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1 Timothy Kapitel 1
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Introduction
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INTRODUCTION
GENUINENESS.--The ancient Church never doubted of their being canonical and written by Paul. They are in the Peschito Syriac version of the second century. MURATORI'S Fragment on the Canon of Scripture, at the close of the second century, acknowledges them as such. IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 1; 3.3.3; 4.16.3; 2.14.8; 3.11.1; 1.16.3], quotes
1Ti 1:4, 9; 6:20; 2Ti 4:9-11; Tit 3:10.
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA [Miscellanies, 2, p. 457; 3, pp. 534, 536; 1, p. 350], quotes
1Ti 6:1, 20;
Second Timothy, as to deaconesses;
Tit 1:12.
TERTULLIAN [The Prescription against Heretics, 25; 6], quotes
1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 1:14; 1Ti 1:18; 6:13, &c.; 2Ti 2:2; Tit 3:10, 11.
EUSEBIUS includes the three in the "universally acknowledged" Scriptures. Also THEOPHILUS OF ANTIOCH [To Autolychus, 3.14], quotes
1Ti 2:1, 2; Tit 3:1,
and CAIUS (in EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 6.20]) recognizes their authenticity. CLEMENT OF ROME, in the end of the first century, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians [29], quotes
1Ti 2:8.
IGNATIUS, in the beginning of the second century, in Epistle to Polycarp, [6], alludes to
2Ti 2:4.
POLYCARP, in the beginning of the second century [Epistle to the Philippians, 4], alludes to
2Ti 2:4;
and in the ninth chapter to
2Ti 4:10.
Hegisippus, in the end of the second century, in EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 3.32], alludes to
1Ti 6:3, 20.
ATHENAGORAS, in the end of the second century, alludes to
1Ti 6:16.
JUSTIN MARTYR, in the middle of the second century [Dialogue with Trypho, 47], alludes to
Tit 3:4.
The Gnostic MARCION alone rejected these Epistles.
The HERESIES OPPOSED in them form the transition stage from Judaism, in its ascetic form, to Gnosticism, as subsequently developed. The references to Judaism and legalism are clear
(1Ti 1:7; 4:3; Tit 1:10, 14; 3:9).
Traces of beginning Gnosticism are also unequivocal
(1Ti 1:4).
The Gnostic theory of a twofold principle from the beginning, evil as well as good, appears in germ in
1Ti 4:3,
&c. In
1Ti 6:20
the term Gnosis ("science") itself occurs. Another Gnostic error, namely, that "the resurrection is past," is alluded to in
2Ti 2:17, 18.
The Judaism herein opposed is not that of the earlier Epistles, which upheld the law and tried to join it with faith in Christ for justification. It first passed into that phase of it which appears in the Epistle to the Colossians, whereby will-worship and angel-worship were superadded to Judaizing opinions. Then a further stage of the same evil appears in the Epistle to the Philippians
(Php 3:2, 18, 19),
whereby immoral practice accompanied false doctrine as to the resurrection (compare
2Ti 2:18, with 1Co 15:12, 32, 33).
This descent from legality to superstition, and from superstition to godlessness, appears more matured in the references to it in these Pastoral Epistles. The false teachers now know not the true use of the law
(1Ti 1:7, 8),
and further, have put away good conscience as well as the faith
(1Ti 1:19; 4:2);
speak lies in hypocrisy, are corrupt in mind, and regard godliness as a means of earthly gain
(1Ti 6:5
Tit 1:11);
overthrow the faith by heresies eating as a canker, saying the resurrection is past
(2Ti 2:17, 18),
leading captive silly women, ever learning yet never knowing the truth, reprobate as Jannes and Jambres
(2Ti 3:6, 8),
defiled, unbelieving, professing to know God, but in works denying Him, abominable, disobedient, reprobate
(Tit 1:15, 16).
This description accords with that in the Catholic Epistles of St. John and St. Peter, and, in the Epistle to the Hebrews. This fact proves the later date of these Pastoral Epistles as compared with Paul's earlier Epistles. The Judaism reprobated herein is not that of an earlier date, so scrupulous as to the law; it was now tending to immortality of practice. On the other hand, the Gnosticism opposed in these Epistles is not the anti-Judaic Gnosticism of a later date, which arose as a consequence of the overthrow of Judaism by the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, but it was the intermediate phase between Judaism and Gnosticism, in which the Oriental and Greek elements of the latter were in a kind of amalgam with Judaism, just prior to the overthrow of Jerusalem.
The DIRECTIONS AS TO CHURCH GOVERNORS and ministers, "bishop-elders, and deacons," are such as were natural for the apostle, in prospect of his own approaching removal, to give to Timothy, the president of the Church at Ephesus, and to Titus, holding the same office in Crete, for securing the due administration of the Church when he should be no more, and at a time when heresies were rapidly springing up. Compare his similar anxiety in his address to the Ephesian elders
(Ac 20:21-30).
The Presbyterate (elders; priest is a contraction from presbyter) and Diaconate had existed from the earliest times in the Church
(Ac 6:3; 11:30; 14:23).
Timothy and Titus, as superintendents or overseers (so bishop subsequently meant), were to exercise the same power in ordaining elders at Ephesus which the apostle had exercised in his general supervision of all the Gentile churches.
The PECULIARITIES OF MODES OF THOUGHT AND EXPRESSION, are such as the difference of subject and circumstances of those addressed and those spoken of in these Epistles, as compared with the other Epistles, would lead us to expect. Some of these peculiar phrases occur also in Galatians, in which, as in the Pastoral Epistles, he, with his characteristic fervor, attacks the false teachers. Compare
1Ti 2:6; Tit 2:14,
"gave Himself for us," with
Ga 1:4;
1Ti 1:17; 2Ti 4:18,
"for ever and ever," with
Ga 1:5:
"before God,"
1Ti 5:21; 6:13; 2Ti 2:14; 4:1, with Ga 1:20:
"a pillar,"
1Ti 3:15, with Ga 2:9:
"mediator,"
1Ti 2:5, with Ga 3:20:
"in due season,"
1Ti 2:6; 6:15; Tit 1:3 with Ga 6:9.
TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING.--The First Epistle to Timothy was written not long after Paul had left Ephesus for Macedon
(1Ti 1:3).
Now, as Timothy was in Macedon with Paul
(2Co 1:1)
on the occasion of Paul's having passed from Ephesus into that country, as recorded,
Ac 19:22; 20:1,
whereas the First Epistle to Timothy contemplates a longer stay of Timothy in Ephesus, MOSHEIM supposes that Paul was nine months of the "three years" stay mostly at Ephesus
(Ac 20:31)
in Macedonia, and elsewhere (perhaps Crete), (the mention of only "three months" and "two years,"
Ac 19:8, 10,
favors this, the remaining nine months being spent elsewhere); and that during these nine months Timothy, in Paul's absence, superintended the Church of Ephesus. It is not likely that Ephesus and the neighboring churches should have been left long without church officers and church organization, rules respecting which are giver in this Epistle. Moreover, Timothy was still "a youth"
(1Ti 4:12),
which he could hardly be called after Paul's first imprisonment, when he must have been at least thirty-four years of age. Lastly, in
Ac 20:25,
Paul asserts his knowledge that the Ephesians should not all see his face again, so that
1Ti 1:3
will thus refer to his sojourn at Ephesus, recorded in
Ac 19:10,
whence he passed into Macedonia. But the difficulty is to account for the false teachers having sprung up almost immediately (according to this theory) after the foundation of the Church. However, his visit recorded in
Ac 19:1-41
was not his first visit. The beginning of the Church at Ephesus was probably made at his visit a year before
(Ac 18:19-21).
Apollos, Aquila and Priscilla, carried on the work
(Ac 18:24-26).
Thus, as to the sudden growth of false teachers, there was time enough for their springing up, especially considering that the first converts at Ephesus were under Apollos' imperfect Christian teachings at first, imbued as he was likely to be with the tenets of PHILO of Alexandria, Apollos' native town, combined with John the Baptist's Old Testament teachings
(Ac 18:24-26).
Besides Ephesus, from its position in Asia, its notorious voluptuousness and sorcery
(Ac 19:18, 19),
and its lewd worship of Diana (answering to the Phœnician Ashtoreth), was likely from the first to tinge Christianity in some of its converts with Oriental speculations and Asiatic licentiousness of practices. Thus the phenomenon of the phase of error presented in this Epistle, being intermediate between Judaism and later Gnosticism (see above), would be such as might occur at an early period in the Ephesian Church, as well as later, when we know it had open "apostles" of error
(Re 2:2, 6),
and Nicolaitans infamous in practice. As to the close connection between this First Epistle and the Second Epistle (which must have been written at the close of Paul's life), on which ALFORD relies for his theory of making the First Epistle also written at the close of Paul's life, the similarity of circumstances, the person addressed being one and the same, and either in Ephesus at the time, or at least connected with Ephesus as its church overseer, and having heretics to contend with of the same stamp as in the First Epistle, would account for the connection. There is not so great identity of tone as to compel us to adopt the theory that some years could not have elapsed between the two Epistles.
However, all these arguments against the later date may be answered. This First Epistle may refer not to the first organization of the Church under its bishops, or elders and deacons, but to the moral qualifications laid down at a later period for those officers when scandals rendered such directions needful. Indeed, the object for which he left Timothy at Ephesus he states
(1Ti 1:3)
to be, not to organize the Church for the first time, but to restrain the false teachers. The directions as to the choice of fit elders and deacons refer to the filling up of vacancies, not to their first appointment. The fact of there existing an institution for Church widows implies an established organization. As to Timothy's "youth," it may be spoken of comparatively young compared with Paul, now "the aged"
(Phm 9),
and with some of the Ephesian elders, senior to Timothy their overseer. As to
Ac 20:25,
we know not but that "all" of the elders of Ephesus called to Miletus "never saw Paul's face" afterwards, as he "knew" (doubtless by inspiration) would be the case, which obviates the need of ALFORD'S lax view, that Paul was wrong in this his positive inspired anticipation (for such it was, not a mere boding surmise as to the future). Thus he probably visited Ephesus again
(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18; 4:20,
he would hardly have been at Miletum, so near Ephesus, without visiting Ephesus) after his first imprisonment in Rome, though all the Ephesian elders whom he had addressed formerly at Miletus did not again see him. The general similarity of subject and style, and of the state of the Church between the two Epistles, favors the view that they were near one another in date. Also, against the theory of the early date is the difficulty of defining, when, during Paul's two or three years' stay at Ephesus, we can insert an absence of Paul from Ephesus long enough for the requirements of the case, which imply a lengthened stay and superintendence of Timothy at Ephesus (see, however,
1Ti 3:14,
on the other side) after having been "left" by Paul there. Timothy did not stay there when Paul left Ephesus
(Ac 19:22; 20:1; 2Co 1:1).
In
1Ti 3:14,
Paul says, "I write, hoping to come unto thee shortly," but on the earlier occasion of his passing from Ephesus to Macedon he had no such expectation, but had planned to spend the summer in Macedon, and the winter in Corinth,
(1Co 16:6).
The expression "Till I come"
(1Ti 4:13),
implies that Timothy was not to leave his post till Paul should arrive; this and the former objection, however, do not hold good against MOSHEIM'S theory. Moreover, Paul in his farewell address to the Ephesian elders prophetically anticipates the rise of false teachers hereafter of their own selves; therefore this First Epistle, which speaks of their actual presence at Ephesus, would naturally seem to be not prior, but subsequent, to the address, that is, will belong to the later date assigned. In the Epistle to the Ephesians no notice is taken of the Judaeo-Gnostic errors, which would have been noticed had they been really in existence; however, they are alluded to in the contemporaneous sister Epistle to Colossians
(Col 2:1-23).
Whatever doubt must always remain as to the date of the First Epistle, there can be hardly any as to that of the Second Epistle. In
2Ti 4:13,
Paul directs Timothy to bring the books and cloak which the apostle had left at Troas. Assuming that the visit to Troas referred to is the one mentioned in
Ac 20:5-7,
it will follow that the cloak and parchments lay for about seven years at Troas, that being the time that elapsed between the visit and Paul's first imprisonment at Rome: a very unlikely supposition, that he should have left either unused for so long. Again, when, during his first Roman imprisonment, he wrote to the Colossians
(Col 4:14)
and Philemon
(Phm 24),
Demas was with him; but when he was writing
2Ti 4:10,
Demas had forsaken him from love of this world, and gone to Thessalonica. Again, when he wrote to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon, he had good hopes of a speedy liberation; but here in
2Ti 4:6-8,
he anticipates immediate death, having been at least once already tried
(2Ti 4:16).
