Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Amos Capítulo 1

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Amos Capítulo 1

서론

Amos 1 Introduction

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アモスへの序論

テオドレト「人の心を一つ一つ造り、そのすべてのわざを悟られる方は、イスラエルの心の硬さと反逆性を知っておられたので、ただ一人の預言者を通してではなく、多くの預言者と驚くべき人々をその働き手として用いて、彼らに訴え、来たるべき事柄を予告し、多く者の調和を通じてその予告の真実性を証明なさった」。

偽りの教師たちの反対がパウロに自分自身について語る機会を与えたように、ベテルの祭司の迫害は、神が彼を預言者として召される前のアモスの生涯についての私たちの知る限りの知識を引き出した。「私」彼は言う、「は預言者ではなく、預言者の息子でもなかった」 (アモス7:14)。 彼はサムエルによって設立され、一般的な背道と腐敗の中で、宗教的知識と宗教的生活がイスラエルの残りの者たちの中で維持されていた預言者たちの学校での訓練を何も受けていなかった。彼は「牧者」であった。この語 בקר bâqâr が、羊ややぎの「群れ」と対比して常に「牛」または「獣群」を意味するために自然に意味することから(またその名が「耕す」に由来することから)「牛飼い」としてであれ、あるいは(より明らかではないが)「羊飼い」としてであれ。彼は「テコアの牧者たちの中に」いた。彼らの中に、そして外見上は彼らと同じで、何においても彼らと区別されなかった。

彼が飼った羊(彼も羊を飼っていたから)は彼自身のものだったかもしれない。それを証明するものも、反証するものもない。いずれにせよ、彼はモアブの王のような「羊飼いの主人」ではなかった。ユダヤ人たちは「預言は神によって富める者や高貴な者にのみ与えられる」という彼らの原則に従って(ヨエル2:29の注を見よ)、彼をそのようにしようと望む。ダビデのように、彼は羊の後に従った、その牧者として。しかし「イチジクの実の採集者」(あるいはより確からしくは「栽培者」)としての彼の職業は、彼を田舎の雇われの仕事によって生きる者として示している。おそらくその語は、イチジクの実が人工的な手段によって熟されることを示す。すなわち、それを刺激し、削り、突き刺し、傷つけることによって。

アモスはこれらが彼の食物であったとは言わず、彼の仕事の一つがイチジクを成熟させる庭師の機能を果たすことであったと言う。それゆえ彼は他の羊飼いたちの中にあって、ある程度の庭師であり羊飼いであった。彼が飼った羊もまたおそらく取引の対象であった。羊とやぎの品種は、彼の牧者としての特別な名 נקד nôqêd の由来である נקד naqad に一致して、今でもアラビアで同じ名で知られている。小型で、瘦せて、短足で、醜く、発育不良の種族である。「ナカドより卑しい」という諺を生み出した。しかし羊の羊毛は最も良いとされた。やぎは特にバーレーンに見られた。アラブ人の中でも、これらの羊の牧者は彼らに由来する名で知られていた。羊は「ナカド」と呼ばれ、その牧者は「ノカド」と呼ばれた。

預言者の出生地テコアは、ヨセフスとヒエロニムスの時代には「村」「小さな村」に縮小していた町で、エルサレムから12マイルの高い丘の上にあった。「私たちはそれを毎日見る」とヒエロニムスは付け加える。「それは」ヒエロニムスは言う、「世界の救い主がお生まれになった聖なるベツレヘムから南へ6マログにある。その向こうには粗末な小屋と移動可能な天幕を除いては村はない。これが紅海、そしてペルシャ人、エチオピヤ人、インド人の境界にまで延びる荒野の広大な荒廃である。そしてこの乾燥した砂地には穀物が全く育たないので、すべて羊飼いで満ちている。群れの多さによって地の不毛を補うためである」。テコアからヨアブはアブサロムのために執り成す「知恵のある女」 (Ⅰサム14:2) を連れてきた。レハベアムはそれを建てた (Ⅱ歴11:6)。 すなわち、それが以前に(後に再びそうなったように)村であり、それゆえヨシュア記には言及されなかったが、彼はそれを南東の境界に向けて城壁町とした。

