当选入受教会慈善供养而当尽指定事奉的寡妇的拣选,给他指示

(提前 2:1-6:2);

(3)警告不可贪财——这是以弗所盛行的罪,并劝勉行善

(提前 6:3-19)。

Englisches Original

INTRODUCTION

GENUINENESS.--The ancient Church never doubted of their being canonical and written by Paul. They are in the Peschito Syriac version of the second century. MURATORI'S Fragment on the Canon of Scripture, at the close of the second century, acknowledges them as such. IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 1; 3.3.3; 4.16.3; 2.14.8; 3.11.1; 1.16.3], quotes

1Ti 1:4, 9; 6:20; 2Ti 4:9-11; Tit 3:10.

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA [Miscellanies, 2, p. 457; 3, pp. 534, 536; 1, p. 350], quotes

1Ti 6:1, 20;

Second Timothy, as to deaconesses;

Tit 1:12.

TERTULLIAN [The Prescription against Heretics, 25; 6], quotes

1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 1:14; 1Ti 1:18; 6:13, &c.; 2Ti 2:2; Tit 3:10, 11.

EUSEBIUS includes the three in the "universally acknowledged" Scriptures. Also THEOPHILUS OF ANTIOCH [To Autolychus, 3.14], quotes

1Ti 2:1, 2; Tit 3:1,

and CAIUS (in EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 6.20]) recognizes their authenticity. CLEMENT OF ROME, in the end of the first century, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians [29], quotes

1Ti 2:8.

IGNATIUS, in the beginning of the second century, in Epistle to Polycarp, [6], alludes to

2Ti 2:4.

POLYCARP, in the beginning of the second century [Epistle to the Philippians, 4], alludes to

2Ti 2:4;

and in the ninth chapter to

2Ti 4:10.

Hegisippus, in the end of the second century, in EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 3.32], alludes to

1Ti 6:3, 20.

ATHENAGORAS, in the end of the second century, alludes to

1Ti 6:16.

JUSTIN MARTYR, in the middle of the second century [Dialogue with Trypho, 47], alludes to

Tit 3:4.

The Gnostic MARCION alone rejected these Epistles.

The HERESIES OPPOSED in them form the transition stage from Judaism, in its ascetic form, to Gnosticism, as subsequently developed. The references to Judaism and legalism are clear

(1Ti 1:7; 4:3; Tit 1:10, 14; 3:9).

Traces of beginning Gnosticism are also unequivocal

(1Ti 1:4).

The Gnostic theory of a twofold principle from the beginning, evil as well as good, appears in germ in

1Ti 4:3,

&c. In

1Ti 6:20

the term Gnosis ("science") itself occurs. Another Gnostic error, namely, that "the resurrection is past," is alluded to in

2Ti 2:17, 18.

The Judaism herein opposed is not that of the earlier Epistles, which upheld the law and tried to join it with faith in Christ for justification. It first passed into that phase of it which appears in the Epistle to the Colossians, whereby will-worship and angel-worship were superadded to Judaizing opinions. Then a further stage of the same evil appears in the Epistle to the Philippians

(Php 3:2, 18, 19),

whereby immoral practice accompanied false doctrine as to the resurrection (compare

2Ti 2:18, with 1Co 15:12, 32, 33).

This descent from legality to superstition, and from superstition to godlessness, appears more matured in the references to it in these Pastoral Epistles. The false teachers now know not the true use of the law

(1Ti 1:7, 8),

and further, have put away good conscience as well as the faith

(1Ti 1:19; 4:2);

speak lies in hypocrisy, are corrupt in mind, and regard godliness as a means of earthly gain

(1Ti 6:5

Tit 1:11);

overthrow the faith by heresies eating as a canker, saying the resurrection is past

(2Ti 2:17, 18),

leading captive silly women, ever learning yet never knowing the truth, reprobate as Jannes and Jambres

(2Ti 3:6, 8),

defiled, unbelieving, professing to know God, but in works denying Him, abominable, disobedient, reprobate

(Tit 1:15, 16).

This description accords with that in the Catholic Epistles of St. John and St. Peter, and, in the Epistle to the Hebrews. This fact proves the later date of these Pastoral Epistles as compared with Paul's earlier Epistles. The Judaism reprobated herein is not that of an earlier date, so scrupulous as to the law; it was now tending to immortality of practice. On the other hand, the Gnosticism opposed in these Epistles is not the anti-Judaic Gnosticism of a later date, which arose as a consequence of the overthrow of Judaism by the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, but it was the intermediate phase between Judaism and Gnosticism, in which the Oriental and Greek elements of the latter were in a kind of amalgam with Judaism, just prior to the overthrow of Jerusalem.

The DIRECTIONS AS TO CHURCH GOVERNORS and ministers, "bishop-elders, and deacons," are such as were natural for the apostle, in prospect of his own approaching removal, to give to Timothy, the president of the Church at Ephesus, and to Titus, holding the same office in Crete, for securing the due administration of the Church when he should be no more, and at a time when heresies were rapidly springing up. Compare his similar anxiety in his address to the Ephesian elders

(Ac 20:21-30).

The Presbyterate (elders; priest is a contraction from presbyter) and Diaconate had existed from the earliest times in the Church

(Ac 6:3; 11:30; 14:23).

Timothy and Titus, as superintendents or overseers (so bishop subsequently meant), were to exercise the same power in ordaining elders at Ephesus which the apostle had exercised in his general supervision of all the Gentile churches.

The PECULIARITIES OF MODES OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION, are such as the difference of subject and circumstances of those addressed and those spoken of in these Epistles, as compared with the other Epistles, would lead us to expect. Some of these peculiar phrases occur also in Galatians, in which, as in the Pastoral Epistles, he, with his characteristic fervor, attacks the false teachers. Compare

1Ti 2:6; Tit 2:14,

"gave Himself for us," with

Ga 1:4;

1Ti 1:17; 2Ti 4:18,

"for ever and ever," with

Ga 1:5:

"before God,"

1Ti 5:21; 6:13; 2Ti 2:14; 4:1, with Ga 1:20:

"a pillar,"

1Ti 3:15, with Ga 2:9:

"mediator,"

1Ti 2:5, with Ga 3:20:

"in due season,"

1Ti 2:6; 6:15; Tit 1:3 with Ga 6:9.

TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING.--The First Epistle to Timothy was written not long after Paul had left Ephesus for Macedon

(1Ti 1:3).

Now, as Timothy was in Macedon with Paul

(2Co 1:1)

on the occasion of Paul's having passed from Ephesus into that country, as recorded,

Ac 19:22; 20:1,

whereas the First Epistle to Timothy contemplates a longer stay of Timothy in Ephesus, MOSHEIM supposes that Paul was nine months of the "three years" stay mostly at Ephesus

(Ac 20:31)

in Macedonia, and elsewhere (perhaps Crete), (the mention of only "three months" and "two years,"

Ac 19:8, 10,

favors this, the remaining nine months being spent elsewhere); and that during these nine months Timothy, in Paul's absence, superintended the Church of Ephesus. It is not likely that Ephesus and the neighboring churches should have been left long without church officers and church organization, rules respecting which are giver in this Epistle. Moreover, Timothy was still "a youth"

(1Ti 4:12),

which he could hardly be called after Paul's first imprisonment, when he must have been at least thirty-four years of age. Lastly, in

Ac 20:25,

Paul asserts his knowledge that the Ephesians should not all see his face again, so that

1Ti 1:3

will thus refer to his sojourn at Ephesus, recorded in

Ac 19:10,

whence he passed into Macedonia. But the difficulty is to account for the false teachers having sprung up almost immediately (according to this theory) after the foundation of the Church. However, his visit recorded in

Ac 19:1-41

was not his first visit. The beginning of the Church at Ephesus was probably made at his visit a year before

(Ac 18:19-21).

Apollos, Aquila and Priscilla, carried on the work

(Ac 18:24-26).

Thus, as to the sudden growth of false teachers, there was time enough for their springing up, especially considering that the first converts at Ephesus were under Apollos' imperfect Christian teachings at first, imbued as he was likely to be with the tenets of PHILO of Alexandria, Apollos' native town, combined with John the Baptist's Old Testament teachings

(Ac 18:24-26).

Besides Ephesus, from its position in Asia, its notorious voluptuousness and sorcery

(Ac 19:18, 19),

and its lewd worship of Diana (answering to the Phœnician Ashtoreth), was likely from the first to tinge Christianity in some of its converts with Oriental speculations and Asiatic licentiousness of practices. Thus the phenomenon of the phase of error presented in this Epistle, being intermediate between Judaism and later Gnosticism (see above), would be such as might occur at an early period in the Ephesian Church, as well as later, when we know it had open "apostles" of error

(Re 2:2, 6),

and Nicolaitans infamous in practice. As to the close connection between this First Epistle and the Second Epistle (which must have been written at the close of Paul's life), on which ALFORD relies for his theory of making the First Epistle also written at the close of Paul's life, the similarity of circumstances, the person addressed being one and the same, and either in Ephesus at the time, or at least connected with Ephesus as its church overseer, and having heretics to contend with of the same stamp as in the First Epistle, would account for the connection. There is not so great identity of tone as to compel us to adopt the theory that some years could not have elapsed between the two Epistles.

However, all these arguments against the later date may be answered. This First Epistle may refer not to the first organization of the Church under its bishops, or elders and deacons, but to the moral qualifications laid down at a later period for those officers when scandals rendered such directions needful. Indeed, the object for which he left Timothy at Ephesus he states

(1Ti 1:3)

to be, not to organize the Church for the first time, but to restrain the false teachers. The directions as to the choice of fit elders and deacons refer to the filling up of vacancies, not to their first appointment. The fact of there existing an institution for Church widows implies an established organization. As to Timothy's "youth," it may be spoken of comparatively young compared with Paul, now "the aged"

(Phm 9),

and with some of the Ephesian elders, senior to Timothy their overseer. As to

Ac 20:25,

we know not but that "all" of the elders of Ephesus called to Miletus "never saw Paul's face" afterwards, as he "knew" (doubtless by inspiration) would be the case, which obviates the need of ALFORD'S lax view, that Paul was wrong in this his positive inspired anticipation (for such it was, not a mere boding surmise as to the future). Thus he probably visited Ephesus again

(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18; 4:20,

he would hardly have been at Miletum, so near Ephesus, without visiting Ephesus) after his first imprisonment in Rome, though all the Ephesian elders whom he had addressed formerly at Miletus did not again see him. The general similarity of subject and style, and of the state of the Church between the two Epistles, favors the view that they were near one another in date. Also, against the theory of the early date is the difficulty of defining, when, during Paul's two or three years' stay at Ephesus, we can insert an absence of Paul from Ephesus long enough for the requirements of the case, which imply a lengthened stay and superintendence of Timothy at Ephesus (see, however,

1Ti 3:14,

on the other side) after having been "left" by Paul there. Timothy did not stay there when Paul left Ephesus

(Ac 19:22; 20:1; 2Co 1:1).