Again, he is in this Epistle represented as in closer confinement than he was when writing those former Epistles in his first imprisonment (even in the Philippians, which represent him in greater uncertainty as to his life, he cherished the hope of soon being delivered,
Php 2:24; 2Ti 1:16-18; 2:9; 4:6-8, 16).
Again
(2Ti 4:20),
he speaks of having left Trophimus sick at Miletum. This could not have been on the occasion,
Ac 20:15.
For Trophimus was with Paul at Jerusalem shortly afterwards
(Ac 21:29).
Besides, he would thus be made to speak of an event six or seven years after its occurrence, as a recent event: moreover, Timothy was, on that occasion of the apostle being at Miletum, with Paul, and therefore needed not to be informed of Trophimus' sickness there
(Ac 20:4-17).
Also, the statement
(2Ti 4:20),
"Erastus abode at Corinth," implies that Paul had shortly before been at Corinth, and left Erastus there; but Paul had not been at Corinth for several years before his first imprisonment, and in the interval Timothy had been with him, so that he did not need to write subsequently about that visit. He must therefore have been liberated after his first imprisonment (indeed,
Heb 13:23, 24,
expressly proves that the writer was in Italy and at liberty), and resumed his apostolic journeyings, and been imprisoned at Rome again, whence shortly before his death he wrote Second Timothy.
EUSEBIUS [Chronicles, Anno 2083] (beginning October, A.D. 67), says, "Nero, to his other crimes, added the persecution of Christians: under him the apostles Peter and Paul consummated their martyrdom at Rome." So JEROME [On Illustrious Men], "In the fourteenth year of Nero, Paul was beheaded at Rome for Christ's sake, on the same day as Peter, and was buried on the Ostian Road, in the thirty-seventh year after the death of our Lord." ALFORD reasonably conjectures the Pastoral Epistles were written near this date. The interval was possibly filled up (so CLEMENT OF ROME states that Paul preached as far as "to the extremity of the west") by a journey to Spain
(Ro 15:24, 28),
according to his own original intention. MURATORI'S Fragment on the Canon of Scripture (about A.D. 170) also alleges Paul's journey into Spain. So EUSEBIUS, CHRYSOSTOM, and JEROME. Be that as it may, he seems shortly before his second imprisonment to have visited Ephesus, where a new body of elders governed the Church
(Ac 20:25),
say in the latter end of A.D. 66, or beginning of 67. Supposing him thirty at his conversion, he would now be upwards of sixty, and older in constitution than in years, through continual hardship. Even four years before he called himself "Paul the aged"
(Phm 9).
From Ephesus he went into Macedonia
(1Ti 1:3).
He may have written the First Epistle to Timothy from that country. But his use of "went," not "came," in
1Ti 1:3,
"When I went into Macedonia," implies he was not there when writing. Wherever he was, he writes uncertain how long he may be detained from coming to Timothy
(1Ti 3:14, 15).
BIRKS shows the probability that he wrote from Corinth, between which city and Ephesus the communication was rapid and easy. His course, as on both former occasions, was from Macedon to Corinth. He finds a coincidence between
1Ti 2:11-14, and 1Co 14:34,
as to women being silent in Church; and
1Ti 5:17, 18, and 1Co 9:8-10,
as to the maintenance of ministers, on the same principle as the Mosaic law, that the ox should not be muzzled that treadeth out the corn; and
1Ti 5:19, 20, and 2Co 13:1-4,
as to charges against elders. It would be natural for the apostle in the very place where these directions had been enforced, to reproduce them in his letter.
The date of the Epistle to Titus must depend on that assigned to First Timothy, with which it is connected in subject, phraseology, and tone. There is no difficulty in the Epistle to Titus, viewed by itself, in assigning it to the earlier date, namely, before Paul's first imprisonment. In
Ac 18:18, 19,
Paul, in journeying from Corinth to Palestine, for some cause or other landed at Ephesus. Now we find
(Tit 3:13)
that Apollos in going from Ephesus to Corinth was to touch at Crete (which seems to coincide with Apollos' journey from Ephesus to Corinth, recorded in
Ac 18:24, 27; 19:1);
therefore it is not unlikely that Paul may have taken Crete similarly on his way between Corinth and Ephesus; or, perhaps been driven out of his course to it in one of his three shipwrecks spoken of in
2Co 11:25, 26;
this will account for his taking Ephesus on his way from Corinth to Palestine, though out of his regular course. At Ephesus Paul may have written the Epistle to Titus [HUG]; there he probably met Apollos and gave the Epistle to Titus to his charge, before his departure for Corinth by way of Crete, and before the apostle's departure for Jerusalem
(Ac 18:19-21, 24).
Moreover, on Paul's way back from Jerusalem and Antioch, he travelled some time in Upper Asia
(Ac 19:1);
and it was then, probably, that his intention to "winter at Nicopolis" was realized, there being a town of that name between Antioch and Tarsus, lying on Paul's route to Galatia
(Tit 3:12).
Thus, First Timothy will, in this theory, be placed two and a half years later
(Ac 20:1;
compare
1Ti 1:3).
ALFORD'S argument for classing the Epistle to Titus with First Timothy, as written after Paul's first Roman imprisonment, stands or falls with his argument for assigning First Timothy to that date. Indeed, HUG'S unobjectionable argument for the earlier date of the Epistle to Titus, favors the early date assigned to First Timothy, which is so much akin to it, if other arguments be not thought to counterbalance this. The Church of Crete had been just founded
(Tit 1:5),
and yet the same heresies are censured in it as in Ephesus, which shows that no argument, such as ALFORD alleges against the earlier date of First Timothy, can be drawn from them
(Tit 1:10, 11, 15, 16; 3:9, 11).
But vice versa, if, as seems likely from the arguments adduced, the First Epistle to Timothy be assigned to the later date, the Epistle to Titus must, from similarity of style, belong to the same period.
ALFORD traces Paul's last journey before his second imprisonment thus: To Crete
(Tit 1:5),
Miletus
(2Ti 4:20),
Colosse (fulfilling his intention,
Phm 22),
Ephesus
(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18),
from which neighborhood he wrote the Epistle to Titus; Troas, Macedonia, Corinth
(2Ti 4:20),
Nicopolis
(Tit 3:12)
in Epirus, where he had intended to winter; a place in which, as being a Roman colony, he would be free from tumultuary violence, and yet would be more open to a direct attack from foes in the metropolis, Rome. Being known in Rome as the leader of the Christians, he was probably [ALFORD] arrested as implicated in causing the fire in A.D. 64, attributed by Nero to the Christians, and was sent to Rome by the Duumvirs of Nicopolis. There he was imprisoned as a common malefactor
(2Ti 2:9);
his Asiatic friends deserted him, except Onesiphorus
(2Ti 1:16).
Demas, Crescens, and Titus, left him. Tychicus he had sent to Ephesus. Luke alone remained with him
(2Ti 4:10-12).
Under the circumstances he writes the Second Epistle to Timothy, most likely while Timothy was at Ephesus
(2Ti 2:17;
compare
1Ti 1:20; 2Ti 4:13),
begging him to come to him before winter
(2Ti 4:21),
and anticipating his own execution soon
(2Ti 4:6).
Tychicus was perhaps the bearer of the Second Epistle
(2Ti 4:12).
His defense was not made before the emperor, for the latter was then in Greece
(2Ti 4:16, 17).
Tradition represents that he died by the sword, which accords with the fact that his Roman citizenship would exempt him from torture; probably late in A.D. 67 or A.D. 68, the last year of Nero.
Timothy is first mentioned,
Ac 16:1,
as dwelling in Lystra (not Derbe, compare
Ac 20:4).
His mother was a Jewess named Eunice
(2Ti 1:5);
his father, "a Greek" (that is, a Gentile). As Timothy is mentioned as "a disciple" in
Ac 16:1,
he must have been converted before, and this by Paul
(1Ti 1:2),
probably at his former visit to Lystra
(Ac 14:6);
at the same time, probably, that his Scripture-loving mother, Eunice, and grandmother, Lois, were converted to Christ from Judaism
(2Ti 3:14, 15).
Not only the good report given as to him by the brethren of Lystra, but also his origin, partly Jewish, partly Gentile, adapted him specially for being Paul's assistant in missionary work, laboring as the apostle did in each place, firstly among the Jews, and then among the Gentiles. In order to obviate Jewish prejudices, he first circumcised him. He seems to have accompanied Paul in his tour through Macedonia; but when the apostle went forward to Athens, Timothy and Silas remained in Berea. Having been sent back by Paul to visit the Thessalonian Church
(1Th 3:2),
he brought his report of it to the apostle at Corinth
(1Th 3:6).
Hence we find his name joined with Paul's in the addresses of both the Epistles to Thessalonians, which were written at Corinth. We again find him "ministering to" Paul during the lengthened stay at Ephesus
(Ac 19:22).
Thence he was sent before Paul into Macedonia and to Corinth
(1Co 4:17; 16:10).
He was with Paul when he wrote the Second Epistle to Corinthians
(2Co 1:1);
and the following winter in Corinth, when Paul sent from thence his Epistle to the Romans
(Ro 16:21).
On Paul's return to Asia through Macedonia, he went forward and waited for the apostle at Troas
(Ac 20:3-5).
Next we find him with Paul during his imprisonment at Rome, when the apostle wrote the Epistles to Colossians
(Col 1:1),
Philemon
(Phm 1),
and Philippians
(Php 1:1).
He was imprisoned and set at liberty about the same time as the writer of the Hebrews
(Heb 13:23).
In the Pastoral Epistles, we find him mentioned as left by the apostle at Ephesus to superintend the Church there
(1Ti 1:3).
The last notice of him is in the request which Paul makes to him
(2Ti 4:21)
to "come before winter," that is about A.D. 67 [ALFORD]. EUSEBIUS [Ecclesiastical History, 3.42], reports that he was first bishop of Ephesus; and [NICOPHORUS, Ecclesiastical History, 3.11], represents that he died by martyrdom. If then, St. John, as tradition represents, resided and died in that city, it must have been at a later period. Paul himself ordained or consecrated him with laying on of his own hands, and those of the presbytery, in accordance with prophetic intimations given respecting him by those possessing the prophetic gift
(1Ti 1:18; 4:14
2Ti 1:6).
His self-denying character is shown by his leaving home at once to accompany the apostle, and submitting to circumcision for the Gospel's sake; and also by his abstemiousness (noted in
1Ti 5:23)
notwithstanding his bodily infirmities, which would have warranted a more generous diet. Timidity and a want of self-confidence and boldness in dealing with the difficulties of his position, seem to have been a defect in his otherwise beautiful character as a Christian minister
(1Co 16:10; 1Ti 4:12; 2Ti 1:7).
The DESIGN of the First Epistle was: (1) to direct Timothy to charge the false teachers against continuing to teach other doctrine than that of the Gospel
(1Ti 1:3-20;
compare
Re 2:1-6);
(2) to give him instructions as to the orderly conducting of worship, the qualifications of bishops and deacons, and the selection of widows who should, in return for Church charity, do appointed service
(1Ti 2:1-6:2);
(3) to warn against covetousness, a sin prevalent at Ephesus, and to urge to good works
(1Ti 6:3-19).
1
1Ti 1:1-20.
繁體中文
1Ti 1:1-20.
稱呼:保羅把提摩太留在以弗所的目的——即制止假教師;律法的正用;與福音相合;神的恩典呼召曾為褻瀆者的保羅去經歷並傳揚這恩典;給提摩太的囑咐。
1. 藉着神的命令——指神權威的吩咐,也是神的託付。在較早的書信中,這話是「憑神的旨意」;此處卻以暗示一種不得不然的方式表達,表明他作使徒是出於必須,而非僅憑己意。同樣的表達見於大概是寫成於本書信之後很久的頌詞中[阿爾福德]
(Ro 16:26).
神我們的救主——指父
(1Ti 2:3; 4:10; Lu 1:47; 2Ti 1:9; Tit 1:3; 2:10; 3:4; Jude 25).
這原是猶太人在敬虔中的用語,源出舊約(參
Ps 106:21).
我們的盼望——
(Col 1:27; Tit 1:2; 2:13).
Englisches Original
1Ti 1:1-20.
ADDRESS: PAUL'S DESIGN IN HAVING LEFT TIMOTHY AT EPHESUS, NAMELY, TO CHECK FALSE TEACHERS; TRUE USE OF THE LAW; HARMONIZING WITH THE GOSPEL; GOD'S GRACE IN CALLING PAUL, ONCE A BLASPHEMER, TO EXPERIENCE AND TO PREACH IT; CHARGES TO TIMOTHY.
1. by the commandment of God--the authoritative injunction, as well as the commission, of God. In the earlier Epistles the phrase is, "by the will of God." Here it is expressed in a manner implying that a necessity was laid on him to act as an apostle, not that it was merely at his option. The same expression occurs in the doxology, probably written long after the Epistle itself [ALFORD]
(Ro 16:26).