隣接する荒野はそれにちなんで名付けられた (Ⅱ歴20:20; Ⅰマカ9:33)。 そのイチジクのほか、その油はユダで最も良かった。戦争と荒廃が、パレスチナの他の部分と同様にここからもそれらを絶滅させた。その現在の遺跡はキリスト教のもので、「4~5エーカーの廃墟」である。死海の近くの他の多くの場所と同様に、発音がわずかに異なる古い名テクアによって、またエルサレムからの距離によって特定される。紀元6世紀には、テコアにある聖なるアモスを記念する礼拝堂について聞く。そこでサバの小ラウラの分離した修道士たちは主日に交わった。テコアからの広い眺望は、死せる者と生ける者、神のあわれみとそのさばきの両方を抱いていた。

南東には「眺望はモアブの平らな山々によってのみ限られ、険しく荒涼とした中間の山々の間の裂け目から覗く死海の姿が頻繁に見える」。北にはオリーブ山が見える。当時は神が「御名を置くために選ばれた」場所を見下ろすものとして、目に喜ばしいものであった。しかしテコアは出生地であって も、預言者の故郷ではなかった。彼は「テコアの牧者たちの中に」いた(מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛)——彼らの羊飼いとしての職業が彼らを「テコアから」導き出した。荒野の荒地で彼が羊に従っていた時、神は彼を見て、ヤコブやモーセに現れたように彼にご自身を現し、「行って、わたしの民イスラエルに預言せよ」と彼に言われた。そして使徒たちが網と父を捨て、マタイが収税所を捨ててイエスに従ったように、アモスも羊とイチジクの栽培を捨て、突然牧者の衣服で、王室の、しかし偶像的な (アモス7:13) 聖所、国家の神殿に現れ、国家によって認められた偶像礼拝を非難し、王室の滅亡と民の捕囚を予告した。これはホセアと同様、イスラエルの最も力強い君主の治世に、彼女の雲一つない繁栄の中で行わなければならないことであった。ベテルはエルサレムの北わずか12マログ、テコアが南東へ12マログであったから。6、7時間あれば、羊飼いをその羊と荒野から、イスラエルの腐敗の源泉であるベテルの高き所へと運ぶのに十分であり、霊感を受けた農夫が国家の偶像礼拝の祭司や預言者たちに立ち向かうのにも十分であった。

そこで彼は疑いなく、「イスラエルの聖所は荒らされるであろう」 (アモス7:9) と言ったであろう。そしてそこで、かつての「神の人」のように、「祭壇」の前に立って、それに対する預言を新たにし、その滅びの中に偶像的な礼拝者たちを巻き込むであろうことを予告した (アモス9:1)。 しかし彼が預言の一部をベテルで語ったとはいえ、偉大な先人であるエリヤやエリシャのように、疑いなく彼はそこにだけ奉仕を限定しなかった。彼の、貧しい者の抑圧によって支えられていた贅沢なサマリアの婦人たちへの召し (アモス4:1) は、疑いなくサマリア自身の中で語られた。異邦人たちに、サマリアを取り囲む高地から、それが立ち上がる谷を見下ろすように召すこと (アモス3:9の注を見よ)、 そこからその騒ぎと抑圧を見、その宴の音と抑圧された者の嘆きを聞き、こうして神とその民の間をさばくようにという召しは、サマリアの中で最も効果的に与えられる。彼が説教した罪ある住民たちの良心は、彼らの周囲の高地、彼らと世界との間の安全の壁と彼らが見なしたものを、彼らの罪の異邦人の証人たちと、異邦人の復讐者たちで満たすことであろう。