In

1Ti 3:14,

Paul says, "I write, hoping to come unto thee shortly," but on the earlier occasion of his passing from Ephesus to Macedon he had no such expectation, but had planned to spend the summer in Macedon, and the winter in Corinth,

(1Co 16:6).

The expression "Till I come"

(1Ti 4:13),

implies that Timothy was not to leave his post till Paul should arrive; this and the former objection, however, do not hold good against MOSHEIM'S theory. Moreover, Paul in his farewell address to the Ephesian elders prophetically anticipates the rise of false teachers hereafter of their own selves; therefore this First Epistle, which speaks of their actual presence at Ephesus, would naturally seem to be not prior, but subsequent, to the address, that is, will belong to the later date assigned. In the Epistle to the Ephesians no notice is taken of the Judaeo-Gnostic errors, which would have been noticed had they been really in existence; however, they are alluded to in the contemporaneous sister Epistle to Colossians

(Col 2:1-23).

Whatever doubt must always remain as to the date of the First Epistle, there can be hardly any as to that of the Second Epistle. In

2Ti 4:13,

Paul directs Timothy to bring the books and cloak which the apostle had left at Troas. Assuming that the visit to Troas referred to is the one mentioned in

Ac 20:5-7,

it will follow that the cloak and parchments lay for about seven years at Troas, that being the time that elapsed between the visit and Paul's first imprisonment at Rome: a very unlikely supposition, that he should have left either unused for so long. Again, when, during his first Roman imprisonment, he wrote to the Colossians

(Col 4:14)

and Philemon

(Phm 24),

Demas was with him; but when he was writing

2Ti 4:10,

Demas had forsaken him from love of this world, and gone to Thessalonica. Again, when he wrote to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon, he had good hopes of a speedy liberation; but here in

2Ti 4:6-8,

he anticipates immediate death, having been at least once already tried

(2Ti 4:16).

Again, he is in this Epistle represented as in closer confinement than he was when writing those former Epistles in his first imprisonment (even in the Philippians, which represent him in greater uncertainty as to his life, he cherished the hope of soon being delivered,

Php 2:24; 2Ti 1:16-18; 2:9; 4:6-8, 16).

Again

(2Ti 4:20),

he speaks of having left Trophimus sick at Miletum. This could not have been on the occasion,

Ac 20:15.

For Trophimus was with Paul at Jerusalem shortly afterwards

(Ac 21:29).

Besides, he would thus be made to speak of an event six or seven years after its occurrence, as a recent event: moreover, Timothy was, on that occasion of the apostle being at Miletum, with Paul, and therefore needed not to be informed of Trophimus' sickness there

(Ac 20:4-17).

Also, the statement

(2Ti 4:20),

"Erastus abode at Corinth," implies that Paul had shortly before been at Corinth, and left Erastus there; but Paul had not been at Corinth for several years before his first imprisonment, and in the interval Timothy had been with him, so that he did not need to write subsequently about that visit. He must therefore have been liberated after his first imprisonment (indeed,

Heb 13:23, 24,

expressly proves that the writer was in Italy and at liberty), and resumed his apostolic journeyings, and been imprisoned at Rome again, whence shortly before his death he wrote Second Timothy.

EUSEBIUS [Chronicles, Anno 2083] (beginning October, A.D. 67), says, "Nero, to his other crimes, added the persecution of Christians: under him the apostles Peter and Paul consummated their martyrdom at Rome." So JEROME [On Illustrious Men], "In the fourteenth year of Nero, Paul was beheaded at Rome for Christ's sake, on the same day as Peter, and was buried on the Ostian Road, in the thirty-seventh year after the death of our Lord." ALFORD reasonably conjectures the Pastoral Epistles were written near this date. The interval was possibly filled up (so CLEMENT OF ROME states that Paul preached as far as "to the extremity of the west") by a journey to Spain

(Ro 15:24, 28),

according to his own original intention. MURATORI'S Fragment on the Canon of Scripture (about A.D. 170) also alleges Paul's journey into Spain. So EUSEBIUS, CHRYSOSTOM, and JEROME. Be that as it may, he seems shortly before his second imprisonment to have visited Ephesus, where a new body of elders governed the Church

(Ac 20:25),

say in the latter end of A.D. 66, or beginning of 67. Supposing him thirty at his conversion, he would now be upwards of sixty, and older in constitution than in years, through continual hardship. Even four years before he called himself "Paul the aged"

(Phm 9).

From Ephesus he went into Macedonia

(1Ti 1:3).

He may have written the First Epistle to Timothy from that country. But his use of "went," not "came," in

1Ti 1:3,

"When I went into Macedonia," implies he was not there when writing. Wherever he was, he writes uncertain how long he may be detained from coming to Timothy

(1Ti 3:14, 15).

BIRKS shows the probability that he wrote from Corinth, between which city and Ephesus the communication was rapid and easy. His course, as on both former occasions, was from Macedon to Corinth. He finds a coincidence between

1Ti 2:11-14, and 1Co 14:34,

as to women being silent in Church; and

1Ti 5:17, 18, and 1Co 9:8-10,

as to the maintenance of ministers, on the same principle as the Mosaic law, that the ox should not be muzzled that treadeth out the corn; and

1Ti 5:19, 20, and 2Co 13:1-4,

as to charges against elders. It would be natural for the apostle in the very place where these directions had been enforced, to reproduce them in his letter.

The date of the Epistle to Titus must depend on that assigned to First Timothy, with which it is connected in subject, phraseology, and tone. There is no difficulty in the Epistle to Titus, viewed by itself, in assigning it to the earlier date, namely, before Paul's first imprisonment. In

Ac 18:18, 19,

Paul, in journeying from Corinth to Palestine, for some cause or other landed at Ephesus. Now we find

(Tit 3:13)

that Apollos in going from Ephesus to Corinth was to touch at Crete (which seems to coincide with Apollos' journey from Ephesus to Corinth, recorded in

Ac 18:24, 27; 19:1);

therefore it is not unlikely that Paul may have taken Crete similarly on his way between Corinth and Ephesus; or, perhaps been driven out of his course to it in one of his three shipwrecks spoken of in

2Co 11:25, 26;

this will account for his taking Ephesus on his way from Corinth to Palestine, though out of his regular course. At Ephesus Paul may have written the Epistle to Titus [HUG]; there he probably met Apollos and gave the Epistle to Titus to his charge, before his departure for Corinth by way of Crete, and before the apostle's departure for Jerusalem

(Ac 18:19-21, 24).

Moreover, on Paul's way back from Jerusalem and Antioch, he travelled some time in Upper Asia

(Ac 19:1);

and it was then, probably, that his intention to "winter at Nicopolis" was realized, there being a town of that name between Antioch and Tarsus, lying on Paul's route to Galatia

(Tit 3:12).

Thus, First Timothy will, in this theory, be placed two and a half years later

(Ac 20:1;

compare

1Ti 1:3).

ALFORD'S argument for classing the Epistle to Titus with First Timothy, as written after Paul's first Roman imprisonment, stands or falls with his argument for assigning First Timothy to that date. Indeed, HUG'S unobjectionable argument for the earlier date of the Epistle to Titus, favors the early date assigned to First Timothy, which is so much akin to it, if other arguments be not thought to counterbalance this. The Church of Crete had been just founded

(Tit 1:5),

and yet the same heresies are censured in it as in Ephesus, which shows that no argument, such as ALFORD alleges against the earlier date of First Timothy, can be drawn from them

(Tit 1:10, 11, 15, 16; 3:9, 11).

But vice versa, if, as seems likely from the arguments adduced, the First Epistle to Timothy be assigned to the later date, the Epistle to Titus must, from similarity of style, belong to the same period.

ALFORD traces Paul's last journey before his second imprisonment thus: To Crete

(Tit 1:5),

Miletus

(2Ti 4:20),

Colosse (fulfilling his intention,

Phm 22),

Ephesus

(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18),

from which neighborhood he wrote the Epistle to Titus; Troas, Macedonia, Corinth

(2Ti 4:20),

Nicopolis

(Tit 3:12)

in Epirus, where he had intended to winter; a place in which, as being a Roman colony, he would be free from tumultuary violence, and yet would be more open to a direct attack from foes in the metropolis, Rome. Being known in Rome as the leader of the Christians, he was probably [ALFORD] arrested as implicated in causing the fire in A.D. 64, attributed by Nero to the Christians, and was sent to Rome by the Duumvirs of Nicopolis. There he was imprisoned as a common malefactor

(2Ti 2:9);

his Asiatic friends deserted him, except Onesiphorus

(2Ti 1:16).

Demas, Crescens, and Titus, left him. Tychicus he had sent to Ephesus. Luke alone remained with him

(2Ti 4:10-12).

Under the circumstances he writes the Second Epistle to Timothy, most likely while Timothy was at Ephesus

(2Ti 2:17;

compare

1Ti 1:20; 2Ti 4:13),

begging him to come to him before winter

(2Ti 4:21),

and anticipating his own execution soon

(2Ti 4:6).

Tychicus was perhaps the bearer of the Second Epistle

(2Ti 4:12).

His defense was not made before the emperor, for the latter was then in Greece

(2Ti 4:16, 17).

Tradition represents that he died by the sword, which accords with the fact that his Roman citizenship would exempt him from torture; probably late in A.D. 67 or A.D. 68, the last year of Nero.