God our Saviour--The Father
(1Ti 2:3; 4:10; Lu 1:47; 2Ti 1:9; Tit 1:3; 2:10; 3:4; Jude 25).
It was a Jewish expression in devotion, drawn from the Old Testament (compare
Ps 106:21).
our hope--
(Col 1:27; Tit 1:2; 2:13).
2
Ohne Titel
繁體中文
2. 因信主作我真兒子——原文作「真兒子」(參
Ac 16:1; 1Co 4:14-17)。
見緒論。
憐憫——給提摩太的問安中,在尋常的「願恩惠
(Ro 1:7; 1Co 1:3
等)歸與你、平安歸與你」之外,又加上「憐憫」。在
Ga 6:16
中出現了「平安、憐憫」。《加拉太書》與教牧書信在風格上有許多相似之處(見緒論);這也許是因為他在兩處都以糾正假教師、尤其是關於律法的正用與誤用為首要目的
(1Ti 1:9).
若《提摩太前書》定於較早日期,則其寫成時間與《加拉太書》(視乎後者寫於以弗所或哥林多)相去不遠,這也可解釋風格上的一些相似。「憐憫」是更為溫柔的一種恩惠,施與可憐之人;在自己身上經歷這憐憫,特別使人適合承擔福音的事工。論到保羅自己,可比較
(1Ti 1:14, 16; 1Co 7:25; 2Co 4:1; Heb 2:17)
[本格爾(Bengel)]。他對教會不用「憐憫」,因為對教會而言,「憐憫」已經全備;但對一位個別的傳道人,卻時刻需要新的憐憫。「恩惠」是指着人的罪而言;「憐憫」是指着人的苦情而言。神以恩惠待有罪的人;以「憐憫」待困苦的人[特倫奇(Trench)]。
耶穌基督——最古的抄本讀作「基督耶穌」的次序。在教牧書信中,「基督」常置於「耶穌」之前,為要強調舊約中為提摩太所熟知的彌賽亞應許
(2Ti 3:15)
已在耶穌身上應驗。
Englisches Original
2. my own son--literally, "a genuine son" (compare
Ac 16:1; 1Co 4:14-17).
See
Introduction.
mercy--added here, in addressing Timothy, to the ordinary salutation, "Grace unto you
(Ro 1:7; 1Co 1:3,
&c.), and peace." In
Ga 6:16,
"peace and mercy" occur. There are many similarities of style between the Epistle to the Galatians and the Pastoral Epistles (see
Introduction);
perhaps owing to his there, as here, having, as a leading object in writing, the correction of false teachers, especially as to the right and wrong use of the law
(1Ti 1:9).
If the earlier date be assigned to First Timothy, it will fall not long after, or before (according as the Epistle to the Galatians was written at Ephesus or at Corinth) the writing of the Epistle to the Galatians, which also would account for some similarity of style. "Mercy" is grace of a more tender kind, exercised towards the miserable, the experience of which in one's own case especially fits for the Gospel MINISTRY. Compare as to Paul himself
(1Ti 1:14, 16; 1Co 7:25; 2Co 4:1; Heb 2:17)
[BENGEL]. He did not use "mercy" as to the churches, because "mercy" in all its fulness already existed towards them; but in the case of an individual minister, fresh measures of it were continually needed. "Grace" has reference to the sins of men; "mercy" to their misery. God extends His grace to men as they are guilty; His "mercy" to them as they are miserable [TRENCH].
Jesus Christ--The oldest manuscripts read the order, "Christ Jesus." In the Pastoral Epistles "Christ" is often put before "Jesus," to give prominence to the fact that the Messianic promises of the Old Testament, well known to Timothy
(2Ti 3:15),
were fulfilled in Jesus.
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3. 提摩太在以弗所治理教會,是作使徒的代理人,因此是暫時性的。如此,在主持的使徒缺席時,以弗所或克里特一時所需要的監督之職,隨着素來治理眾教會的使徒相繼離世,便成為常設的制度。這些監督最初的稱號似乎是「天使」
(Re 1:20).
我往馬其頓去的時候,曾勸你——他本想加上「如今我仍勸你」,卻沒有把句子說完,直到
1Ti 1:18
才實際上(雖非形式上)補全。
仍住在以弗所——保羅在
Ac 20:25
曾對以弗所長老說「我知道,你們以後都不得再見我的面」。若如諸多論證所偏向的那樣(見緒論),本書信寫於保羅首次被囚之後,則他的預言與事實之間表面的矛盾可以這樣調和:前者所指的條件不是他永不再到訪以弗所(本節暗示他曾到訪),而是他們眾人將「不得再見他的面」。我不能同意伯克斯(Birks)的見解,以為本節與他所主張的理論相容——即保羅雖在以弗所近鄰,卻並未實際到訪以弗所(參
1Ti 3:14; 4:13)。
與「正如」相對應的連接詞並未出現,因為句子直到
1Ti 1:18
才實際補全。
勸——溫和的用詞,而非權威的命令,是對提摩太這位同工說的。
幾個人——這不定代詞對他們略帶輕蔑之意
(Ga 2:12; Jude 4),
[以利科特(Ellicott)]。
不可傳別的教訓——不可傳與我所教導不同的
(Ga 1:6-9).
他數年前的預言性憂慮
(Ac 20:29, 30)
如今正在應驗(參
1Ti 6:3)。
Englisches Original
3. Timothy's superintendence of the Church at Ephesus was as locum tenens for the apostle, and so was temporary. Thus, the office of superintending overseer, needed for a time at Ephesus or Crete, in the absence of the presiding apostle, subsequently became a permanent institution on the removal, by death, of the apostles who heretofore superintended the churches. The first title of these overseers seems to have been "angels"
(Re 1:20).
As I besought thee to abide still--He meant to have added, "so I still beseech thee," but does not complete the sentence until he does so virtually, not formally, at
1Ti 1:18.
at Ephesus--Paul, in
Ac 20:25,
declared to the Ephesian elders, "I know that ye all shall see my face no more." If, then, as the balance of arguments seems to favor (see
Introduction),
this Epistle was written subsequently to Paul's first imprisonment, the apparent discrepancy between his prophecy and the event may be reconciled by considering that the terms of the former were not that he should never visit Ephesus again (which this verse implies he did), but that they all should "see his face no more." I cannot think with BIRKS, that this verse is compatible with his theory, that Paul did not actually visit Ephesus, though in its immediate neighborhood (compare
1Ti 3:14; 4:13).
The corresponding conjunction to "as" is not given, the sentence not being completed till it is virtually so at
1Ti 1:18.
I besought--a mild word, instead of authoritative command, to Timothy, as a fellow helper.
some--The indefinite pronoun is slightly contemptuous as to them
(Ga 2:12; Jude 4),
[ELLICOTT].
teach no other doctrine--than what I have taught
(Ga 1:6-9).
His prophetic bodings some years before
(Ac 20:29, 30)
were now being realized (compare
1Ti 6:3).
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4. 荒渺無憑的話語——指關於天使起源與繁衍的傳說,正如假教師在歌羅西所教導的
(Col 2:18-23).
「猶太人荒渺的話」
(Tit 1:14).
「世俗的、老婦荒渺的話」
(1Ti 4:7; 2Ti 4:4).
和無窮的家譜——不僅是猶太人中常見、用以追溯他們對列祖世系的那種民事家譜(保羅不會反對這種,也不會在此把它與「荒渺無憑的話語」同列),而是諾斯底派的靈與「永世」(aeons)的家譜——他們所謂的[阿爾福德]「諾斯底流溢的清單」。特土良[《反華倫提努派》(Against Valentinian),第3章]與愛任紐[《序言》]亦如此說。此處所暗指的猶太化者,既主張摩西律法永遠有效,又加添了一種神祕的苦修傾向,自稱在其中看見比別人更深的奧祕。當時存在的乃是後使徒時代諾斯底主義的雛形,而非其成熟形態。這構成了猶太教與諾斯底主義之間的過渡階段。「無窮」指着其冗長家譜的乏味無益(參
Tit 3:9)。
保羅以「永世之王」(希臘文,
1Ti 1:17)
對抗他們的「永世」——「但願尊貴、權能歸給祂,直到永永遠遠」。「永世」一詞當時大概尚未用於後期諾斯底派的技術意義;但「獨一全智的神」 (1Ti 1:17)
預先以諾斯底派自己的用語,反駁了他們後來採納的觀念。
辯論——純粹臆測的
(Ac 25:20),
不切實際;只會產生好奇的討論。「問難和爭辯言詞」
(1Ti 6:4):
「沒有益處」
(2Ti 2:14);
「引起爭論」
(2Ti 2:23).
那班想要作「教法師」的人所發的「虛浮的話」
(1Ti 1:6, 7).
神在信仰上所立的——最古抄本讀作「神的管家職分」,即神對人的福音管家職分
(1Co 9:17),
「是在信仰上才立的」。科尼比爾(Conybeare)譯作「盡神的管家職分」
(1Co 9:17).
他由此推論以弗所的假教師是長老,這與預言
Ac 20:30
相符。然而最古的拉丁文譯本以及愛任紐和希拉流(Hilary)支持英文譯本的讀法。參
1Ti 1:5
「無偽的信」。
Englisches Original
4. fables--legends about the origin and propagation of angels, such as the false teachers taught at Colosse
(Col 2:18-23).
"Jewish fables"
(Tit 1:14).
"Profane, and old wives' fables"
(1Ti 4:7; 2Ti 4:4).
genealogies--not merely such civil genealogies as were common among the Jews, whereby they traced their descent from the patriarchs, to which Paul would not object, and which he would not as here class with "fables," but Gnostic genealogies of spirits and aeons, as they called them, "Lists of Gnostic emanations" [ALFORD]. So TERTULLIAN [Against Valentinian, c. 3], and IRENÆUS [Preface]. The Judaizers here alluded to, while maintaining the perpetual obligation of the Mosaic law, joined with it a theosophic ascetic tendency, pretending to see in it mysteries deeper than others could see. The seeds, not the full-grown Gnosticism of the post-apostolic age, then existed. This formed the transition stage between Judaism and Gnosticism. "Endless" refers to the tedious unprofitableness of their lengthy genealogies (compare
Tit 3:9).
Paul opposes to their "aeons," the "King of the aeons (so the Greek,
1Ti 1:17),
whom be glory throughout the aeons of aeons." The word "aeons" was probably not used in the technical sense of the latter Gnostics as yet; but "the only wise God"
(1Ti 1:17),
by anticipation, confutes the subsequently adopted notions in the Gnostics' own phraseology.
questions--of mere speculation
(Ac 25:20),
not practical; generating merely curious discussions. "Questions and strifes of words"
(1Ti 6:4):
"to no profit"
(2Ti 2:14);
"gendering strifes"
(2Ti 2:23).
"Vain jangling"
(1Ti 1:6, 7)
of would-be "teachers of the law."
godly edifying--The oldest manuscripts read, "the dispensation of God," the Gospel dispensation of God towards man
(1Co 9:17),
"which is (has its element) in faith." CONYBEARE translates, "The exercising of the stewardship of God"
(1Co 9:17).
He infers that the false teachers in Ephesus were presbyters, which accords with the prophecy,
Ac 20:30.
However, the oldest Latin versions, and IRENÆUS and HILARY, support English Version reading. Compare
1Ti 1:5,
"faith unfeigned."
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5. 但——與假教師的教訓相對。
總歸——即目標。
命令——希臘文作「囑咐」,即你當向你羊群強調的囑咐。所指與下列經文的希臘文相同:
1Ti 1:3, 18;
但此處意義更大,包括福音——神的「管家職分」(見
1Ti 1:4;
1Ti 1:11
的註解),那正是交付提摩太的「囑咐」之總和與核心,他當以此「囑咐」他的羊群。
愛——原文LOVE,即愛;律法的總歸與福音的總歸都是愛,福音之成全律法之靈,正在於其每一點畫都歸於愛
(Ro 13:10).
根基是信
(1Ti 1:4),
「總歸」是愛
(1Ti 1:14; Tit 3:15).
這愛是從——如從泉源湧出。
清潔的心——藉着信得以潔淨的心
(Ac 15:9; 2Ti 2:22; Tit 1:15).
無虧的良心——因對基督有健全信心的功效而脫離罪疚的良心
(1Ti 1:19; 1Ti 3:9; 2Ti 1:3; 1Pe 3:21).
相對的是
1Ti 4:2; Tit 1:15;
參
Ac 23:1.