預言者は、ヤラベアムの家の来たるべき滅亡とイスラエルの捕囚を、霊感によってのみ知ることができた。彼が責めた罪は、彼らの中にいたことからおそらく知っていた。アテネで「パウロの霊が奮 立った」ように、「偶像で満ちている町を見た時」 (使徒17:16)、 アモスの霊も、彼がこれほど鮮やかに描写する贅沢と欠乏の並列した悲惨な対比によって、深く奮立たされたに違いない。彼が責める罪は、特に首都の外面的な繁栄の罪、富める者たちの極端な贅沢 (アモス3:12、アモス3:15;アモス4:1;アモス5:11;アモス6:4-6)、 宴 (アモス2:8;アモス3:9)、 放蕩 (アモス2:7)、 貧しい者の抑圧による彼ら自身の無分別な支出の維持 (アモス2:7-8;アモス3:9;アモス4:1;アモス5:11;アモス6:3;アモス8:4-6)、 ゆすり (アモス3:10)、 彼らの必要を利用した酷い取引 (アモス2:8)、 正義の曲げ (アモス2:7;アモス5:7、アモス5:12、 賄賂と共に、アモス2:6;アモス5:12)、 偽りの枡 (アモス8:5)、 貪欲で強欲で、おそらく利己的な穀物の販売 (アモス8:5-6)。 罪と取り組むにおいて、アモスはホセアよりも罪の詳細と状況を多く扱う。ホセアは罪の中心に触れる。アモスはそれが枝分かれする詳細の中にその醜さを示す。彼はどこでも描写的であるように、ここでも彼は、罪がそれ自身を示した日常生活の出来事を指し示す。すなわち、貧しい者が売られた卑しい価格、あるいは贅沢品、「一足のサンダル」 (アモス2:6;アモス8:6)、 あるいは彼らが高い値段と少ない枡で貧しい者に売った「小麦のくず」(彼はこの語を造語した) (アモス8:6)。

アモスがその預言に付ける標題によれば、彼の務めはウジヤとヤラベアム第二が同時代であった25年間(紀元前809-784年)にあった。これは既に述べた意見、すなわちホセアがその罪のリストで言及する血流出は、個人の殺人というよりはむしろヤラベアム第二の死後の革命における政治的な血流出であったという意見に合致する。なぜならアモスは、政治的な繁栄と富に付随する罪(ヤラベアム第二の時代のような)についてイスラエルを責めながらも、血流出について言及しないからである。

アモスがその預言を始める2年前に言及される地震は、より明確な年代を与えると考えられてきた。その地震は恐るべき来訪であったに違いない。なぜなら捕囚の後、2世紀半後にまだ記憶されていたからである。「あなたがたは逃げるであろう」ゼカリヤは言う (ゼカリヤ14:5)、 聞き手が報告によってよく知っていた事柄として、「ユダの王ウジヤの時代に地震の前から逃げたように」。ヨセフスは地震を、ウジヤが香を献げた誇りの行いと結びつける。そのために神は彼を打ってツァラアトにした。彼はそれを事実として述べる(『古代誌』ix. 10)。「その間に大地震が地を揺るがし、神殿が裂けて、太陽の明るい光線が差し込み、王の顔に当たった。するとすぐにツァラアトが彼に及んだ。そして都市の前、エロゲと呼ばれる場所で、丘の西半分が切り離され、東の山へ半マイル転がり、そこで止まり、道と王の庭園を塞いだ」。しかしヨセフスのこの説明は、完全に非歴史的である。神殿自体が裂けるというそのような出来事が言及されなかったはずがないという不合理さから論じるまでもなく、ヨセフスはゼカリヤのまだ未来の出来事の描写を、ウジヤの下での過去の地震と混同している。年代も歴史と調和できない。なぜならウジヤがツァラアトに打たれた時、「その子ヨタムは王の家をつかさどり、地の民をさばいていた」 (Ⅱ歴26:21)。 しかしヨタムは父の死の時、自分自身が治め始めた時、わずか25歳であった (Ⅱ歴27:1)。 そしてウジヤはヤラベアムより26年生き延びた。それゆえ、父のツァラアトの後に彼のためにさばいたヨタムは、ヤラベアムが死んだ時にまだ生まれていなかった。それゆえウジヤはヤラベアムの死の数年後にツァラアトに打たれたに違いない。したがって、地震の後でもあった。なぜならヤラベアムの時代に預言したアモスは、「地震の2年前」に預言したからである。

イザヤの預言の古代ヘブル語の解釈、「六十五年のうちにエフライムは打ち破られて、もはや民ではなくなる」 (イザヤ7:8) は、イザヤがティグラト・ピレセルまたはサルゴンの下での捕囚の開始を予告していると想定し、イザヤ自身の預言の時期からその捕囚までの期間は65年ではないので、イザヤはアモスの預言「イスラエルは必ずその地から捕囚として連れ出される」 (アモス7:11、アモス7:17) から数えたと考えた。彼らはこのアモスの預言をウジヤの第25年に置いた。そうすれば彼の残りの27年、ヨタムの16年、アハズの16年、ヒゼキヤの最初の6年で65年になる。この計算は、地震とウジヤのツァラアトの想定された結びつきに関する誤りに必ずしも結びついていなかった。しかし、イザヤの「なお六十五年のうちに」という言葉から、彼が預言を語った時から数えていることは明らかである。それゆえこの預言は、イスラエルの「王国」を終わらせた不完全な捕囚ではなく、十部族が「もはや民」でなくなった、エサルハドンの下でのより完全な追放 (エズラ4:2;Ⅱ歴33:11;Ⅱ列17:24) に関する(アハズ14年+ヒゼキヤ29年+マナセ22年=合計65年)。それゆえこれもアモスの年代を定めない。