Timothy is first mentioned,

Ac 16:1,

as dwelling in Lystra (not Derbe, compare

Ac 20:4).

His mother was a Jewess named Eunice

(2Ti 1:5);

his father, "a Greek" (that is, a Gentile). As Timothy is mentioned as "a disciple" in

Ac 16:1,

he must have been converted before, and this by Paul

(1Ti 1:2),

probably at his former visit to Lystra

(Ac 14:6);

at the same time, probably, that his Scripture-loving mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois, were converted to Christ from Judaism

(2Ti 3:14, 15).

Not only the good report given as to him by the brethren of Lystra, but also his origin, partly Jewish, partly Gentile, adapted him specially for being Paul's assistant in missionary work, laboring as the apostle did in each place, firstly among the Jews, and then among the Gentiles. In order to obviate Jewish prejudices, he first circumcised him. He seems to have accompanied Paul in his tour through Macedonia; but when the apostle went forward to Athens, Timothy and Silas remained in Berea. Having been sent back by Paul to visit the Thessalonian Church

(1Th 3:2),

he brought his report of it to the apostle at Corinth

(1Th 3:6).

Hence we find his name joined with Paul's in the addresses of both the Epistles to Thessalonians, which were written at Corinth. We again find him "ministering to" Paul during the lengthened stay at Ephesus

(Ac 19:22).

Thence he was sent before Paul into Macedonia and to Corinth

(1Co 4:17; 16:10).

He was with Paul when he wrote the Second Epistle to Corinthians

(2Co 1:1);

and the following winter in Corinth, when Paul sent from thence his Epistle to the Romans

(Ro 16:21).

On Paul's return to Asia through Macedonia, he went forward and waited for the apostle at Troas

(Ac 20:3-5).

Next we find him with Paul during his imprisonment at Rome, when the apostle wrote the Epistles to Colossians

(Col 1:1),

Philemon

(Phm 1),

and Philippians

(Php 1:1).

He was imprisoned and set at liberty about the same time as the writer of the Hebrews

(Heb 13:23).

In the Pastoral Epistles, we find him mentioned as left by the apostle at Ephesus to superintend the Church there

(1Ti 1:3).

The last notice of him is in the request which Paul makes to him

(2Ti 4:21)

to "come before winter," that is about A.D. 67 [ALFORD]. EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 3.42], reports that he was first bishop of Ephesus; and [NICOPHORUS, Ecclesiastical History, 3.11], represents that he died by martyrdom. If then, St. John, as tradition represents, resided and died in that city, it must have been at a later period. Paul himself ordained or consecrated him with laying on of his own hands, and those of the presbytery, in accordance with prophetic intimations given respecting him by those possessing the prophetic gift

(1Ti 1:18; 4:14

2Ti 1:6).

His self-denying character is shown by his leaving home at once to accompany the apostle, and submitting to circumcision for the Gospel's sake; and also by his abstemiousness (noted in

1Ti 5:23)

notwithstanding his bodily infirmities, which would have warranted a more generous diet. Timidity and a want of self-confidence and boldness in dealing with the difficulties of his position, seem to have been a defect in his otherwise beautiful character as a Christian minister

(1Co 16:10; 1Ti 4:12; 2Ti 1:7).

The DESIGN of the First Epistle was: (1) to direct Timothy to charge the false teachers against continuing to teach other doctrine than that of the Gospel

(1Ti 1:3-20;

compare

Re 2:1-6);

(2) to give him instructions as to the orderly conducting of worship, the qualifications of bishops and deacons, and the selection of widows who should, in return for Church charity, do appointed service

(1Ti 2:1-6:2);

(3) to warn against covetousness, a sin prevalent at Ephesus, and to urge to good works

(1Ti 6:3-19).

1

1Ti 1:1-20.

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提前 1:1-20。

问安:保罗把提摩太留在以弗所的用意——即制止假教师;律法的正当用途,与福音相和谐;神呼召曾是亵渎者的保罗来经历并传讲祂恩典的恩典;对提摩太的嘱咐。

1. by the commandment of God(奉神之命)——神权威性的命令,也是神的差遣。在较早的书信中,此语为"奉神的旨意"。此处则以暗示一种必然性被加在他身上的方式来表达——他作为使徒行事,并非仅仅出于他的自由选择。同一表达也出现在大概写于书信本身许久之后的那段颂赞词中[阿尔福德(Alford)]

(罗 16:26)。

God our Saviour(神我们的救主)——指父

(提前 2:3;4:10; 路 1:47; 提后 1:9; 多 1:3;2:10;3:4; 犹 24)。

这是犹太人在敬虔中使用的表达,源于旧约(参

诗 106:21)。

our hope(我们的盼望)——

(西 1:27; 多 1:2;2:13)。

Englisches Original

1Ti 1:1-20.

ADDRESS: PAUL'S DESIGN IN HAVING LEFT TIMOTHY AT EPHESUS, NAMELY, TO CHECK FALSE TEACHERS; TRUE USE OF THE LAW; HARMONIZING WITH THE GOSPEL; GOD'S GRACE IN CALLING PAUL, ONCE A BLASPHEMER, TO EXPERIENCE AND TO PREACH IT; CHARGES TO TIMOTHY.

1. by the commandment of God--the authoritative injunction, as well as the commission, of God. In the earlier Epistles the phrase is, "by the will of God." Here it is expressed in a manner implying that a necessity was laid on him to act as an apostle, not that it was merely at his option. The same expression occurs in the doxology, probably written long after the Epistle itself [ALFORD]

(Ro 16:26).

God our Saviour--The Father

(1Ti 2:3; 4:10; Lu 1:47; 2Ti 1:9; Tit 1:3; 2:10; 3:4; Jude 25).

It was a Jewish expression in devotion, drawn from the Old Testament (compare

Ps 106:21).

our hope--

(Col 1:27; Tit 1:2; 2:13).

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2. my own son(因信主作我真儿子)——字面意思为"a genuine son"(真儿子)(参

徒 16:1; 林前 4:14-17)。

见

绪论(Introduction)。

mercy(怜悯)——此处对提摩太的问安在普通的"愿恩惠

(罗 1:7; 林前 1:3

等等)归给你们、平安归给你们"之外,加上了"怜悯"。在

加 6:16

中,"平安、怜悯"连用。加拉太书与教牧书信在风格上有许多相似之处(参

绪论);

或许是因为他在那里和此处一样,都以纠正假教师——尤其是关于律法的正用与误用——为写作的主要目的

(提前 1:9)。

若将《提摩太前书》定为较早的日期,则它距《加拉太书》的写作时间不远(或在其前或在其后,视《加拉太书》写于以弗所还是哥林多而定),这也解释了某些风格上的相似。"怜悯"是恩典中较为温柔的一种,向可悲之人施行;人若在自己身上经历过怜悯,便特别适合承担福音的圣职。关于保罗自己,可比照

(提前 1:14, 16; 林前 7:25; 林后 4:1; 来 2:17)

[本格尔(Bengel)]。他对众教会没有用"怜悯"一词,因为"怜悯"已经全然临到他们;但在个别传道人的情形,则需要不断有新的怜悯添上。"恩惠"是针对人的罪;"怜悯"是针对人的苦。神向有罪的人广施恩惠;向可怜的人广施"怜悯"[特伦奇(Trench)]。

Jesus Christ(耶稣基督)——最古抄本的次序为"基督耶稣"。在教牧书信中,"基督"常被置于"耶稣"之前,为要强调旧约中提摩太所熟知的弥赛亚预言

(提后 3:15)

已在耶稣身上应验。

Englisches Original

2. my own son--literally, "a genuine son" (compare

Ac 16:1; 1Co 4:14-17).

See

Introduction.

mercy--added here, in addressing Timothy, to the ordinary salutation, "Grace unto you

(Ro 1:7; 1Co 1:3,

&c.), and peace." In

Ga 6:16,

"peace and mercy" occur. There are many similarities of style between the Epistle to the Galatians and the Pastoral Epistles (see

Introduction);

perhaps owing to his there, as here, having, as a leading object in writing, the correction of false teachers, especially as to the right and wrong use of the law

(1Ti 1:9).

If the earlier date be assigned to First Timothy, it will fall not long after, or before (according as the Epistle to the Galatians was written at Ephesus or at Corinth) the writing of the Epistle to the Galatians, which also would account for some similarity of style. "Mercy" is grace of a more tender kind, exercised towards the miserable, the experience of which in one's own case especially fits for the Gospel MINISTRY. Compare as to Paul himself

(1Ti 1:14, 16; 1Co 7:25; 2Co 4:1; Heb 2:17)

[BENGEL]. He did not use "mercy" as to the churches, because "mercy" in all its fulness already existed towards them; but in the case of an individual minister, fresh measures of it were continually needed. "Grace" has reference to the sins of men; "mercy" to their misery. God extends His grace to men as they are guilty; His "mercy" to them as they are miserable [TRENCH].

Jesus Christ--The oldest manuscripts read the order, "Christ Jesus." In the Pastoral Epistles "Christ" is often put before "Jesus," to give prominence to the fact that the Messianic promises of the Old Testament, well known to Timothy

(2Ti 3:15),

were fulfilled in Jesus.