約翰用「心」之處,保羅會用「良心」。在保羅,悟性是良心的所在;心是愛的所在[本格爾(Bengel)]。無虧的良心與健全的信心相連;敗壞的良心與信仰上的不健全相連(參
Heb 9:14)。
無偽的信心——不是虛假、死寂、不結果子、假冒為善的信心,而是使人生發仁愛的信心
(Ga 5:6).
假教師把人從這樣有愛心、有功效、真實的信心,引到無益的、臆測性的「辯論」
(1Ti 1:4)
和爭辯
(1Ti 1:6).
Englisches Original
5. But--in contrast to the doctrine of the false teachers.
the end--the aim.
the commandment--Greek, "of the charge" which you ought to urge on your flock. Referring to the same Greek word as in
1Ti 1:3, 18;
here, however, in a larger sense, as including the Gospel "dispensation of God" (see on
1Ti 1:4;
1Ti 1:11),
which was the sum and substance of the "charge" committed to Timothy wherewith he should "charge" his flock.
charity--LOVE; the sum and end of the law and of the Gospel alike, and that wherein the Gospel is the fulfilment of the spirit of the law in its every essential jot and tittle
(Ro 13:10).
The foundation is faith
(1Ti 1:4),
the "end" is love
(1Ti 1:14; Tit 3:15).
out of--springing as from a fountain.
pure heart--a heart purified by faith
(Ac 15:9; 2Ti 2:22; Tit 1:15).
good conscience--a conscience cleared from guilt by the effect of sound faith in Christ
(1Ti 1:19; 1Ti 3:9; 2Ti 1:3; 1Pe 3:21).
Contrast
1Ti 4:2; Tit 1:15;
compare
Ac 23:1.
John uses "heart," where Paul would use "conscience." In Paul the understanding is the seat of conscience; the heart is the seat of love [BENGEL]. A good conscience is joined with sound faith; a bad conscience with unsoundness in the faith (compare
Heb 9:14).
faith unfeigned--not a hypocritical, dead, and unfruitful faith, but faith working by love
(Ga 5:6).
The false teachers drew men off from such a loving, working, real faith, to profitless, speculative "questions"
(1Ti 1:4)
and jangling
(1Ti 1:6).
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6. 有人偏離——即偏離了清潔的心、無虧的良心、無偽的信心——這愛的源頭。
這些——原文作「偏離了目標(即當瞄准的『終極』)」。
此字在
1Ti 6:21; 2Ti 2:18
譯作「偏離」。他們沒有瞄准並達到上述美德,反而「偏向」
(1Ti 5:15; 2Ti 4:4; Heb 12:13)
「虛浮的話」;原文作「空談」,論及律法和天使的家譜
(1Ti 1:7; Tit 3:9; 1:10);
1Ti 6:20,
「虛談和反對」。當屬神的事不被真實地討論時,便是最大的虛妄
(Ro 1:21)
[本格爾(Bengel)]。
Englisches Original
6. From which--namely, from a pure heart, good conscience, and faith unfeigned, the well-spring of love.
having swerved--literally, "having missed the mark (the 'end') to be aimed at." It is translated, "erred,"
1Ti 6:21; 2Ti 2:18.
Instead of aiming at and attaining the graces above named, they "have turned aside
(1Ti 5:15; 2Ti 4:4; Heb 12:13)
unto vain jangling"; literally, "vain talk," about the law and genealogies of angels
(1Ti 1:7; Tit 3:9; 1:10);
1Ti 6:20,
"vain babblings and oppositions." It is the greatest vanity when divine things are not truthfully discussed
(Ro 1:21)
[BENGEL].
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7. 他們「虛浮的話」的樣本
(1Ti 1:6).
想要——他們是想要作教法師的人,實際並非如此。
律法——指猶太律法
(Tit 1:14; 3:9).
此處所指的猶太化者,似乎與《加拉太書》、《羅馬書》中所駁斥的那些不同——後者把律法的行為當作稱義的必要條件,與福音的恩惠相對。此處所指的猶太化者,乃是用他們假託建立在律法上的「荒渺無憑的話語」來敗壞律法,這些話既顛覆真理也敗壞道德。他們的錯不在於主張律法的約束力,而在於以荒誕不道德的解釋與加添來濫用律法。
自己所說的、所論定的——既不明白自己的斷言,也不明白他們所論的對象本身。他們對兩者所知一樣少[阿爾福德]。
Englisches Original
7. Sample of their "vain talk"
(1Ti 1:6).
Desiring--They are would-be teachers, not really so.
the law--the Jewish law
(Tit 1:14; 3:9).
The Judaizers here meant seem to be distinct from those impugned in the Epistles to the Galatians and Romans, who made the works of the law necessary to justification in opposition to Gospel grace. The Judaizers here meant corrupted the law with "fables," which they pretended to found on it, subversive of morals as well as of truth. Their error was not in maintaining the obligation of the law, but in abusing it by fabulous and immoral interpretations of, and additions to, it.
neither what they say, nor whereof--neither understanding their own assertions, nor the object itself about which they make them. They understand as little about the one as the other [ALFORD].
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8. 但——「如今我們知道」
(Ro 3:19; 7:14).
律法原是好的——與神的聖潔與良善完全一致。
人——首先是教師;其次是每個基督徒。
合乎——在福音的體系中合法地使用律法,即不作為「義人」藉以達到比單憑福音更高完全的工具
(1Ti 4:8; Tit 1:14),
那乃是假教師對律法的濫用;而是作為在不敬虔之人心中喚醒罪覺的工具
(1Ti 1:9, 10;
參
Ro 7:7-12; Ga 3:21).
Englisches Original
8. But--"Now we know"
(Ro 3:19; 7:14).
law is good--in full agreement with God's holiness and goodness.
if a man--primarily, a teacher; then, every Christian.
use it lawfully--in its lawful place in the Gospel economy, namely, not as a means of a "'righteous man" attaining higher perfection than could be attained by the Gospel alone
(1Ti 4:8; Tit 1:14),
which was the perverted use to which the false teachers put it, but as a means of awakening the sense of sin in the ungodly
(1Ti 1:9, 10;
compare
Ro 7:7-12; Ga 3:21).
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9. 律法不是為義人設立的——不是為那因信立足於基督之義(義被歸於他作稱義,並由聖靈在內在他心中賜下作成聖)的人。「一個在法庭上不受律法審問的人」[阿爾福德]。論成聖,律法沒有賜下內在的能力去成全它;但阿爾福德說義人「在道德上不需要律法」,未免太過。無疑,義人隨着他在內在被聖靈引導的程度,便不需要律法——律法只是外在的規則
(Ro 6:14; Ga 5:18, 23).
但義人既往往沒有完全順服聖靈的內在引導,便在道德上需要外在的律法來指示他的罪與神的要求。十誡之所以沒有能力定基督徒的罪,不是因為對他沒有權柄,而是因為基督作我們的中保已經成全了它們
(Ro 10:4).
不法——希臘文作「不順服」;不守紀律的;
Tit 1:6, 10
譯作「放縱」;「不服約束和不法的」指着律法的反對者,律法正是為他們「設立」(希臘文如此)。
不虔誠和犯罪的人——希臘文作不敬畏神的人,和公開犯罪抵擋祂的人;即神的反對者,律法即從此而來。
不聖潔和世俗的人——內心不潔的人,以及當被排除於聖所事奉之外的人;即違反第三、第四誡命的人。
弒父弒母的人——或如希臘文可作「打父母的」;違反第五誡命的人。
殺人的人——違反第六誡命的人。
Englisches Original
9. law is not made for a righteous man--not for one standing by faith in the righteousness of Christ put on him for justification,and imparted inwardly by the Spirit for sanctification. "One not forensically amenable to the law" [ALFORD]. For sanctification, the law gives no inward power to fulfil it; but ALFORD goes too far in speaking of the righteous man as "not morally needing the law." Doubtless, in proportion as he is inwardly led by the Spirit, the justified man needs not the law, which is only an outward rule
(Ro 6:14; Ga 5:18, 23).
But as the justified man often does not give himself up wholly to the inward leading of the Spirit, he morally needs the outward law to show him his sin and God's requirements. The reason why the ten commandments have no power to condemn the Christian, is not that they have no authority over him, but because Christ has fulfilled them as our surety
(Ro 10:4).
disobedient--Greek, "not subject"; insubordinate; it is translated "unruly,"
Tit 1:6, 10;
"lawless and disobedient" refer to opposers of the law, for whom it is "enacted" (so the Greek, for "is made").
ungodly and . . . sinners--Greek, he who does not reverence God, and he who openly sins against Him; the opposers of God, from the law comes.
unholy and profane--those inwardly impure, and those deserving exclusion from the outward participation in services of the sanctuary; sinners against the third and fourth commandments.
murderers--or, as the Greek may mean, "smiters" of fathers and . . . mothers; sinners against the fifth commandment.
manslayers--sinners against the sixth commandment.
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10. 行淫的等等——違反第七誡命的人。
拐賣人口的——即販賣奴隸者。違反第八誡命最重大的罪。偷取人的財物,其凶殘不能與偷取人的自由相比。新約沒有直接攻擊奴隸制度;若如此行,便是激烈地推翻當時既有的秩序。但基督教所教導的原則,必定在基督教得到自然發展之處將其削弱,最終推翻
(Mt 7:12).
說謊的……起假誓的——違反第九誡命的人。
別樣敵擋正道的事——相當於第十誡命最廣泛的層面。他沒有特別指明,因為他的目的是要帶出更粗鄙的違犯形式;而第十誡是極其屬靈的,甚至保羅告訴我們,正是藉着這條誡命,罪在其最微妙的「私慾」形態中的感覺被帶到他自己的良心
(Ro 7:7).
因此保羅論證:這些想要作教法師的人,雖然藉着律法自誇更高的完全,實際上卻從福音的高處降到了粗鄙「不法」之人的水平——律法正是為這等人設立的,不是為福音信徒設立的。而在實際生活中,正如本案所示,最堅持律法作為道德完全之手段的人,最終最容易從律法的道德上完全墮落。福音的恩惠是成聖和稱義的唯一真正途徑。
純正的——健康的,屬靈上健全的
(1Ti 6:3; 2Ti 1:13; Tit 1:13; 2:2),
與病態的、敗壞的(如「專好問難」的希臘文所示,
1Ti 6:4)
及「毒瘡」
(2Ti 2:17)
相對。「合乎敬虔的道理」
(1Ti 6:3)。
Englisches Original
10. whoremongers, &c.--sinners against the seventh commandment.
men-stealers--that is, slave dealers. The most heinous offense against the eighth commandment. No stealing of a man's goods can equal in atrocity the stealing of a man's liberty. Slavery is not directly assailed in the New Testament; to have done so would have been to revolutionize violently the existing order of things. But Christianity teaches principles sure to undermine, and at last overthrow it, wherever Christianity has had its natural development
(Mt 7:12).
liars . . . perjured--offenders against the ninth commandment.
if there be any other thing--answering to the tenth commandment in its widest aspect. He does not particularly specify it because his object is to bring out the grosser forms of transgression; whereas the tenth is deeply spiritual, so much so indeed, that it was by it that the sense of sin, in its subtlest form of "lust," Paul tells us
(Ro 7:7),
was brought home to his own conscience. Thus, Paul argues, these would-be teachers of the law, while boasting of a higher perfection through it, really bring themselves down from the Gospel elevation to the level of the grossly "lawless," for whom, not for Gospel believers, the law was designed. And in actual practice the greatest sticklers for the law as the means of moral perfection, as in this case, are those ultimately liable to fall utterly from the morality of the law. Gospel grace is the only true means of sanctification as well as of justification.
sound--healthy, spiritually wholesome
(1Ti 6:3; 2Ti 1:13; Tit 1:13; 2:2),
as opposed to sickly, morbid (as the Greek of "doting" means,
1Ti 6:4),
and "canker"
(2Ti 2:17).
"The doctrine," or "teaching, which is according to godliness"
(1Ti 6:3).
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11. 這是照着可稱頌之神——基督徒從律法中得釋放——律法既是稱義者,也是成聖者——這是上文
1Ti 1:9, 10
所暗示的,也正是本節
1Ti 1:11
所連接的。義人得免於律法,律法被指定給不法之人作其真正對象,這是「照着可稱頌之神榮耀的(希臘文如此,參註,見
2Co 4:4)
福音」。福音彰顯神的榮耀
(Eph 1:17; 3:16),
藉着基督的義,不用「律法」
(1Ti 1:9),
就算信徒為「義」;又賜下那義,使信徒厭惡律法所針對
(1Ti 1:9, 10)
的一切罪。「可稱頌」一詞同時表明不朽與至高的福樂。至高蒙福者,即一切福氣所從出的那一位。這詞用於神,只見此處與
1Ti 6:15:
在此論及福音的福氣時尤為恰當,與律法之下之人的咒詛相對
(1Ti 1:9; Ga 3:10).
交託我——當按希臘文次序譯作,使保羅突出——「交託我」;與那些(沒有福音託付的)假教師自取的那種律法教訓相對
(1Ti 1:8; Tit 1:3)。
Englisches Original
11. According to the glorious gospel--The Christian's freedom from the law as a sanctifier, as well as a justifier, implied in the previous,
1Ti 1:9, 10,
is what this
1Ti 1:11
is connected with. This exemption of the righteous from the law, and assignment of it to the lawless as its true object, is "according to the Gospel of the glory (so the Greek, compare Note, see on
2Co 4:4)
of the blessed God." The Gospel manifests God's glory
(Eph 1:17; 3:16)
in accounting "righteous" the believer, through the righteousness of Christ, without "the law"
(1Ti 1:9);
and in imparting that righteousness whereby he loathes all those sins against which
(1Ti 1:9, 10)
the law is directed. The term, "blessed," indicates at once immortality and supreme happiness. The supremely blessed One is He from whom all blessedness flows. This term, as applied to GOD, occurs only here and in
1Ti 6:15:
appropriate in speaking here of the Gospel blessedness, in contrast to the curse on those under the law
(1Ti 1:9; Ga 3:10).
committed to my trust--Translate as in the Greek order, which brings into prominent emphasis Paul, "committed in trust to me"; in contrast to the kind of law-teaching which they (who had no Gospel commission), the false teachers, assumed to themselves
(1Ti 1:8; Tit 1:3).
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12. 他蒙賜福音事工的尊榮,引出題外話,論到他從前的光景——並不比上文
(1Ti 1:9, 10)
所描述的那些不法之人更好
(1Ti 1:13),
那時我們主的恩惠
(1Ti 1:14)
臨到了他。
且——大多數(並非全部)最古抄本無此字。
我感謝——希臘文作「我有(即感到)感恩」。
給我力量——同一個希臘文動詞見於
Ac 9:22
「掃羅越發有能力」。這是保羅與其同伴路加之間一個無心插柳的吻合。給我力量,即為着事工。「我把這道理帶到人前,不是憑自己的力量,乃是靠着那拯救我者所賜的力量與勇氣」[狄奧多瑞(Theodoret)]。人按本性是「無力」的
(Ro 5:6).
真正的歸信與蒙召賜下能力[本格爾(Bengel)]。
因——他「感謝基督」的主要緣由。
以我有忠心——祂預定並預見我會對所交付的託付忠心。保羅為此感謝神,表明他忠心的功勞完全歸於神的恩惠,而非他自己天然的力量
(1Co 7:25).
忠心是管家所當有的品質
(1Co 4:2).
立我——當如
1Th 5:9
作「定意叫我(在祂主權的恩惠旨意中)受職事」
(Ac 20:24)。
Englisches Original
12. The honor done him in having the Gospel ministry committed to him suggests the digression to what he once was, no better
(1Ti 1:13)
than those lawless ones described above
(1Ti 1:9, 10),
when the grace of our Lord
(1Ti 1:14)
visited him.
And--omitted in most (not all) of the oldest manuscripts.
I thank--Greek, "I have (that is, feel) gratitude."
enabled me--the same Greek verb as in
Ac 9:22,
"Saul increased the more in strength." An undesigned coincidence between Paul and Luke, his companion. Enabled me, namely, for the ministry. "It is not in my own strength that I bring this doctrine to men, but as strengthened and nerved by Him who saved me" [THEODORET]. Man is by nature "without strength"
(Ro 5:6).
True conversion and calling confer power [BENGEL].
for that--the main ground of his "thanking Christ."
he counted me faithful--He foreordered and foresaw that I would be faithful to the trust committed to me. Paul's thanking God for this shows that the merit of his faithfulness was due solely to God's grace, not to his own natural strength
(1Co 7:25).
Faithfulness is the quality required in a steward
(1Co 4:2).
putting me into--rather as in
1Th 5:9,
"appointing me (in His sovereign purposes of grace) unto the ministry"
(Ac 20:24).
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13. 我從前——希臘文作「從前是褻瀆的」。「雖然我從前是褻瀆的」等等。
(Ac 26:9, 11).
逼迫人的——
(Ga 1:13).
侮慢人的——希臘文作「凌辱者」;因傲慢地藐視別人而加害於人的人。
Ro 1:30
譯作「狂傲的」。在損傷之外又加凌辱。本格爾(Bengel)譯作「藐視者」。我較取其意,對人侮慢[瓦爾(Wahl)]。不過我同意本格爾所說:「褻瀆的」是對神,「逼迫人的」是對聖人,「侮慢人的」則除了損傷別人之外,還包含對自己傲慢的「自高自大」[唐納森(Donaldson)]。這種對神、對鄰舍、對自己的三重關係,常出現於本書信
(1Ti 1:5, 9, 14; Tit 2:12).
我蒙了憐憫——神的憐憫與保羅的不配,形成鮮明對比[以利科特(Ellicott)];希臘文作「我成了憐憫的對象」。使徒心中常存憐憫之感(參註,見
1Ti 1:2)。
蒙過憐憫的人,最能憐憫那些偏離正道的人
(Heb 5:2, 3).
因我是不信不明白的時候做的——無知本身並不配得赦免;但與驕傲、故意硬着心抵擋真理相比,是較不可責的原因
(Joh 9:41; Ac 26:9).
因此這是基督為殺祂的人代求的理由
(Lu 23:34);
使徒也以此作為減輕猶太人之罪的因素,並給予悔改之門的希望
(Ac 3:17; Ro 10:2).
「因為」等等,並不暗示無知是施憐憫的充分理由;而是顯示這樣的罪人怎能蒙憐憫。蒙憐憫的積極緣由,唯獨在神的憐憫
(Tit 3:5).
無知的根由在於不信,這暗示此無知並非無辜。但他對律法的誠心熱忱,與故意抵擋神的靈之間,有極大分別
(Mt 12:24-32; Lu 11:52)
[維辛格(Wiesinger)]。
Englisches Original
13. Who was before--Greek, "Formerly being a blasphemer." "Notwithstanding that I was before a blasphemer," &c.
(Ac 26:9, 11).
persecutor--
(Ga 1:13).
injurious--Greek, "insulter"; one who acts injuriously from arrogant contempt of others. Translate,
Ro 1:30,
"despiteful." One who added insult to injury. BENGEL translates, "a despiser." I prefer the idea, contumelious to others [WAHL]. Still I agree with BENGEL that "blasphemer" is against God, "persecutor," against holy men, and "insolently injurious" includes, with the idea of injuring others, that of insolent "uppishness" [DONALDSON] in relation to one's self. This threefold relation to God, to one's neighbor, and to one's self, occurs often in this Epistle
(1Ti 1:5, 9, 14; Tit 2:12).
I obtained mercy--God's mercy, and Paul's want of it, stand in sharp contrast [ELLICOTT]; Greek, "I was made the object of mercy." The sense of mercy was perpetual in the mind of the apostle (compare Note, see on
1Ti 1:2).
Those who have felt mercy can best have mercy on those out of the way
(Heb 5:2, 3).
because I did it ignorantly--Ignorance does not in itself deserve pardon; but it is a less culpable cause of unbelief than pride and wilful hardening of one's self against the truth
(Joh 9:41; Ac 26:9).
Hence it is Christ's plea of intercession for His murderers
(Lu 23:34);
and it is made by the apostles a mitigating circumstance in the Jews' sin, and one giving a hope of a door of repentance
(Ac 3:17; Ro 10:2).
The "because," &c., does not imply that ignorance was a sufficient reason for mercy being bestowed; but shows how it was possible that such a sinner could obtain mercy. The positive ground of mercy being shown to him, lies solely in the compassion of God
(Tit 3:5).
The ground of the ignorance lies in the unbelief, which implies that this ignorance is not unaccompanied with guilt. But there is a great difference between his honest zeal for the law, and a wilful striving against the Spirit of God
(Mt 12:24-32; Lu 11:52)
[WIESINGER].
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14. 並且——希臘文作「但是」。不僅如此(憐憫臨到我),更——
恩典——我藉以「蒙了憐憫」的
(1Ti 1:13).
是格外豐盛——希臘文作「越發滿溢」。「罪在哪裏顯多,恩典就更顯多了」
(Ro 5:20).
信——伴隨着信,與「不信」相對
(1Ti 1:13).
愛心——與「褻瀆的、逼迫人的、侮慢人的」相對。
在基督裏——作其元素與所在[阿爾福德]:在此作其源頭,從其中流到我們這裏。
Englisches Original
14. And--Greek, "But." Not only so (was mercy shown me), but
the grace--by which "I obtained mercy"
(1Ti 1:13).
was exceeding abundant--Greek, "superabounded." Where sin abounded, grace did much more abound"
(Ro 5:20).
with faith--accompanied with faith, the opposite of "unbelief"
(1Ti 1:13).
love--in contrast to "a blasphemer, persecutor, and injurious."
which is in Christ--as its element and home [ALFORD]: here as its source whence it flows to us.
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15. 可信的——值得信賴的,因為說這話的「神」對祂的話是「信實的」
(1Co 1:9; 1Th 5:24; 2Th 3:3; Re 21:5; 22:6).
這似乎已成為基督徒中間一條格律式的話——「可信的話」這短語是教牧書信所特有的
(1Ti 2:11; 4:9; Tit 3:8).
按希臘文譯作「這話是可信的」。
十分——一切可能的;豐滿的;當被萬人、並以心思與心靈的一切功能所接受。保羅不像假教師
(1Ti 1:7),
明白自己所說的、所論定的;他藉着風格與主題的單純——陳明藉着基督得救這偉大的基要真理——反駁假教師深奧而不切實際的臆測
(1Co 1:18-28; Tit 2:1).
可佩服的——領受(如恩惠)進入心中,也進入悟性,带着一切的喜樂;這就是信心作用於福音的邀請,歡迎並領受它
(Ac 2:41).
基督——如所應許的。
耶穌——如所顯明的[本格爾(Bengel)]。
降世——這充滿罪惡的世界
(Joh 1:29; Ro 5:12; 1Jo 2:2).
這暗示祂的先存。
Joh 1:9,
希臘文作「那來到世界的真光,照亮一切人」。
為要拯救罪人——甚至像大數的掃羅這樣的大罪人。自從升天之後,他的情形在罪之大與憐憫之大上無可匹敵:那同意司提反——第一位殉道者——之死的人,竟然成為他的繼承者!
我是——不僅「我曾經是」
(1Co 15:9; Eph 3:8;
參
Lu 18:13).
對每個信徒而言,他自己的罪在他活着的時候,必始終顯得比別人的罪更大——別人的罪他永不能像知道自己的罪那樣知道。
個——與
1Ti 1:16
「魁首」同一個希臘文,那處暗指本第十五節。兩節都當譯作「首」。他滿可以推論:在他身上既有憐憫,凡來到基督面前的人也都有憐憫
(Mt 18:11; Lu 19:10)。
Englisches Original
15. faithful--worthy of credit, because "God" who says it "is faithful" to His word
(1Co 1:9; 1Th 5:24; 2Th 3:3; Re 21:5; 22:6).
This seems to have become an axiomatic saying among Christians the phrase, "faithful saying," is peculiar to the Pastoral Epistles
(1Ti 2:11; 4:9; Tit 3:8).
Translate as Greek, "Faithful is the saying."
all--all possible; full; to be received by all, and with all the faculties of the soul, mind, and heart. Paul, unlike the false teachers
(1Ti 1:7),
understands what he is saying, and whereof he affirms; and by his simplicity of style and subject, setting forth the grand fundamental truth of salvation through Christ, confutes the false teachers' abstruse and unpractical speculations
(1Co 1:18-28; Tit 2:1).
acceptation--reception (as of a boon) into the heart, as well as the understanding, with all gladness; this is faith acting on the Gospel offer, and welcoming and appropriating it
(Ac 2:41).
Christ--as promised.
Jesus--as manifested [BENGEL].
came into the world--which was full of sin
(Joh 1:29; Ro 5:12; 1Jo 2:2).
This implies His pre-existence.
Joh 1:9,
Greek, "the true Light that, coming into the world, lighteth every man."
to save sinners--even notable sinners like Saul of Tarsus. His instance was without a rival since the ascension, in point of the greatness of the sin and the greatness of the mercy: that the consenter to Stephen, the proto-martyr's death, should be the successor of the same!
I am--not merely, "I was chief"
(1Co 15:9; Eph 3:8;
compare
Lu 18:13).
To each believer his own sins must always appear, as long as he lives, greater than those of others, which he never can know as he can know his own.
chief--the same Greek as in
1Ti 1:16,
"first," which alludes to this
fifteenth verse,
Translate in both verses, "foremost." Well might he infer where there was mercy for him, there is mercy for all who will come to Christ
(Mt 18:11; Lu 19:10).