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3. 提摩太对以弗所教会的督导,是作为使徒的代理人(locum tenens),因此是暂时的。如此,在以弗所或克里特于主持使徒不在期间所需要的督导监督职分,后来因原先督导众教会的使徒相继离世,便成为常设的机构。这些监督最早的称呼似乎是"使者"(angels)

(启 1:20)。

As I besought thee to abide still(我往马其顿去的时候,曾劝你仍住在以弗所)——他本想加上"so I still beseech thee"(如今我仍劝你),却直到

提前 1:18

才实际上(虽非形式上)补全此句。

at Ephesus(在以弗所)——保罗在

徒 20:25

曾对以弗所的长老说:"我知道你们以后都不得再见我的面了。"因此,若如各论据的天平所倾向的那样(参

绪论),

本书信写于保罗第一次被囚之后,那么他的预言与事实之间表面上的出入,可如此调和:前者的话并非他自己永不再访问以弗所(本节暗示他曾去过),而是他们众人"都不得再见他的面了"。我不能同意伯克斯(Birks)的看法,认为本节与他的理论相容——即保罗实际上并未访问以弗所,只是到了其邻近地区(参

提前 3:14;4:13)。

与"曾劝"(as)相对应的连词并未给出,此句直到

提前 1:18

才实际上补全。

I besought(曾劝)——一个温和的词,而非权威性的命令,因提摩太是同工。

some(那几个人)——不定代词对他们略带轻蔑

(加 2:12; 犹 4),

[埃利科特(Ellicott)]。

teach no other doctrine(不可传异教)——不可传我所教导之外的

(加 1:6-9)。

他数年前预言的担忧

(徒 20:29, 30)

如今正在应验(参

提前 6:3)。

Englisches Original

3. Timothy's superintendence of the Church at Ephesus was as locum tenens for the apostle, and so was temporary. Thus, the office of superintending overseer, needed for a time at Ephesus or Crete, in the absence of the presiding apostle, subsequently became a permanent institution on the removal, by death, of the apostles who heretofore superintended the churches. The first title of these overseers seems to have been "angels"

(Re 1:20).

As I besought thee to abide still--He meant to have added, "so I still beseech thee," but does not complete the sentence until he does so virtually, not formally, at

1Ti 1:18.

at Ephesus--Paul, in

Ac 20:25,

declared to the Ephesian elders, "I know that ye all shall see my face no more." If, then, as the balance of arguments seems to favor (see

Introduction),

this Epistle was written subsequently to Paul's first imprisonment, the apparent discrepancy between his prophecy and the event may be reconciled by considering that the terms of the former were not that he should never visit Ephesus again (which this verse implies he did), but that they all should "see his face no more." I cannot think with BIRKS, that this verse is compatible with his theory, that Paul did not actually visit Ephesus, though in its immediate neighborhood (compare

1Ti 3:14; 4:13).

The corresponding conjunction to "as" is not given, the sentence not being completed till it is virtually so at

1Ti 1:18.

I besought--a mild word, instead of authoritative command, to Timothy, as a fellow helper.

some--The indefinite pronoun is slightly contemptuous as to them

(Ga 2:12; Jude 4),

[ELLICOTT].

teach no other doctrine--than what I have taught

(Ga 1:6-9).

His prophetic bodings some years before

(Ac 20:29, 30)

were now being realized (compare

1Ti 6:3).

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4. fables(荒渺无凭的话语)——关于天使的起源与谱系的传奇,正如假教师在歌罗西所教导的

(西 2:18-23)。

"犹太人的荒渺言语"

(多 1:14)。

"世俗的言语和老妇荒渺的话"

(提前 4:7; 提后 4:4)。

genealogies(无穷的家谱)——不仅是犹太人当中常见的民事家谱——他们借此追溯自己源自列祖的血统(对此保罗不会反对,也不会如此处这般将其与"荒渺的话"并列),而是诺斯底式的灵与"永世"(aeons,他们如此称呼)的家谱,即"诺斯底发散的谱系"[阿尔福德(Alford)]。特土良(Tertullian)[Against Valentinian《驳华伦提努派》第3章]和爱任纽(Irenæus)[序言]亦如此。此处所指的犹太化教师,在维持摩西律法永远有效的同时,又加入了一种神智学的苦修倾向,自称能在律法中看见别人所看不见的奥秘。当时存在的,是后使徒时代诺斯底主义的种子,而非其完全长成的形态。这构成了犹太教与诺斯底主义之间的过渡阶段。"无穷"(endless)指他们冗长家谱令人厌倦的无益性(参

多 3:9)。

保罗以"万王之王、万主之主(即永世之王,希腊文如此,

提前 1:17),

愿尊贵荣耀归于祂,直到永永远远"来对抗他们的"永世"。"永世"(aeons)一词大概当时尚未被后来的诺斯底主义者用作专门术语;但"独一全智的神"

(提前 1:17)

却预先以诺斯底主义者自己的用语,驳斥了后来他们所采纳的观念。

questions(辩论)——纯属猜测的

(徒 25:20),

非实用性的;只会引发好奇的讨论。"疑问和言语争辩"

(提前 6:4):

"没有益处"

(提后 2:14);

"引起争竞"

(提后 2:23)。

想要作"教法师"之人的"虚妄无益的谈论"

(提前 1:6, 7)。

godly edifying(神在信上所立的章程)——最古抄本读作"the dispensation of God"(神的管家职分),即神向人的福音安排

(林前 9:17),

"就是在信心里"(其要素在信心中)。康比比尔(Conybeare)译作"The exercising of the stewardship of God"(运用神的管家职分)

(林前 9:17)。

他由此推断以弗所的假教师是长老,这与预言

徒 20:30

相符。然而,最古的拉丁文译本,以及爱任纽(Irenæus)和希拉流(Hilary),支持英文译本的读法。参

提前 1:5,

"无亏的良心、无伪的信心"。

Englisches Original

4. fables--legends about the origin and propagation of angels, such as the false teachers taught at Colosse

(Col 2:18-23).

"Jewish fables"

(Tit 1:14).

"Profane, and old wives' fables"

(1Ti 4:7; 2Ti 4:4).

genealogies--not merely such civil genealogies as were common among the Jews, whereby they traced their descent from the patriarchs, to which Paul would not object, and which he would not as here class with "fables," but Gnostic genealogies of spirits and aeons, as they called them, "Lists of Gnostic emanations" [ALFORD]. So TERTULLIAN [Against Valentinian, c. 3], and IRENÆUS [Preface]. The Judaizers here alluded to, while maintaining the perpetual obligation of the Mosaic law, joined with it a theosophic ascetic tendency, pretending to see in it mysteries deeper than others could see. The seeds, not the full-grown Gnosticism of the post-apostolic age, then existed. This formed the transition stage between Judaism and Gnosticism. "Endless" refers to the tedious unprofitableness of their lengthy genealogies (compare

Tit 3:9).

Paul opposes to their "aeons," the "King of the aeons (so the Greek,

1Ti 1:17),

whom be glory throughout the aeons of aeons." The word "aeons" was probably not used in the technical sense of the latter Gnostics as yet; but "the only wise God"

(1Ti 1:17),

by anticipation, confutes the subsequently adopted notions in the Gnostics' own phraseology.

questions--of mere speculation

(Ac 25:20),

not practical; generating merely curious discussions. "Questions and strifes of words"

(1Ti 6:4):

"to no profit"

(2Ti 2:14);

"gendering strifes"

(2Ti 2:23).

"Vain jangling"

(1Ti 1:6, 7)

of would-be "teachers of the law."

godly edifying--The oldest manuscripts read, "the dispensation of God," the Gospel dispensation of God towards man

(1Co 9:17),

"which is (has its element) in faith." CONYBEARE translates, "The exercising of the stewardship of God"

(1Co 9:17).

He infers that the false teachers in Ephesus were presbyters, which accords with the prophecy,

Ac 20:30.

However, the oldest Latin versions, and IRENÆUS and HILARY, support English Version reading. Compare

1Ti 1:5,

"faith unfeigned."

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5. But(但)——与假教师的教义成对比。

the end(总归)——目标。

the commandment(命令)——希腊文为"of the charge"(那嘱咐),即你当向你羊群强调的嘱咐。与

提前 1:3, 18

中的希腊文词相同;但此处含义更广,包括"神的家政(dispensation)"

(参

提前 1:4;

提前 1:11)——

即福音,这是交付给提摩太、他当以此"嘱咐"羊群的"嘱咐"的总和与实质。

charity(爱)——爱(LOVE);律法和福音的总归与目的,也是福音在其每一个本质的细节上成全律法之精意所在

(罗 13:10)。

根基是信心

(提前 1:4),

"总归"是爱

(提前 1:14; 多 3:15)。

out of(从……生发)——如同从源泉流出。

pure heart(清洁的心)——因信而得洁净的心

(徒 15:9; 提后 2:22; 多 1:15)。

good conscience(无亏的良心)——因在基督里有功效的纯正信心而得清除罪疚的良心

(提前 1:19; 提前 3:9; 提后 1:3; 彼前 3:21)。

与

提前 4:2; 多 1:15

相对;参

徒 23:1。

约翰用"心"之处,保罗会用"良心"。在保罗笔下,悟性是良心的所在;心是爱的所在[本格尔(Bengel)]。无亏的良心与纯正的信心相连;败坏的良心则与信上的不纯相连(参

来 9:14)。

faith unfeigned(无伪的信心)——不是虚伪、死寂、不结果子的信心,而是使人生发仁爱的信心

(加 5:6)。

假教师引诱人偏离这样有爱心、有行为、真实的信心,转向无益的、猜测性的"辩论"

(提前 1:4)

和虚妄的空谈

(提前 1:6)。

Englisches Original

5. But--in contrast to the doctrine of the false teachers.

the end--the aim.

the commandment--Greek, "of the charge" which you ought to urge on your flock. Referring to the same Greek word as in

1Ti 1:3, 18;

here, however, in a larger sense, as including the Gospel "dispensation of God" (see on

1Ti 1:4;

1Ti 1:11),

which was the sum and substance of the "charge" committed to Timothy wherewith he should "charge" his flock.

charity--LOVE; the sum and end of the law and of the Gospel alike, and that wherein the Gospel is the fulfilment of the spirit of the law in its every essential jot and tittle

(Ro 13:10).

The foundation is faith

(1Ti 1:4),

the "end" is love

(1Ti 1:14; Tit 3:15).

out of--springing as from a fountain.

pure heart--a heart purified by faith

(Ac 15:9; 2Ti 2:22; Tit 1:15).

good conscience--a conscience cleared from guilt by the effect of sound faith in Christ

(1Ti 1:19; 1Ti 3:9; 2Ti 1:3; 1Pe 3:21).

Contrast

1Ti 4:2; Tit 1:15;

compare

Ac 23:1.

John uses "heart," where Paul would use "conscience." In Paul the understanding is the seat of conscience; the heart is the seat of love [BENGEL]. A good conscience is joined with sound faith; a bad conscience with unsoundness in the faith (compare

Heb 9:14).

faith unfeigned--not a hypocritical, dead, and unfruitful faith, but faith working by love

(Ga 5:6).