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16. 然而——希臘文作「但是」;把自己自覺的罪惡,與神以憐憫眷臨他的恩惠相對。
為此——正為此目的。
我蒙了憐憫——在我的情形上。
給後來——「首」。正如我在罪上是「首」(希臘文作chief,
1Ti 1:15),
神也使我在憐憫上成了「首」樣本。
榜樣——為祂自己的榮耀(希臘文中間語態),
Eph 2:7.
給後來信祂得永生的人——希臘文作「(祂的)整個」恆久忍耐,即在保羅作逼迫者時長久容忍他。
榜樣——樣本
(1Co 10:6, 11),
向最大的罪人保證:他們來到基督面前必不會被拒絕,因為連掃羅也蒙了憐憫。大衛也如此把自己的赦免——儘管罪大——作為樣本,鼓勵別的罪人尋求赦免
(Ps 32:5, 6).
榜樣的希臘文有時作「草圖」或輪廓——細節的填補在每個人自己的情形中發生。
信——信建立在祂之上,作信心所倚靠的唯一根基。
得永生——信心始終注視的最終目標
(Tit 1:2)。
Englisches Original
16. Howbeit--Greek, "But"; contrasting his own conscious sinfulness with God's gracious visitation of him in mercy.
for this cause--for this very purpose.
that in me--in my case.
first--"foremost." As I was "foremost" (Greek for chief,
1Ti 1:15)
in sin, so God has made me the "foremost" sample of mercy.
show--to His own glory (the middle Greek, voice),
Eph 2:7.
all long-suffering--Greek, "the whole (of His) long-suffering," namely, in bearing so long with me while I was a persecutor.
a pattern--a sample
(1Co 10:6, 11)
to assure the greatest sinners of the certainty that they shall not be rejected in coming to Christ, since even Saul found mercy. So David made his own case of pardon, notwithstanding the greatness of his sin, a sample to encourage other sinners to seek pardon
(Ps 32:5, 6).
The Greek for "pattern" is sometimes used for a "sketch" or outline--the filling up to take place in each man's own case.
believe on him--Belief rests ON Him as the only foundation on which faith relies.
to life everlasting--the ultimate aim which faith always keeps in view
(Tit 1:2).
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17. 這是對福音那美妙單純陳述的恰當結語——他自己的歷史正是這陳述的活樣本或榜樣。這頌讚正是從對恩惠的親身經歷而發的[本格爾(Bengel)]。
不能朽壞之——原文作「萬世(永遠)之王」。
七十士譯本譯
Ex 15:18,
「耶和華必作王直到永永遠遠」。
Ps 145:13,
旁註,「你的國是永遠的國」,原文作「萬世的國」。
1Ti 1:16
的「永生」在此暗示「永遠的王」,或永存的王。這也與末了「直到永永遠遠」相對應,原文作「世世代代」(由世代組成的無數世代相繼)。
不能朽壞——最古抄本作「不能朽壞」。
武加大譯本與一份極古抄本卻讀作英文譯本所讀
(Ro 1:23).
不能看見——
(1Ti 6:16; Ex 33:20; Joh 1:18; Col 1:15; Heb 11:27).
獨一的神——最古抄本無「智慧」字,大概是從
Ro 16:27
潛入,那處比此處更貼切(參
Jude 25)。
「獨一掌權的」
(1Ti 6:15; Ps 86:10; Joh 5:44).
但願等等——見上文註解。永世的意念(對不信者是可怕的)對那些確信恩惠的人是可喜悅的
(1Ti 1:16)
[本格爾(Bengel)]。
Englisches Original
17. A suitable conclusion to the beautifully simple enunciation of the Gospel, of which his own history is a living sample or pattern. It is from the experimental sense of grace that the doxology flows [BENGEL].
the King, eternal--literally, "King of the (eternal) ages." The Septuagint translates
Ex 15:18,
"The Lord shall reign for ages and beyond them."
Ps 145:13,
Margin, "Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom," literally, "a kingdom of all ages." The "life everlasting"
(1Ti 1:16)
suggested here "the King eternal," or everlasting. It answers also to "for ever and ever" at the close, literally, "to the ages of the ages" (the countless succession of ages made up of ages).
immortal--The oldest manuscripts read, "incorruptible." The Vulgate, however, and one very old manuscript read as English Version
(Ro 1:23).
invisible--
(1Ti 6:16; Ex 33:20; Joh 1:18; Col 1:15; Heb 11:27).
the only wise God--The oldest manuscripts omit "wise," which probably crept in from
Ro 16:27,
where it is more appropriate to the context than here (compare
Jude 25).
"The only Potentate"
(1Ti 6:15; Ps 86:10; Joh 5:44).
for ever, &c.--See note, above. The thought of eternity (terrible as it is to unbelievers) is delightful to those assured of grace
(1Ti 1:16)
[BENGEL].
18
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18. 他恢復
1Ti 1:3
開始的主題。上文「正如我勸你……囑咐」
(1Ti 1:3)
的結論(apodosis),在此雖非形式上、至少在實質上給出。
這命令——即「使你在它們中間(希臘文如此)可以打那美好的仗」,即履行你的崇高呼召——不僅作基督徒,更作傳道人正式地盡職,其中一項職責就是「囑咐幾個人不可傳別的教訓」
(1Ti 1:3).
交託你——作為神聖的託付
(1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 2:2)
擺在你的聽眾面前。
照着——順着;與……一致。
從前指着你的預言——在你按立時先知對你的指明,
1Ti 4:14
(大概如西拉——保羅的同伴,又是「先知」,
Ac 15:32)。
這樣先知性的指明,以及弟兄們對提摩太的好評
(Ac 16:2),
可能促使保羅收他為同伴。比較其他人的類似預言:
Ac 13:1-3,
與按手相連;
Ac 11:28; 21:10, 11;
參
1Co 12:10; 14:1; Eph 4:11.
在
Ac 20:28
明說「聖靈立他們(以弗所長老)作監督」。羅馬的革利免[《致哥林多人書》]說,使徒的習慣是「藉着聖靈作試驗」,即藉着「辨別的恩賜」,以決定在各處所建立的教會中誰當作監督和執事。亞歷山大的革利免論以弗所附近的教會也說,監督是因聖靈向聖約翰的啟示而被標出來受按立的。
藉着——希臘文作「在其中」;如披戴在其中;以此為武器。
打仗——不僅是「打仗」
(1Ti 6:12; 2Ti 4:7),
而是整個戰役;軍事服役。按希臘文譯作,不是「一場」,而是「那美好的仗」。
Englisches Original
18. He resumes the subject begun at
1Ti 1:3.
The conclusion (apodosis) to the foregoing, "as I besought thee . . . charge"
(1Ti 1:3),
is here given, if not formally, at least substantially.
This charge--namely, "that thou in them (so the Greek) mightest war," that is, fulfil thy high calling, not only as a Christian, but as a minister officially, one function of which is, to "charge some that they teach no other doctrine"
(1Ti 1:3).
I commit--as a sacred deposit
(1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 2:2)
to be laid before thy hearers.
according to--in pursuance of; in consonance with.
the prophecies which went before on thee--the intimations given by prophets respecting thee at thy ordination,
1Ti 4:14
(as, probably, by Silas, a companion of Paul, and "a prophet,"
Ac 15:32).
Such prophetical intimation, as well as the good report given of Timothy by the brethren
(Ac 16:2),
may have induced Paul to take him as his companion. Compare similar prophecies as to others:
Ac 13:1-3,
in connection with laying on of hands;
Ac 11:28; 21:10, 11;
compare
1Co 12:10; 14:1; Eph 4:11.
In
Ac 20:28,
it is expressly said that "the Holy Ghost had made them (the Ephesian presbyters) overseers." CLEMENT OF ROME [Epistle to the Corinthians], states it was the custom of the apostles "to make trial by the Spirit," that is, by the "power of discerning," in order to determine who were to be overseers and deacons in the several churches planted. So CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA says as to the churches near Ephesus, that the overseers were marked out for ordination by a revelation of the Holy Ghost to St. John.
by them--Greek, "in them"; arrayed as it were in them; armed with them.
warfare--not the mere "fight"
(1Ti 6:12; 2Ti 4:7),
but the whole campaign; the military service. Translate as Greek, not "a," but "the good warfare."
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19. 常存——持守「信心」和「無虧的良心」
(1Ti 1:5);
不像「有人」那樣丟棄後者。信心如極寶貴的液體;無虧的良心是盛裝它的潔淨玻璃杯[本格爾(Bengel)]。失去無虧的良心必導致信心的破毀。罪的意識(未悔改未蒙赦免的)殺死人心中信心的幼芽[維辛格(Wiesinger)]。
這——希臘文單數,即「無虧的良心」,不是「信心」;然而丟棄無虧良心的結果,也失去了信心。
丟棄——故意的行為。他們把它當作煩人的監督者推開。它不情願地退出——因被強力擠出,當其主人厭倦它的催促、決意保留罪而不惜失去它之時。人不能同時與良心和罪保持友好。
就在真道上——「關於那信仰的」。信心是他們既已承認登上的船,「無虧的良心」是錨。古教會常用這比喻,把信心的航程比作航海。希臘文並不暗示人曾有過信心而後毀了它,而是說那些丟棄無虧良心的人「關於那信仰作了破毀」。
Englisches Original
19. Holding--Keeping hold of "faith" and "good conscience"
(1Ti 1:5);
not "putting the latter away" as "some." Faith is like a very precious liquor; a good conscience is the clean, pure glass that contains it [BENGEL]. The loss of good conscience entails the shipwreck of faith. Consciousness of sin (unrepented of and forgiven) kills the germ of faith in man [WIESINGER].
which--Greek singular, namely, "good conscience," not "faith" also; however, the result of putting away good conscience is, one loses faith also.
put away--a wilful act. They thrust it from them as a troublesome monitor. It reluctantly withdraws, extruded by force, when its owner is tired of its importunity, and is resolved to retain his sin at the cost of losing it. One cannot be on friendly terms with it and with sin at one and the same time.
made shipwreck--"with respect to THE faith." Faith is the vessel in which they had professedly embarked, of which "good conscience" is the anchor. The ancient Church often used this image, comparing the course of faith to navigation. The Greek does not imply that one having once had faith makes shipwreck of it, but that they who put away good conscience "make shipwreck with respect to THE faith."
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20. 許米乃——把他當作
2Ti 2:17
的許米乃,並無難處。他雖「交給撒但」(撒但是教會之外一切的主,
Ac 26:18,
又是當神司法上允許時對不順服者執行刑罰的,
1Co 5:5; 2Co 12:7),
後來大概恢復了教會的相交,又再攪擾教會。保羅作為使徒,雖遠在羅馬,卻宣告了在以弗所執行的判決,可能包括對犯罪者的逐出
(Mt 18:17, 18).
這判決不僅在屬靈上,也在身體上生效——疾病或神某種類似的擊打臨到被逐者,為要使他悔改得救。此處的亞歷山大大概就是保羅後次到訪以弗所時「多多害」他的「銅匠亞歷山大」。「把他交給撒但」大概是他抵擋使徒的後果
(2Ti 4:14, 15);
正如對許米乃的同樣判決是「說復活的事已過」的後果
(2Ti 2:18;
他丟棄無虧的良心,自然引致關於信仰的破毀,
1Ti 1:19。
人的宗教若不改善他的道德,他的道德缺陷就會敗壞他的宗教。從天純淨降下的雨,若接在不潔的器皿中,便不能保持純淨[大主教惠特利(Archbishop Whately〕)。他可能就是那當時是猶太人、在以弗所的暴亂中被猶太人推出來——無疑是針對保羅——的亞歷山大
(Ac 19:33).
好叫他們——不是「叫」;暗示效果仍舊持續——判決至今尚未撤去。
就——希臘文作「受管教」,即藉刑罰與受苦。
謗讟——神與基督的名,因與基督徒信仰不符的行為與教訓而受謗讟
(Ro 2:23, 24; Jas 2:7).
雖然使徒有逐出教會的權柄——伴以神蹟式降下的身體刑罰
(2Co 10:8),
卻不因此推論如今會犯錯的傳道人有任何權柄,除了把聲名狼藉的壞信徒排除於教會相交之外。
Englisches Original
20. Hymenaeus--There is no difficulty in supposing him to be the Hymenæus of
2Ti 2:17.
Though "delivered over to Satan" (the lord of all outside the Church,
Ac 26:18,
and the executor of wrath, when judicially allowed by God, on the disobedient,
1Co 5:5; 2Co 12:7),
he probably was restored to the Church subsequently, and again troubled it. Paul, as an apostle, though distant at Rome pronounced the sentence to be executed at Ephesus, involving, probably, the excommunication of the offenders
(Mt 18:17, 18).
The sentence operated not only spiritually, but also physically, sickness, or some such visitation of God, falling on the person excommunicated, in order to bring him to repentance and salvation. Alexander here is probably "the coppersmith" who did Paul "much evil" when the latter visited Ephesus. The "delivering him to Satan" was probably the consequence of his withstanding the apostle
(2Ti 4:14, 15);
as the same sentence on Hymenæus was the consequence of "saying that the resurrection is past already"
(2Ti 2:18;
his putting away good conscience, naturally producing shipwreck concerning FAITH,
1Ti 1:19.
If one's religion better not his morals, his moral deficiencies will corrupt his religion. The rain which falls pure from heaven will not continue pure if it be received in an unclean vessel [ARCHBISHOP WHATELY]). It is possible that he is the Alexander, then a Jew, put forward by the Jews, doubtless against Paul, at the riot in Ephesus
(Ac 19:33).
that they may--not "might"; implying that the effect still continues--the sentence is as yet unremoved.
learn--Greek, "be disciplined," namely, by chastisement and suffering.
blaspheme--the name of God and Christ, by doings and teachings unworthy of their Christian profession
(Ro 2:23, 24; Jas 2:7).
Though the apostles had the power of excommunication, accompanied with bodily inflictions, miraculously sent
(2Co 10:8),
it does not follow that fallible ministers now have any power, save that of excluding from church fellowship notorious bad livers.
緒論
真實性——古代教會從未懷疑這些書信的正典地位以及它們出自保羅之手。它們見於第二世紀的別西托敘利亞文(Peschito Syriac)譯本。穆拉多利(Muratorius)的*《聖經正典殘篇》(Fragment on the Canon of Scripture)——作於第二世紀末——承認它們為正典。愛任紐(Irenæus)[《駁異端》*(Against Heresies)1;3.3.3;4.16.3;2.14.8;3.11.1;1.16.3]引用
1Ti 1:4, 9; 6:20; 2Ti 4:9-11; Tit 3:10.
亞歷山大的革利免(Clement of Alexandria)[《雜記》(Miscellanies)2,第457頁;3,第534、536頁;1,第350頁]引用
1Ti 6:1, 20;
論到女執事時引《提摩太後書》;
Tit 1:12.
特土良(Tertullian)[《駁異端的處方》(The Prescription against Heretics)25;6]引用
1Ti 6:20; 2Ti 1:14; 1Ti 1:18; 6:13, 等;2Ti 2:2; Tit 3:10, 11.
優西比烏(Eusebius)將三卷書列入「普世公認」的聖經之中。安提阿的提阿非羅(Theophilus of Antioch)[《致奧托錄庫》(To Autolychus)3.14]也引用
1Ti 2:1, 2; Tit 3:1,
而該猶(Caius)(見於優西比烏[《教會史》(Ecclesiastical History)6.20])承認它們的真實性。羅馬的革利免(Clement of Rome)在第一世紀末的*《致哥林多人前書》*(Epistle to the Corinthians)[29]中引用
1Ti 2:8.
伊格那丟(Ignatius)在第二世紀初的*《致坡旅甲書》*(Epistle to Polycarp)[6]中暗指
2Ti 2:4.
坡旅甲(Polycarp)在第二世紀初[《致腓立比人書》(Epistle to the Philippians)4]暗指
2Ti 2:4;
並在第九章暗指
2Ti 4:10.
黑吉西坡(Hegesippus)在第二世紀末,見於優西比烏[*《教會史》*3.32],暗指
1Ti 6:3, 20.
雅典那哥拉(Athenagoras)在第二世紀末暗指
1Ti 6:16.
殉道者游斯丁(Justin Martyr)在第二世紀中葉[《與特里弗對話錄》(Dialogue with Trypho)47]暗指
Tit 3:4.
唯獨諾斯底主義者馬吉安(Marcion)拒絕這些書信。
這些書信所反對的異端,構成從猶太教(以其苦修形態)到後來發展成熟的諾斯底主義的過渡階段。其中論及猶太教與律法主義的引用是清楚的
(1Ti 1:7; 4:3; Tit 1:10, 14; 3:9).
初期諾斯底主義的痕跡也十分明確
(1Ti 1:4).
諾斯底派關於善惡兩個永存本原的理論,已在其雛形中出現於
1Ti 4:3
等處。在
1Ti 6:20
中出現了Gnosis(「學問」)一詞本身。另一個諾斯底派的錯謬,即「復活的事已過」,則暗指於
2Ti 2:17, 18.
此處所反對的猶太教,並非較早書信中的那種——後者維護律法,並試圖將其與因信稱義的信仰結合。它首先轉入《歌羅西書》中所顯出的那個階段,即在猶太化的觀點之上又加添了私意崇拜與天使崇拜。接着,同一邪惡的進一步階段出現於《腓立比書》
(Php 3:2, 18, 19),
即不道德的行為伴隨着關於復活的錯謬教訓(參
2Ti 2:18, 與 1Co 15:12, 32, 33)。
這種從律法主義墮落到迷信、又從迷信墮落到不敬虔的過程,在這些教牧書信對它的引用中顯得更為成熟。假教師如今不曉得律法的真正功用
(1Ti 1:7, 8),
更進一步,他們既丟棄了良心,也丟棄了信仰
(1Ti 1:19; 4:2);
說謊假冒,心地敗壞,並且把敬虔當作得利的門路
(1Ti 6:5
Tit 1:11);
以如同毒瘡蠶食的異端推翻信仰,說復活的事已過
(2Ti 2:17, 18),
偷進人家,俘虜無知的婦女,常常學習卻終久不能明白真道,心地如同雅尼和佗庇可一般敗壞
(2Ti 3:6, 8),
污穢不信,宣稱認識神,行事卻否認祂,可憎惡、悖逆、可廢棄
(Tit 1:15, 16).
這番描述與約翰、彼得的普通書信,以及《希伯來書》中的描述相符。這一事實證明這些教牧書信的寫作年代晚於保羅較早的書信。此處所斥責的猶太教,並非較早期那種對律法一絲不苟的猶太教;它當時正趨向於行為上的不道德。另一方面,這些書信所反對的諾斯底主義,也不是後來那種反猶太教的諾斯底主義——後者是因耶路撒冷及聖殿被毀、猶太教傾覆而興起的;它乃是猶太教與諾斯底主義之間的中間形態,其中東方與希臘的成分以某種方式與猶太教交融,正處於耶路撒冷被毀之前。
關於教會治理者與傳道人的指示——即「監督長老與執事」——乃是使徒鑑於自己即將離世,自然會給予提摩太(以弗所教會的主持者)和提多(在克里特擔任同樣職務者)的指示,為要確保教會在他離去之後仍得正常治理,尤其是在異端正迅速萌發之時。參他在對以弗所長老的講論中所表露的同樣掛慮
(Ac 20:21-30).
長老職(長老;priest即presbyter之縮寫)與執事職自教會最早時期即已存在
(Ac 6:3; 11:30; 14:23).
提摩太與提多作為監督(即後來bishop所指之意),要在以弗所按立長老,行使與使徒在其對所有外邦教會的普遍監督中所行使的同樣權柄。
思想方式與表達方式之特點,正符合本書信所論及之對象與受信者之處境與其他書信相較之下我們所預期的差異。其中一些特殊用語也見於《加拉太書》——保羅在該書中與在教牧書信中一樣,以他特有的熱忱抨擊假教師。試比較
1Ti 2:6; Tit 2:14,
「為我們捨了自己」,與
Ga 1:4;
1Ti 1:17; 2Ti 4:18,
「直到永永遠遠」,與
Ga 1:5:
「在神面前」,
1Ti 5:21; 6:13; 2Ti 2:14; 4:1, 與 Ga 1:20:
「柱石」,
1Ti 3:15, 與 Ga 2:9:
「中保」,
1Ti 2:5, 與 Ga 3:20:
「到了時候」,
1Ti 2:6; 6:15; Tit 1:3 與 Ga 6:9.
寫作時間與地點——《提摩太前書》寫於保羅離開以弗所前往馬其頓之後不久
(1Ti 1:3).
而提摩太當時與保羅同在馬其頓
(2Co 1:1)
正值保羅如所記從以弗所進入該地之時,
Ac 19:22; 20:1,
然而《提摩太前書》所設想的是提摩太在以弗所較長期居留,因此莫爾斯海姆(Mosheim)推測,保羅在「三年」之久的以弗所停留期
(Ac 20:31)
中有九個月主要住在馬其頓及其他地方(可能是克里特)——(僅提到「三個月」和「兩年」
Ac 19:8, 10,
支持此說,其餘九個月在他處度過);而這九個月期間,提摩太在保羅離開時治理以弗所教會。以弗所及其鄰近教會不太可能長期沒有教會職員與教會組織,而本書信正包含相關規條。再者,提摩太當時仍是「少年人」
(1Ti 4:12),
在保羅首次被囚之後,他已年至少三十四歲,難以再如此稱呼。最後,在
Ac 20:25,
保羅斷言他知道**以弗所人不會都再見他的面,因此
1Ti 1:3
所指的便是他在以弗所的停留,即
Ac 19:10
所記,他從那裏往馬其頓去。但困難在於如何解釋假教師為何(按此理論)幾乎在教會建立之後立即出現。然而,
Ac 19:1-41
所記的並非他首次到訪。以弗所教會的建立大概始於他一年前的到訪
(Ac 18:19-21).
亞波羅、亞居拉和百基拉繼續了這工作
(Ac 18:24-26).
這樣,關於假教師的驟然興起,便有足夠的時間讓其滋生——尤其考慮到以弗所最早的歸信者起初受的是亞波羅不完全的基督教教導,而他既來自亞歷山太(亞波羅的故鄉),很可能受斐羅(Philo)學說的影響,這又與施洗約翰的舊約教訓相混
(Ac 18:24-26).
此外,以弗所因其在亞細亞的地位、臭名昭著的奢華與邪術
(Ac 19:18, 19),
以及對亞底米(相當於腓尼基的亞斯他錄)的淫穢崇拜,從一開始就很可能使某些歸信者的基督教信仰沾染上東方的臆測與亞細亞放縱的行為。因此,本書信所呈現的錯謬階段——介於猶太教與後期諾斯底主義之間(見上文)——既可能在較早期出現於以弗所教會,也可能出現於較晚期,因為我們知道該教會後來已有公開的錯謬「使徒」
(Re 2:2, 6),
以及行為敗壞的尼哥拉一黨人。至於本前書與後書(後者必寫於保羅晚年)之間的緊密關聯——阿爾福德(Alford)正是以此為據主張前書也寫於保羅晚年——兩書處境相似、受信者為同一人,當時或在以弗所,或至少作為該教會監督而與以弗所有關,且要對付的異端與前書同類,這些都足以解釋兩書的關聯。兩者在語調上並無如此同一性,以致我們不得不採納兩書之間不可能相隔數年的理論。
然而,所有這些反對較晚日期的論據均可加以回應。本前書可能不是論及教會在監督(或長老與執事)之下的首次組織,而是後來因着醜聞而需要頒佈時,所定下這些職員當具備的道德資格。事實上,他把提摩太留在以弗所的目的,據他所述
(1Ti 1:3)
並非首次組織教會,而是要制止假教師。關於揀選合宜長老與執事的指示,乃是指填補空缺,而非首次任命。教會設有供養寡婦的制度一事,暗示已有既定的組織。至於提摩太的「年輕」,可能是相對年輕——與如今已是「老年人」
(Phm 9)
的保羅,以及年長於提摩太這位監督的某些以弗所長老相比。至於
Ac 20:25,
我們並非不知道,蒙召到米利都的所有以弗所長老,正如保羅所「知道」(無疑是藉啟示)的那樣,此後果真「都沒有再見」保羅的面,這就無需採納阿爾福德那種鬆懈的見解——以為保羅在這出於靈感的積極預期上錯了(因為這確實是出於靈感的預期,非僅對將來的揣測)。因此,他可能在首次於羅馬被囚之後又到訪以弗所
(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18; 4:20,
他既到過距以弗所甚近的米利都,不可能不去以弗所),只是他從前在米利都所勸勉的以弗所長老們並未再見他。兩書在主題、風格以及教會狀態上的總體相似,支持兩書年代相近之說。再者,反對較早日期理論的困難在於:難以確定在保羅於以弗所停留的兩三年間,何時可插入一次足夠長久、足以符合本書種種要求(暗示提摩太在以弗所長期居留並治理)的離開——(然而可參
1Ti 3:14,
另一方面)。因為提摩太在保羅離開以弗所時並未留在那裏
(Ac 19:22; 20:1; 2Co 1:1).