The false teachers drew men off from such a loving, working, real faith, to profitless, speculative "questions"

(1Ti 1:4)

and jangling

(1Ti 1:6).

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6. From which(有人偏离)——即从清洁的心、无亏的良心和无伪的信心——爱的源头——偏离。

having swerved(偏离)——字面意思为"having missed the mark (the 'end')"(错过了当瞄准的[目标])。在

提前 6:21; 提后 2:18

中译作"偏离了真道"。他们不求也不达上述恩典,反而"转离

(提前 5:15; 提后 4:4; 来 12:13)

去讲虚浮的话";字面意思为"vain talk"(虚妄的谈论),论到律法和天使的家谱

(提前 1:7; 多 3:9;1:10);

提前 6:20,

"虚妄无益的空谈和敌真道的"。当属神的事没有得到真实讨论时,便是最大的虚妄

(罗 1:21)

[本格尔(Bengel)]。

Englisches Original

6. From which--namely, from a pure heart, good conscience, and faith unfeigned, the well-spring of love.

having swerved--literally, "having missed the mark (the 'end') to be aimed at." It is translated, "erred,"

1Ti 6:21; 2Ti 2:18.

Instead of aiming at and attaining the graces above named, they "have turned aside

(1Ti 5:15; 2Ti 4:4; Heb 12:13)

unto vain jangling"; literally, "vain talk," about the law and genealogies of angels

(1Ti 1:7; Tit 3:9; 1:10);

1Ti 6:20,

"vain babblings and oppositions." It is the greatest vanity when divine things are not truthfully discussed

(Ro 1:21)

[BENGEL].

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7. 他们"虚妄空谈"的样本

(提前 1:6)。

Desiring(想要)——他们是想做的教师,其实并非如此。

the law(律法)——犹太律法

(多 1:14;3:9)。

此处所指的犹太化教师,似乎有别于《加拉太书》和《罗马书》中所驳斥的那些——后者以律法的行为作为称义所必需,以对抗福音的恩典。此处所指的犹太化教师以他们假托建立在律法之上的"荒渺的话"败坏了律法,这些话既违背真理,也败坏道德。他们的错误不在于维持律法的约束力,而在于对律法的滥用——即以荒谬不道德的解释和增添歪曲律法。

neither what they say, nor whereof(不明白自己所讲说的)——既不明白自己的论断,也不明白自己所论说的对象本身。两者他们都不明白[阿尔福德(Alford)]。

Englisches Original

7. Sample of their "vain talk"

(1Ti 1:6).

Desiring--They are would-be teachers, not really so.

the law--the Jewish law

(Tit 1:14; 3:9).

The Judaizers here meant seem to be distinct from those impugned in the Epistles to the Galatians and Romans, who made the works of the law necessary to justification in opposition to Gospel grace. The Judaizers here meant corrupted the law with "fables," which they pretended to found on it, subversive of morals as well as of truth. Their error was not in maintaining the obligation of the law, but in abusing it by fabulous and immoral interpretations of, and additions to, it.

neither what they say, nor whereof--neither understanding their own assertions, nor the object itself about which they make them. They understand as little about the one as the other [ALFORD].

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8. But(我们知道)——"Now we know"(如今我们知道)

(罗 3:19;7:14)。

law is good(律法原是好的)——完全与神的圣洁和良善相符。

if a man(人若)——首先指教师;然后指每一位基督徒。

use it lawfully(合律法地用)——在福音安排中律法的合法地位上使用,即不是作为"'义人"借以比单凭福音所能达到的更高完全的手段

(提前 4:8; 多 1:14)——

这正是假教师对律法的滥用——而是作为在不敬虔之人中唤起罪感的方法

(提前 1:9, 10;

参

罗 7:7-12; 加 3:21)。

Englisches Original

8. But--"Now we know"

(Ro 3:19; 7:14).

law is good--in full agreement with God's holiness and goodness.

if a man--primarily, a teacher; then, every Christian.

use it lawfully--in its lawful place in the Gospel economy, namely, not as a means of a "'righteous man" attaining higher perfection than could be attained by the Gospel alone

(1Ti 4:8; Tit 1:14),

which was the perverted use to which the false teachers put it, but as a means of awakening the sense of sin in the ungodly

(1Ti 1:9, 10;

compare

Ro 7:7-12; Ga 3:21).

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9. law is not made for a righteous man(律法不是为义人设立的)——不是为那因信站在基督的义中(穿上为称义,并由圣灵内里赐下为成圣)的人设立的。"一个在法律上不伏在律法之下的人"[阿尔福德(Alford)]。论到成圣,律法并不赐下内里的力量来遵行它;但阿尔福德(Alford)说义人"在道德上不需要律法",这话说得太过。无疑,义人随其被圣灵内里引导的程度,便不需要律法——律法只是外在的规则

(罗 6:14; 加 5:18, 23)。

但义人既常不完全顺服圣灵的内里引导,他在道德上仍需要外在的律法来向他显明自己的罪和神的要求。十诫之所以没有权柄定基督徒的罪,并非因为十诫对基督徒没有权柄,而是因为基督已作为我们的保人成全了它们

(罗 10:4)。

disobedient(不服的)——希腊文为"not subject"(不顺服);不服从的;在

多 1:6, 10

中译作"不顺服的";"不服约束和不顺从的人"指律法的反对者,律法正是为他们"设立的"(如此希腊文,与"is made"相应)。

ungodly and . . . sinners(不虔诚和犯罪的人)——希腊文为不敬畏神的人,以及公开向祂犯罪的人;神的反对者,律法正是针对他们而来。

unholy and profane(不圣洁和世俗的人)——内里不洁净的人,以及当被排除在外在圣所事奉之外的人;违反第三和第四诫的罪人。

murderers(弑父弑母的人)——或按希腊文可作"打父母的人"smiters");违反第五诫的罪人。

manslayers(杀人的人)——违反第六诫的罪人。

Englisches Original

9. law is not made for a righteous man--not for one standing by faith in the righteousness of Christ put on him for justification,and imparted inwardly by the Spirit for sanctification. "One not forensically amenable to the law" [ALFORD]. For sanctification, the law gives no inward power to fulfil it; but ALFORD goes too far in speaking of the righteous man as "not morally needing the law." Doubtless, in proportion as he is inwardly led by the Spirit, the justified man needs not the law, which is only an outward rule

(Ro 6:14; Ga 5:18, 23).

But as the justified man often does not give himself up wholly to the inward leading of the Spirit, he morally needs the outward law to show him his sin and God's requirements. The reason why the ten commandments have no power to condemn the Christian, is not that they have no authority over him, but because Christ has fulfilled them as our surety

(Ro 10:4).

disobedient--Greek, "not subject"; insubordinate; it is translated "unruly,"

Tit 1:6, 10;

"lawless and disobedient" refer to opposers of the law, for whom it is "enacted" (so the Greek, for "is made").

ungodly and . . . sinners--Greek, he who does not reverence God, and he who openly sins against Him; the opposers of God, from the law comes.

unholy and profane--those inwardly impure, and those deserving exclusion from the outward participation in services of the sanctuary; sinners against the third and fourth commandments.

murderers--or, as the Greek may mean, "smiters" of fathers and . . . mothers; sinners against the fifth commandment.

manslayers--sinners against the sixth commandment.

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10. whoremongers, &c.(行淫的等等)——违反第七诫的罪人。

men-stealers(拐卖人口的人)——即贩卖奴隶的人。这是违反第八诫最严重的罪行。偷取人的财物,其凶残程度远不及偷取人的自由。新约并未直接攻击奴隶制;若直接如此行,便是暴力颠覆现存秩序。但基督教所教导的原则,无论在何处得以自然发展,都必将逐步瓦解并最终推翻奴隶制

(太 7:12)。

liars . . . perjured(说谎的人……起假誓的人)——违反第九诫的人。

if there be any other thing(或是别的敌挡正道的事)——对应第十诫最广义的层面。他并未特别指明,因为他的目的是要带出更明显的罪行;而第十诫是极深的属灵诫命,以至于正是借此诫,罪在其最隐微的"私欲"形态中所带来的罪感——正如保罗所言

(罗 7:7)——

深深刻在他自己的良心里。保罗如此论证:这些想做教法师的人,一面自夸借着律法达到更高完全,一面却实在把自己从福音的高处拉下来,降到那"不法的"人——就是律法所针对、而非针对福音信徒之人——的水平上。而在实际生活中,正如本案例那样,最坚持律法作为道德完全之手段的人,最终恰恰最有可能在律法的道德上完全堕落。福音的恩典才是成圣也是称义唯一真正的途径。

sound(正道)——healthy(健全),属灵上有益健康(wholesome)

(提前 6:3; 提后 1:13; 多 1:13;2:2),

与病态的(如"专好问难"的希腊文所指,

提前 6:4)

以及"毒疮"(canker)

(提后 2:17)

相对。"那合乎敬虔的道理"(the doctrine, or teaching, which is according to godliness)

(提前 6:3)。

Englisches Original

10. whoremongers, &c.--sinners against the seventh commandment.

men-stealers--that is, slave dealers. The most heinous offense against the eighth commandment. No stealing of a man's goods can equal in atrocity the stealing of a man's liberty. Slavery is not directly assailed in the New Testament; to have done so would have been to revolutionize violently the existing order of things. But Christianity teaches principles sure to undermine, and at last overthrow it, wherever Christianity has had its natural development

(Mt 7:12).

liars . . . perjured--offenders against the ninth commandment.

if there be any other thing--answering to the tenth commandment in its widest aspect. He does not particularly specify it because his object is to bring out the grosser forms of transgression; whereas the tenth is deeply spiritual, so much so indeed, that it was by it that the sense of sin, in its subtlest form of "lust," Paul tells us

(Ro 7:7),

was brought home to his own conscience. Thus, Paul argues, these would-be teachers of the law, while boasting of a higher perfection through it, really bring themselves down from the Gospel elevation to the level of the grossly "lawless," for whom, not for Gospel believers, the law was designed. And in actual practice the greatest sticklers for the law as the means of moral perfection, as in this case, are those ultimately liable to fall utterly from the morality of the law. Gospel grace is the only true means of sanctification as well as of justification.

sound--healthy, spiritually wholesome

(1Ti 6:3; 2Ti 1:13; Tit 1:13; 2:2),

as opposed to sickly, morbid (as the Greek of "doting" means,

1Ti 6:4),

and "canker"

(2Ti 2:17).

"The doctrine," or "teaching, which is according to godliness"

(1Ti 6:3).

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11. According to the glorious gospel(这是照着可称颂之神交托我荣耀福音说的)——基督徒从律法得自由——无论是作为称义者还是作为成圣者——这是前文

提前 1:9, 10

所暗示的,也是本节

提前 1:11

所承接的。义人从律法中得豁免、律法被归于不法之人为其真正的对象,这是"照着荣耀(希腊文如此,参注,

林后 4:4)

之福音说的,这福音属于那可称颂的神"。福音彰显了神的荣耀

(弗 1:17;3:16)——

将信徒因基督的义,无需"律法"

(提前 1:9)

而算为"义";又将那使人厌弃律法所针对

(提前 1:9, 10)

之一切罪恶的义赐给人。"可称颂"(blessed)一词既指不朽,又指至高的福乐。那至高可称颂者,便是一切福乐之源。此词用于神,只见于此处及

提前 6:15:

在此论及福音之福时使用,正是合宜,与律法之下之人的咒诅

(提前 1:9; 加 3:10)

成对比。

committed to my trust(交托我)——按希腊文的次序当译作"committed in trust to me"(交托给我保管),将保罗置于显著的强调位置;与那些假教师——他们没有福音的使命——自取的那一类律法教导

(提前 1:8; 多 1:3)

相对。

Englisches Original

11. According to the glorious gospel--The Christian's freedom from the law as a sanctifier, as well as a justifier, implied in the previous,

1Ti 1:9, 10,

is what this

1Ti 1:11

is connected with. This exemption of the righteous from the law, and assignment of it to the lawless as its true object, is "according to the Gospel of the glory (so the Greek, compare Note, see on

2Co 4:4)

of the blessed God." The Gospel manifests God's glory

(Eph 1:17; 3:16)

in accounting "righteous" the believer, through the righteousness of Christ, without "the law"

(1Ti 1:9);

and in imparting that righteousness whereby he loathes all those sins against which

(1Ti 1:9, 10)

the law is directed. The term, "blessed," indicates at once immortality and supreme happiness. The supremely blessed One is He from whom all blessedness flows. This term, as applied to GOD, occurs only here and in

1Ti 6:15:

appropriate in speaking here of the Gospel blessedness, in contrast to the curse on those under the law

(1Ti 1:9; Ga 3:10).

committed to my trust--Translate as in the Greek order, which brings into prominent emphasis Paul, "committed in trust to me"; in contrast to the kind of law-teaching which they (who had no Gospel commission), the false teachers, assumed to themselves

(1Ti 1:8; Tit 1:3).

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12. 他因蒙赐福音圣职而得的尊荣,引出此处对从前自己的追述——他从前并不比上文所描述的那些不法之人

(提前 1:9, 10)

更好,直到我们主的恩典

(提前 1:14)

临到他。

And(我感谢)——大多数(并非全部)最古抄本无此字。

I thank(我感谢)——希腊文为"I have (that is, feel) gratitude"(我有[即感到]感恩)。

enabled me(加给我力量)——与

徒 9:22

"扫罗越发有能力"中的希腊文动词相同。是保罗与其同伴路加之间一处不经意的吻合。加力量给我,即为圣职加力量。"我将这道理传给人,不是凭自己的力量,而是蒙那拯救我的一位所坚固、所赋予力量的"[狄奥多瑞特(Theodoret)]。人按本性是"无力"的

(罗 5:6)。

真正的归信与蒙召赋予人力量[本格尔(Bengel)]。

for that(因他以我有忠心)——他"感谢基督"的主要理由。

he counted me faithful(他以我为忠心)——他预定并预见我会忠于所托。保罗为此感谢神,表明他忠心的功劳唯独归于神的恩典,而非他自己的天然力量

(林前 7:25)。

忠心是管家所当有的品质

(林前 4:2)。

putting me into(立我)——更恰当的译法,如

帖前 5:9,

"appointing me (in His sovereign purposes of grace) unto the ministry"([在祂主权的恩典旨意中]派我[承担]圣职)

(徒 20:24)。

Englisches Original

12. The honor done him in having the Gospel ministry committed to him suggests the digression to what he once was, no better

(1Ti 1:13)

than those lawless ones described above

(1Ti 1:9, 10),

when the grace of our Lord

(1Ti 1:14)

visited him.

And--omitted in most (not all) of the oldest manuscripts.

I thank--Greek, "I have (that is, feel) gratitude."

enabled me--the same Greek verb as in

Ac 9:22,

"Saul increased the more in strength." An undesigned coincidence between Paul and Luke, his companion. Enabled me, namely, for the ministry. "It is not in my own strength that I bring this doctrine to men, but as strengthened and nerved by Him who saved me" [THEODORET]. Man is by nature "without strength"

(Ro 5:6).

True conversion and calling confer power [BENGEL].

for that--the main ground of his "thanking Christ."

he counted me faithful--He foreordered and foresaw that I would be faithful to the trust committed to me. Paul's thanking God for this shows that the merit of his faithfulness was due solely to God's grace, not to his own natural strength

(1Co 7:25).

Faithfulness is the quality required in a steward

(1Co 4:2).

putting me into--rather as in

1Th 5:9,

"appointing me (in His sovereign purposes of grace) unto the ministry"

(Ac 20:24).

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13. Who was before(我从前是)——希腊文为"Formerly being a blasphemer"(我从前是亵渎神的)。"Notwithstanding that I was before a blasphemer"(虽然我从前是亵渎神的)等等

(徒 26:9, 11)。

persecutor(逼迫人的)——

(加 1:13)。

injurious(侮慢人的)——希腊文为"insulter"(侮辱者);因傲慢蔑视他人而伤害人者。在

罗 1:30

中译作"狂傲的"。在人得罪之上又加上侮辱。本格尔(Bengel)译作"a despiser"(藐视者)。我更倾向对他人出言不逊之意[瓦尔(Wahl)]。不过我同意本格尔所说的——"亵渎"是对神,"逼迫"是对圣人,"侮慢地伤害"既包含伤害他人之意,也包含对自己的傲慢"自恃"[唐纳森(Donaldson)]。这种对神、对邻舍、对自己的三重关系,在此书信中常常出现

(提前 1:5, 9, 14; 多 2:12)。

I obtained mercy(蒙了怜悯)——神的怜悯与保罗的缺乏怜悯形成鲜明对比[埃利科特(Ellicott)];希腊文为"I was made the object of mercy"(我成了怜悯的对象)。怜悯之感常在使徒心中(参注,

提前 1:2)。

那些经历过怜悯的人,最能怜悯那些偏离正道的人

(来 5:2, 3)。

because I did it ignorantly(因我是不信、不明白的时候而作的)——无知本身不配得赦免;但它是不信的一个较不有罪的原因,与骄傲、故意硬心抵挡真理相比

(约 9:41; 徒 26:9)。

因此这是基督为钉祂之人代求的理由

(路 23:34);

使徒们也将它作为减轻犹太人之罪的因素,以及一扇可盼望的悔改之门

(徒 3:17; 罗 10:2)。

"因为"等等并不暗示无知是蒙怜悯的充分理由;而是表明这样一位罪人何以可能蒙怜悯。蒙怜悯的积极根据唯独在于神的怜悯

(多 3:5)。

无知的根据在于不信,这意味着此无知并非无罪。但他在律法上的诚实热心,与故意抵挡神的灵之间,大有分别

(太 12:24-32; 路 11:52)

[维辛格(Wiesinger)]。

Englisches Original

13. Who was before--Greek, "Formerly being a blasphemer." "Notwithstanding that I was before a blasphemer," &c.

(Ac 26:9, 11).

persecutor--

(Ga 1:13).

injurious--Greek, "insulter"; one who acts injuriously from arrogant contempt of others. Translate,

Ro 1:30,

"despiteful." One who added insult to injury. BENGEL translates, "a despiser." I prefer the idea, contumelious to others [WAHL]. Still I agree with BENGEL that "blasphemer" is against God, "persecutor," against holy men, and "insolently injurious" includes, with the idea of injuring others, that of insolent "uppishness" [DONALDSON] in relation to one's self. This threefold relation to God, to one's neighbor, and to one's self, occurs often in this Epistle

(1Ti 1:5, 9, 14; Tit 2:12).

I obtained mercy--God's mercy, and Paul's want of it, stand in sharp contrast [ELLICOTT]; Greek, "I was made the object of mercy." The sense of mercy was perpetual in the mind of the apostle (compare Note, see on

1Ti 1:2).

Those who have felt mercy can best have mercy on those out of the way

(Heb 5:2, 3).

because I did it ignorantly--Ignorance does not in itself deserve pardon; but it is a less culpable cause of unbelief than pride and wilful hardening of one's self against the truth

(Joh 9:41; Ac 26:9).

Hence it is Christ's plea of intercession for His murderers

(Lu 23:34);

and it is made by the apostles a mitigating circumstance in the Jews' sin, and one giving a hope of a door of repentance

(Ac 3:17; Ro 10:2).

The "because," &c., does not imply that ignorance was a sufficient reason for mercy being bestowed; but shows how it was possible that such a sinner could obtain mercy. The positive ground of mercy being shown to him, lies solely in the compassion of God

(Tit 3:5).

The ground of the ignorance lies in the unbelief, which implies that this ignorance is not unaccompanied with guilt. But there is a great difference between his honest zeal for the law, and a wilful striving against the Spirit of God

(Mt 12:24-32; Lu 11:52)

[WIESINGER].