在
1Ti 3:14,
保羅說「我指望快到你那裏去」,而在較早那次他從以弗所往馬其頓時,並無此期望,反而計劃在馬其頓過夏,在哥林多過冬
(1Co 16:6).
「直等我來」
(1Ti 4:13)
一語暗示提摩太不可離開崗位,直等保羅到來;然而這一點與前述反對,對莫爾斯海姆的理論並不適用。此外,保羅在對以弗所長老的告別講論中預言假教師日後將從他們中間興起;因此,本前書既論及他們在以弗所實際存在,自然不會早於、反而晚於該講論,即屬於較晚的日期。在《以弗所書》中未提及猶太—諾斯底派的錯謬,若它們確已存在必會被提及;然而,與之同時的姊妹書《歌羅西書》卻有所論及
(Col 2:1-23).
雖然前書的日期總會存有疑問,但後書的日期幾乎毫無疑問。在
2Ti 4:13,
保羅吩咐提摩太把使徒留在特羅亞的書與外衣帶來。假設所指的是
Ac 20:5-7
所記那次到訪特羅亞,那麼外衣與皮卷便在特羅亞存放了約七年——那正是該次到訪與保羅首次在羅馬被囚之間相隔的時間:要他任其一物閒置如此之久,極不可能。再者,當他在首次羅馬被囚期間寫信給歌羅西人
(Col 4:14)
和腓利門
(Phm 24)
時,底馬與他同在;但當他寫
2Ti 4:10
時,底馬因貪愛現今的世界已離棄他,往帖撒羅尼迦去了。再者,當他寫信給以弗所、歌羅西、腓立比和腓利門時,他還滿懷即將獲釋的希望;但在本書
2Ti 4:6-8,
他預期即將殉道,且至少已受審一次
(2Ti 4:16).
再者,本書把他描述為比首次被囚時所寫各書更受嚴密拘禁(即使在《腓立比書》中——該書顯示他對性命更無把握——他仍懷有不久獲釋的希望,
Php 2:24; 2Ti 1:16-18; 2:9; 4:6-8, 16).
再者
(2Ti 4:20),
他說自己把特羅非摩留在米利都,因病在那裏。這不可能指
Ac 20:15
那次。因為不久之後特羅非摩曾與保羅同在耶路撒冷
(Ac 21:29).
而且,這樣他便是把一件六七年前的事當作最近發生的事來述說;何況在那次使徒身在米利都時,提摩太與保羅同在,因此無需被告知特羅非摩在那裏生病
(Ac 20:4-17).
此外,
(2Ti 4:20)
所記「以拉都在哥林多住下了」,暗示保羅不久前曾在哥林多,並把以拉都留在那裏;但保羅在首次被囚之前已數年未到哥林多,而在此期間提摩太一直與他同在,因此他無需事後再寫信談論那次到訪。所以他必是在首次被囚之後獲釋(事實上,
Heb 13:23, 24,
明確證明作者身在義大利且已獲自由),恢復了他的使徒行程,再次在羅馬被囚,並在殉道前不久於該處寫了《提摩太後書》。
優西比烏[《編年史》(Chronicles),紀元2083年](始於主後67年十月)說:「尼祿在他其餘的罪行之外,又加上了迫害基督徒:在他手下,使徒彼得和保羅在羅馬完成了他們的殉道。」耶柔米(Jerome)[《論顯赫人物》(On Illustrious Men)]也說:「在尼祿第十四年,保羅為基督的緣故在羅馬被斬首,與彼得同日,葬於奧斯田大道,時為我主離世後第三十七年。」阿爾福德合理地推測教牧書信寫於此日期前後。這段間隙可能(如羅馬的革利免所稱保羅曾傳道「直到極西之地」)由一次前往西班牙的旅程所填滿
(Ro 15:24, 28),
正如他自己原初的計劃。穆拉多利的*《聖經正典殘篇》*(約主後170年)也提到保羅前往西班牙的旅程。優西比烏、屈梭多模(Chrysostom)和耶柔米亦然。無論如何,他在第二次被囚之前似乎曾到訪以弗所,那時教會由一批新的長老治理
(Ac 20:25),
時間約為主後66年末或67年初。假定他三十歲歸信,此時已年逾六十,且因持續的艱辛,體質比年齡更老。即使在四年之前,他已自稱「保羅老人」
(Phm 9).
他從以弗所往馬其頓去
(1Ti 1:3).
他可能是從馬其頓寫了《提摩太前書》。但他在
1Ti 1:3
用「往」(而非「來」)——「我往馬其頓去的時候」——暗示他寫作時並不在那裏。無論身在何處,他寫信時不能確定自己會被耽擱多久才能到提摩太那裏
(1Ti 3:14, 15).
伯克斯(Birks)指出,他很可能從哥林多寫信,因哥林多與以弗所之間往來便捷。他的路線如前兩次一樣,是從馬其頓到哥林多。他發現
1Ti 2:11-14
與 1Co 14:34
論婦女在會中沉默一致;
1Ti 5:17, 18
與 1Co 9:8-10
論供給傳道人一致,所據原則與摩西律法「牛在場上踹穀不可籠住牠的嘴」相同;以及
1Ti 5:19, 20
與 2Co 13:1-4
論對長老的控告一致。使徒正是在這些指示曾經執行過的地方,在他的信中重申它們,是再自然不過的事。
《提多書》的日期必取決於所定《提摩太前書》的日期,因兩者在主題、用語和語調上互相關聯。《提多書》單獨而論,定於較早日期(即保羅首次被囚之前)並無困難。在
Ac 18:18, 19,
保羅從哥林多往巴勒斯坦時,因某種緣故在以弗所登岸。如今我們見到
(Tit 3:13)
亞波羅從以弗所往哥林多時,將在克里特停留(這似乎與
Ac 18:24, 27; 19:1
所記亞波羅從以弗所往哥林多的行程相符);因此保羅也可能在哥林多與以弗所之間類似地取道克里特;又或者,在他於
2Co 11:25, 26
所述三次船難中的一次被風吹離航線而至該處;這便可解釋他為何從哥林多往巴勒斯坦時取道以弗所,雖然那不在他常規的路線上。在以弗所保羅可能寫了《提多書》[胡格(Hug)];他大概在那裏遇見亞波羅,並在亞波羅經克里特往哥林多、以及使徒啟程往耶路撒冷之前,將寫給提多的信託付與他
(Ac 18:19-21, 24).
此外,保羅從耶路撒冷和安提阿返回時,曾在上亞細亞一帶旅行一些時日
(Ac 19:1);
大概就在那時,他「在尼哥波立過冬」的計劃得以實現,因為在安提阿與大數之間有一個同名城鎮,正位於保羅往加拉太的路線上
(Tit 3:12).
這樣,按此理論,《提摩太前書》便放在兩年半之後
(Ac 20:1;
參
1Ti 1:3).
阿爾福德主張將《提多書》與《提摩太前書》同列為保羅首次羅馬被囚之後所寫的論證,與他為《提摩太前書》所定的日期同成同敗。事實上,胡格為《提多書》較早日期所作的無可非議的論證,若不被其他論據所抵消,反倒支持與之極為相近的《提摩太前書》的較早日期。克里特教會剛剛建立
(Tit 1:5),
其中卻斥責與以弗所同樣的異端,這說明不能從這些異端得出阿爾福德反對《提摩太前書》較早日期的論據
(Tit 1:10, 11, 15, 16; 3:9, 11).
但反過來說,若如上述論證所示,《提摩太前書》定於較晚日期,則《提多書》因風格相似也必屬同一時期。
阿爾福德追溯保羅第二次被囚之前最後一次旅程如下:到克里特
(Tit 1:5), 米利都
(2Ti 4:20), 歌羅西(實現他的計劃,
Phm 22), 以弗所
(1Ti 1:3; 2Ti 1:18),
他從那附近寫了《提多書》;特羅亞、馬其頓、哥林多
(2Ti 4:20), 尼哥波立
(Tit 3:12)
——在以庇魯斯(Epirus),他原打算在那裏過冬;作為羅馬殖民地,他可免於暴亂之害,卻更易遭受京城羅馬仇敵的直接攻擊。他既在羅馬以基督徒領袖聞名,大概[阿爾福德]被指控與主後64年尼祿歸咎於基督徒的羅馬大火有牽連,由尼哥波立的兩名執政官解往羅馬。他在那裏如普通罪犯般被囚
(2Ti 2:9);
他在亞細亞的朋友們都離棄了他,惟獨阿尼色弗例外
(2Ti 1:16).
底馬、革勒士和提多也離開了他。他已打發推基古往以弗所。惟有路加與他同在
(2Ti 4:10-12).
在此情形下,他寫了《提摩太後書》,當時提摩太極可能在以弗所
(2Ti 2:17;
參
1Ti 1:20; 2Ti 4:13),
懇求他在冬天以前來
(2Ti 4:21),
並預期自己即將被處決
(2Ti 4:6).
推基古可能是後書的送信人
(2Ti 4:12).
他的辯護並非在皇帝面前進行,因皇帝當時在希臘
(2Ti 4:16, 17).
傳統記載他死於刀下,這與他作為羅馬公民可免受酷刑的事實相符;大概在主後67年末或68年——尼祿最後一年。
提摩太首先見於
Ac 16:1,
住在路司得(不是特庇,參
Ac 20:4).
他母親是猶太人,名叫友尼基
(2Ti 1:5);
他父親是「希臘人」(即外邦人)。既然提摩太在
Ac 16:1
中被稱為「門徒」,他必定在此前已經歸信,且是借着保羅歸信的
(1Ti 1:2),
大概在保羅前次到訪路司得時
(Ac 14:6);
大約也在那時,他那愛慕聖經的母親友尼基和外祖母羅以從猶太教歸信基督
(2Ti 3:14, 15).
不僅路司得弟兄們對他的好評,他部分猶太、部分外邦的身世也特別適合他作保羅在傳道工作上的助手——使徒每到一處,先是猶太人、後是外邦人做工。為避免猶太人的偏見,保羅先為他行了割禮。他似乎陪伴保羅走遍馬其頓;但當使徒繼續前行到雅典時,提摩太和西拉留在庇哩亞。他被保羅差回去看望帖撒羅尼迦教會
(1Th 3:2),
並將消息帶到在哥林多的使徒那裏
(1Th 3:6).
因此我們見他的名字與保羅一同列在兩封《帖撒羅尼迦書》的問安中——這兩封信寫於哥林多。我們又見他在以弗所長期停留期間「服事」保羅
(Ac 19:22).
他由此被差在保羅之前往馬其頓和哥林多
(1Co 4:17; 16:10).
保羅寫《哥林多後書》時他與保羅同在
(2Co 1:1);
次年冬天在哥林多,保羅從那裏寫了《羅馬書》
(Ro 16:21).
保羅經馬其頓返回亞細亞時,他先行在特羅亞等候使徒
(Ac 20:3-5).
接下來我們見他在保羅被囚於羅馬時與保羅同在——使徒當時寫了《歌羅西書》
(Col 1:1)、《腓利門書》
(Phm 1)
和《腓立比書》
(Php 1:1).
他大約與《希伯來書》的作者同時被囚、同時獲釋
(Heb 13:23).
在教牧書信中,他被提及為使徒留在以弗所以督導那裏的教會
(1Ti 1:3).
關於他的最後記載,是保羅對他的請求
(2Ti 4:21)
「在冬天以前來」,即約主後67年[阿爾福德]。優西比烏[《教會史》3.42]記載他為以弗所首任監督;而[尼塞福魯斯(Nicophorus),《教會史》3.11]記載他殉道而死。若如此,約翰(如傳統所言)居住並離世於該城,那必是在更晚的時期。保羅親自按手——又與眾長老一同按手——按立他或為他受職,照着那些擁有先知恩賜者論他所發的先知性指明而行
(1Ti 1:18; 4:14
2Ti 1:6).
他那克己的品格,見於他立即離家跟隨使徒、為福音的緣故受割禮;也見於他的節制(
1Ti 5:23
有所提及)——儘管他身體軟弱,本可享用更豐富的飲食。膽怯、缺乏自信與應付處境難處時的膽量,似乎是他那作為基督徒傳道人的美好品格中的缺陷
(1Co 16:10; 1Ti 4:12; 2Ti 1:7).
《前書》的主旨是:(1)指引提摩太囑咐假教師不可再傳福音以外的教訓
(1Ti 1:3-20;
參
Re 2:1-6);
(2)就崇拜的有序進行、監督與執事的資格、以及當選入受教會慈善供養而當盡指定事奉的寡婦的揀選,給他指示
(1Ti 2:1-6:2);
(3)警告不可貪財——這是以弗所盛行的罪,並勸勉行善
(1Ti 6:3-19).