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14. And(并且)——希腊文为"But"(但是)。Not only so(was mercy shown me),but(不仅[对我显明了怜悯]),而且

the grace(主的恩)——借此"我蒙了怜悯"

(提前 1:13)。

was exceeding abundant(格外丰盛)——希腊文为"superabounded"(越发洋溢)。"罪在哪里显多,恩典就更显多了"

(罗 5:20)。

with faith(又有)——伴随着信心,与"不信"

(提前 1:13)

相对。

love(爱心)——与"亵渎神的、逼迫人的、侮慢人的"成对比。

which is in Christ(在基督里)——作为其所在与归宿[阿尔福德(Alford)]:在此作为其源头,从那里流到我们这里。

Englisches Original

14. And--Greek, "But." Not only so (was mercy shown me), but

the grace--by which "I obtained mercy"

(1Ti 1:13).

was exceeding abundant--Greek, "superabounded." Where sin abounded, grace did much more abound"

(Ro 5:20).

with faith--accompanied with faith, the opposite of "unbelief"

(1Ti 1:13).

love--in contrast to "a blasphemer, persecutor, and injurious."

which is in Christ--as its element and home [ALFORD]: here as its source whence it flows to us.

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15. faithful(可信的)——worthy of credit(值得相信),因为说这话的"神"对自己的话是"信实的"

(林前 1:9; 帖前 5:24; 帖后 3:3; 启 21:5;22:6)。

这话似乎已成为基督徒中间一句格言式的箴言——"可信的话"(faithful saying)一语是教牧书信所特有的

(提前 2:11;4:9; 多 3:8)。

按希腊文当译作"Faithful is the saying"(这话是可信的)。

all(一切)——all possible(一切可能的);full(完全的);当被一切人所领受,并用心思、感情和心灵的一切能力来领受。保罗不像假教师

(提前 1:7)

那样不明白自己所讲的和所论的;他以朴素的风格和主题,陈明借着基督得救这一伟大的根本真理,反驳了假教师晦涩不切实的猜测

(林前 1:18-28; 多 2:1)。

acceptation(领受的)——reception(接纳)(如对恩赐的接纳),不仅纳入悟性,更纳入心中,满心喜乐;这就是信心对福音邀请的运用,欢迎并领受它

(徒 2:41)。

Christ(基督)——如所应许的。

Jesus(耶稣)——如所显明的[本格尔(Bengel)]。

came into the world(降世)——这世界满了罪

(约 1:29; 罗 5:12; 约一 2:2)。

这暗示祂的先存性。

约 1:9,

希腊文,"the true Light that, coming into the world, lighteth every man"(那真光来到世界,照亮一切的人")。

to save sinners(拯救罪人)——甚至像扫罗这样显赫的罪人。自升天以来,他的例子在罪之大、怜悯之大上无可匹敌:那赞同司提反——首位殉道者——之死的人,竟成为司提反所传之道的继承人!

I am(我是个)——不仅是"I was chief"(我从前是魁首)

(林前 15:9; 弗 3:8;

参

路 18:13)。

对每一位信徒而言,只要他活着,自己的罪在他眼中总比别人的罪更大——他绝不能像认识自己的罪那样认识别人的罪。

chief(罪魁)——与

提前 1:16

"首先的"(first)中的希腊文词相同,该处即暗指本

第十五节。

两节皆当译作"foremost"(首先的")。他既如此推论——既然对他有怜悯,那么对一切愿意到基督这里来的人也有怜悯——便无可厚非

(太 18:11; 路 19:10)。

Englisches Original

15. faithful--worthy of credit, because "God" who says it "is faithful" to His word

(1Co 1:9; 1Th 5:24; 2Th 3:3; Re 21:5; 22:6).

This seems to have become an axiomatic saying among Christians the phrase, "faithful saying," is peculiar to the Pastoral Epistles

(1Ti 2:11; 4:9; Tit 3:8).

Translate as Greek, "Faithful is the saying."

all--all possible; full; to be received by all, and with all the faculties of the soul, mind, and heart. Paul, unlike the false teachers

(1Ti 1:7),

understands what he is saying, and whereof he affirms; and by his simplicity of style and subject, setting forth the grand fundamental truth of salvation through Christ, confutes the false teachers' abstruse and unpractical speculations

(1Co 1:18-28; Tit 2:1).

acceptation--reception (as of a boon) into the heart, as well as the understanding, with all gladness; this is faith acting on the Gospel offer, and welcoming and appropriating it

(Ac 2:41).

Christ--as promised.

Jesus--as manifested [BENGEL].

came into the world--which was full of sin

(Joh 1:29; Ro 5:12; 1Jo 2:2).

This implies His pre-existence.

Joh 1:9,

Greek, "the true Light that, coming into the world, lighteth every man."

to save sinners--even notable sinners like Saul of Tarsus. His instance was without a rival since the ascension, in point of the greatness of the sin and the greatness of the mercy: that the consenter to Stephen, the proto-martyr's death, should be the successor of the same!

I am--not merely, "I was chief"

(1Co 15:9; Eph 3:8;

compare

Lu 18:13).

To each believer his own sins must always appear, as long as he lives, greater than those of others, which he never can know as he can know his own.

chief--the same Greek as in

1Ti 1:16,

"first," which alludes to this

fifteenth verse,

Translate in both verses, "foremost." Well might he infer where there was mercy for him, there is mercy for all who will come to Christ

(Mt 18:11; Lu 19:10).

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16. Howbeit(然而我蒙了怜悯)——希腊文为"But"(但是);将自己的自觉有罪与神以怜悯临到他形成对比。

for this cause(我所以)——即for this very purpose(正是为此目的)。

that in me(在我身上)——在我的情形上。

first(首先)——"foremost"(首先的")。我既在罪上是"首先的"(希腊文为chief,

提前 1:15),

神就使我成为怜悯的"首先"样本。

show(给后来……作榜样)——向祂自己的荣耀(中动希腊文语态),

弗 2:7。

all long-suffering(一切的忍耐)——希腊文为"the whole (of His) long-suffering"([祂]全部的忍耐"),即在我作逼迫者时如此长久地容忍我。

a pattern(榜样)——sample(样本)

(林前 10:6, 11)——

用以向最大的罪人保证,他们若到基督这里来,必不致被拒,因为连扫罗也蒙了怜悯。大卫也是如此,将自己的蒙赦——尽管罪极大——作为样本,鼓励其他罪人寻求赦免

(诗 32:5, 6)。

希腊文"榜样"(pattern)一词有时用作"sketch"(草图)或"outline"(轮廓)——至于填充的内容,则各按自己的情形而成就。

believe on him(信靠祂)——信心安息在祂之上——这是信心所倚靠的唯一根基。

to life everlasting(得永生)——信心始终注目的终极目标

(多 1:2)。

Englisches Original

16. Howbeit--Greek, "But"; contrasting his own conscious sinfulness with God's gracious visitation of him in mercy.

for this cause--for this very purpose.

that in me--in my case.

first--"foremost." As I was "foremost" (Greek for chief,

1Ti 1:15)

in sin, so God has made me the "foremost" sample of mercy.

show--to His own glory (the middle Greek, voice),

Eph 2:7.

all long-suffering--Greek, "the whole (of His) long-suffering," namely, in bearing so long with me while I was a persecutor.

a pattern--a sample

(1Co 10:6, 11)

to assure the greatest sinners of the certainty that they shall not be rejected in coming to Christ, since even Saul found mercy. So David made his own case of pardon, notwithstanding the greatness of his sin, a sample to encourage other sinners to seek pardon

(Ps 32:5, 6).

The Greek for "pattern" is sometimes used for a "sketch" or outline--the filling up to take place in each man's own case.

believe on him--Belief rests ON Him as the only foundation on which faith relies.

to life everlasting--the ultimate aim which faith always keeps in view

(Tit 1:2).

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17. 这是对福音那美好而质朴之宣告的合适结语——保罗自己的经历就是其活的样本或榜样。正是从对恩典的经历之感,才涌流出这颂赞[本格尔(Bengel)]。

the King, eternal(不能朽坏之王)——字面意思为"King of the (eternal) ages"([永恒]世代之王)。七十士译本译

出 15:18

为"主必作王直到永世,并且更远"。

诗 145:13,

边注,"你的国是永远的国",字面意思为"万世之国"。上文

提前 1:16

的"永生"(life everlasting)在此引出"永世之王"(King eternal)或永远之王(everlasting)。它也与结语"for ever and ever"(世世无尽")相应,字面意思为"to the ages of the ages"(世世代代[即由无数世代所组成的无数世代])。

immortal(不能朽坏的)——最古抄本读作"incorruptible"(不能朽坏的)。然而武加大译本(Vulgate)和一份极古的抄本读法如英文译本

(罗 1:23)。

invisible(不能看见的)——

(提前 6:16; 出 33:20; 约 1:18; 西 1:15; 来 11:27)。

the only wise God(独一的神)——最古抄本省略"wise"(智慧的),此字大概是从

罗 16:27

混入的——在那里它比在此更合上下文(参

犹 25)。

"独一权能的主"

(提前 6:15; 诗 86:10; 约 5:44)。

for ever, &c.(阿们)——见上文注。永世的思想(对不信之人而言是可怕的),对那些确信恩典的人则是可喜悦的

(提前 1:16)

[本格尔(Bengel)]。

Englisches Original

17. A suitable conclusion to the beautifully simple enunciation of the Gospel, of which his own history is a living sample or pattern. It is from the experimental sense of grace that the doxology flows [BENGEL].

the King, eternal--literally, "King of the (eternal) ages." The Septuagint translates

Ex 15:18,

"The Lord shall reign for ages and beyond them."

Ps 145:13,

Margin, "Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom," literally, "a kingdom of all ages." The "life everlasting"

(1Ti 1:16)

suggested here "the King eternal," or everlasting. It answers also to "for ever and ever" at the close, literally, "to the ages of the ages" (the countless succession of ages made up of ages).

immortal--The oldest manuscripts read, "incorruptible." The Vulgate, however, and one very old manuscript read as English Version

(Ro 1:23).

invisible--

(1Ti 6:16; Ex 33:20; Joh 1:18; Col 1:15; Heb 11:27).

the only wise God--The oldest manuscripts omit "wise," which probably crept in from

Ro 16:27,

where it is more appropriate to the context than here (compare

Jude 25).

"The only Potentate"

(1Ti 6:15; Ps 86:10; Joh 5:44).

for ever, &c.--See note, above. The thought of eternity (terrible as it is to unbelievers) is delightful to those assured of grace

(1Ti 1:16)

[BENGEL].

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18. 他重新承接在

提前 1:3

开始的主题。前文"as I besought thee . . . charge"(曾劝你……嘱咐)

(提前 1:3)

的结论(apodosis,主句),此处若非形式上,至少实质上已经给出。

This charge(我儿提摩太啊,我照从前指着你的预言,将这命令交托你)——即"that thou in them (so the Greek) mightest war"([如此希腊文]你可以在它们[即预言]中间争战),即尽你的崇高呼召——不仅作为基督徒,更作为传道人在职分上尽忠,其中一项本分就是"嘱咐那几个人不可传异教"

(提前 1:3)。

I commit(交托你)——作为一份神圣的托管

(提前 6:20; 提后 2:2)

呈明在听者面前。

according to(照着)——in pursuance of;in consonance with(随从;与……相符)。

the prophecies which went before on thee(从前指着你的预言)——先知在你按立之时

提前 4:14

(大概是保罗的同伴、也是"先知"的西拉——

徒 15:32——

所说的)所给的指明。这样的预言性指明,以及弟兄们对提摩太的好名声

(徒 16:2),

可能促使保罗带他作同伴。参关于其他人的类似预言:

徒 13:1-3,

与按手相连;

徒 11:28;21:10, 11;

参

林前 12:10;14:1; 弗 4:11。

在

徒 20:28

中明确说"圣灵立他们(以弗所的长老们)作监督"。罗马的革利免(Clement of Rome)[致哥林多人前书]说,使徒的习惯是"借着圣灵来试验"——即借着"辨别的能力"——以决定各处新建教会中谁当任监督和执事。亚历山大的革利免论到以弗所附近的教会也说,监督们是借着圣灵向约翰的启示而被标出受按立的。

by them(借这命令)——希腊文为"in them"(在它们中间);仿佛以它们为装备;以它们为兵器。

warfare(打仗)——not the mere "fight"(不仅是"争战"

提前 6:12; 提后 4:7),

而是整个战役;军旅之役。按希腊文当译作"那美好的仗"(the good warfare),而非"一场美好的仗"(a good warfare)。

Englisches Original

18. He resumes the subject begun at

1Ti 1:3.

The conclusion (apodosis) to the foregoing, "as I besought thee . . . charge"

(1Ti 1:3),

is here given, if not formally, at least substantially.

This charge--namely, "that thou in them (so the Greek) mightest war," that is, fulfil thy high calling, not only as a Christian, but as a minister officially, one function of which is, to "charge some that they teach no other doctrine"

(1Ti 1:3).

I commit--as a sacred deposit

(1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 2:2)

to be laid before thy hearers.

according to--in pursuance of; in consonance with.

the prophecies which went before on thee--the intimations given by prophets respecting thee at thy ordination,

1Ti 4:14

(as, probably, by Silas, a companion of Paul, and "a prophet,"

Ac 15:32).

Such prophetical intimation, as well as the good report given of Timothy by the brethren

(Ac 16:2),

may have induced Paul to take him as his companion. Compare similar prophecies as to others:

Ac 13:1-3,

in connection with laying on of hands;

Ac 11:28; 21:10, 11;

compare

1Co 12:10; 14:1; Eph 4:11.

In

Ac 20:28,

it is expressly said that "the Holy Ghost had made them (the Ephesian presbyters) overseers." CLEMENT OF ROME [Epistle to the Corinthians], states it was the custom of the apostles "to make trial by the Spirit," that is, by the "power of discerning," in order to determine who were to be overseers and deacons in the several churches planted. So CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA says as to the churches near Ephesus, that the overseers were marked out for ordination by a revelation of the Holy Ghost to St. John.

by them--Greek, "in them"; arrayed as it were in them; armed with them.

warfare--not the mere "fight"

(1Ti 6:12; 2Ti 4:7),

but the whole campaign; the military service. Translate as Greek, not "a," but "the good warfare."

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19. Holding(常存)——Keeping hold of "faith" and "good conscience"(持守"信心"和"无亏的良心"

提前 1:5);

不像"有些人"那样将其"抛弃"。信心如同极其珍贵的液体;无亏的良心是盛装它的洁净纯粹的器皿[本格尔(Bengel)]。无亏的良心的丧失,必然带来信心的破船。罪的意识(未悔改未蒙赦免的)会扼杀人里面信心的萌芽[维辛格(Wiesinger)]。

which(就是无亏的良心)——希腊文为单数,即"无亏的良心",不包含"信心";然而抛弃无亏良心的结果,是人也失掉信心。

put away(丢弃)——一个故意的行动。他们把它当作一个讨厌的提醒者推开。当它的主人厌烦了它的恳切劝戒,决意保留自己的罪,不惜失去它时,它才不情愿地——被强制地——退去。人不能同时又与它、又与罪为友。

made shipwreck(破了船)——"with respect to THE faith"(关于那真道)。信心是他们公开宣称已经登上的船,无亏的良心是这船的锚。古代教会常用这一比喻,将信心的历程比作航行。希腊文并不暗示一个曾经有信心的人将其毁了;而是说那些抛弃无亏良心的人"在那真道上破了船"。

Englisches Original

19. Holding--Keeping hold of "faith" and "good conscience"

(1Ti 1:5);

not "putting the latter away" as "some." Faith is like a very precious liquor; a good conscience is the clean, pure glass that contains it [BENGEL]. The loss of good conscience entails the shipwreck of faith. Consciousness of sin (unrepented of and forgiven) kills the germ of faith in man [WIESINGER].

which--Greek singular, namely, "good conscience," not "faith" also; however, the result of putting away good conscience is, one loses faith also.

put away--a wilful act. They thrust it from them as a troublesome monitor. It reluctantly withdraws, extruded by force, when its owner is tired of its importunity, and is resolved to retain his sin at the cost of losing it. One cannot be on friendly terms with it and with sin at one and the same time.

made shipwreck--"with respect to THE faith." Faith is the vessel in which they had professedly embarked, of which "good conscience" is the anchor. The ancient Church often used this image, comparing the course of faith to navigation. The Greek does not imply that one having once had faith makes shipwreck of it, but that they who put away good conscience "make shipwreck with respect to THE faith."

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20. Hymenaeus(许米乃)——将他视为

提后 2:17

中的许米乃并无困难。虽然"被交给撒但"(即教会之外一切的主

徒 26:18,

以及在神司法性允许下,对悖逆之人的忿怒执行者

林前 5:5; 林后 12:7),

他后来大概被重新接纳归入教会,又再度搅扰它。保罗作为使徒,虽远在罗马,却宣告了要在以弗所执行的判决——大概包括将犯罪者逐出教会

(太 18:17, 18)。

这判决不仅在属灵上,也在身体上发生效用:疾病或某种类似的神的击打临到被逐出教会的人身上,为要带他悔改以致得救。此处的亚历山大大概就是那"铜匠"——在保罗访问以弗所时大大苦害保罗的。"把他交给撒但"大概是他抵挡使徒的结果

(提后 4:14, 15);

正如对许米乃的同一判决是他说"复活的事已过"的结果

(提后 2:18;

他抛弃无亏良心,自然导致在信仰上的破船

提前 1:19。

人的宗教若不能改善他的道德,他的道德缺陷便会腐蚀他的宗教。从天降下的纯雨水,若盛在不洁净的器皿中,便不再纯净[惠特利大主教(Archbishop Whateley)]。他可能就是那位亚历山大——当时是犹太人,在以弗所的暴乱中被犹太人推出来反对保罗的

(徒 19:33)。

that they may(免得他们)——not "might"(不是"可能");暗示效果仍在继续——这判决至今尚未撤销。

learn(就可以受责罚)——希腊文为"be disciplined"(受管教"),即借着责罚和受苦。

blaspheme(亵渎)——神和基督的名,即借着与基督徒信仰不相称的行为和教导

(罗 2:23, 24; 雅 2:7)。

虽然使徒有逐出教会之权——并伴有神迹性地降下的身体刑罚

(林后 10:8),

但如今容易犯错的传道人除将声名狼藉的恶行者排除于教会团契之外,是否尚有任何权柄,则不得而知。

Englisches Original

20. Hymenaeus--There is no difficulty in supposing him to be the Hymenæus of

2Ti 2:17.

Though "delivered over to Satan" (the lord of all outside the Church,

Ac 26:18,

and the executor of wrath, when judicially allowed by God, on the disobedient,

1Co 5:5; 2Co 12:7),

he probably was restored to the Church subsequently, and again troubled it. Paul, as an apostle, though distant at Rome pronounced the sentence to be executed at Ephesus, involving, probably, the excommunication of the offenders

(Mt 18:17, 18).

The sentence operated not only spiritually, but also physically, sickness, or some such visitation of God, falling on the person excommunicated, in order to bring him to repentance and salvation. Alexander here is probably "the coppersmith" who did Paul "much evil" when the latter visited Ephesus. The "delivering him to Satan" was probably the consequence of his withstanding the apostle

(2Ti 4:14, 15);

as the same sentence on Hymenæus was the consequence of "saying that the resurrection is past already"

(2Ti 2:18;

his putting away good conscience, naturally producing shipwreck concerning FAITH,

1Ti 1:19.

If one's religion better not his morals, his moral deficiencies will corrupt his religion. The rain which falls pure from heaven will not continue pure if it be received in an unclean vessel [ARCHBISHOP WHATELY]). It is possible that he is the Alexander, then a Jew, put forward by the Jews, doubtless against Paul, at the riot in Ephesus

(Ac 19:33).

that they may--not "might"; implying that the effect still continues--the sentence is as yet unremoved.

learn--Greek, "be disciplined," namely, by chastisement and suffering.

blaspheme--the name of God and Christ, by doings and teachings unworthy of their Christian profession

(Ro 2:23, 24; Jas 2:7).

Though the apostles had the power of excommunication, accompanied with bodily inflictions, miraculously sent

(2Co 10:8),

it does not follow that fallible ministers now have any power, save that of excluding from church fellowship notorious bad livers.