アモスがイスラエルに命じた、自分自身の境界とカルネ、ハマテ、ガテの境界との比較も、預言の時代を定めない。ウジヤがガテの城壁を打ち破り (Ⅱ歴26:6)、 ハマテがヤラベアム第二によってイスラエルに回復された (Ⅱ列14:28) のであるから、比較のポイントは、これらの国民の現在の災難と、アモスがイスラエルに脅したものとの間にあった可能性が高い。イスラエルの富める者たちは事実上それを信じなかった。なぜなら「あなたがたは災いの日を遠ざける者」 (アモス6:3) と続くからである。それゆえユーフラテスの向こう側にあるカルネ(非常に古い都市 (創世記10:10)、 後にテシフォンとなった)は、ガテとハマテがユダとイスラエルから被ったように、最近アッシリアから被害を受けた可能性が高い。しかし私たちはこれらの日付を一つも知らない。イザヤはアッシリア人が「カルノはカルケミシュのよう」 (イザヤ10:9) 「ハマテはアルパデのよう、サマリアはダマスコのよう」と誇るについて語る。しかしこれは、ハマテ、ダマスコ、サマリアがアッシリアの手に落ちた後のずっと後の時代に関する。私たちの現在のアッシリア史の知識は、アモスが語った相手によく知られていた出来事への手がかりを与えない。

しかし、アモスの預言的務めの正確な時期をこのように定めることはできないにしても、それはヤラベアムの治世の内になければならなかった。ベテルの祭司アマジヤはその治世の彼を訴えた (アモス7:10-11)。 なぜならこの預言全体は、イスラエルが繁栄、安楽、安全の状態にあったことを暗示するが、それはヤラベアムの死と共にすぐに無政府状態に陥ったからである。「ハマテの入口」 (アモス6:14) がイスラエルに属するものとしての言及は、ヤラベアムがそれをイスラエルに回復した後 (Ⅱ列14:25) のこの預言を暗示する。また彼が責める安楽、誇り、贅沢は、外国の抑圧 (Ⅱ列14:26) がしばらくの間やんでいたことを示す。これは預言の標題に合致するが、それ以上に限定しない。彼がウジヤとヤラベアム第二が共に治めている間に預言したので、アモスの預言的務めは紀元前809年から紀元前784年の間になければならなかった。すなわちヤラベアム第二の治世の最後の25年間に。それゆえ彼の務めはおそらくホセアの後に始まり、その終わりのずっと前に閉じた。彼はある意味でホセアより後であり、かつ前でもある。ホセアの預言的務めの最も早い時期より後であり、最も遅い時期よりずっと前である。

この期間の中で、アモスの活動を非常に短い時間に限定するものはない。ベテルの祭司アマジヤの伝言は、アモスのわざわいの言葉がイスラエルを貫いて揺さぶったことを暗示する。「アモスはイスラエルの家の真ん中で、あなたに反逆して陰謀を企てている。この地は彼のすべての言葉に耐えられない」 (アモス7:10)。 神が彼を、ヤラベアムの献堂の宴のように、ベテルの大きな祭りの真ん中に遣わされたのかもしれない。かつて神が、後に従わなかった預言者を、ヤラベアムが神の御名において聖別していた祭壇の汚染を予告するために遣わされたように。この場合、アモスはエリヤのように、直ちに偶像礼拝者の大群衆と直面したかもしれない。しかしアマジヤの言葉は、その明らかな意味において、アモスが一つの場所で神のメッセージを語ることによって生じるよりも、より広範な影響力を持っていたことを暗示するようである。彼は「地」すなわち十部族の全体について、「彼のすべての言葉に耐えられない」と言う。「陰謀」の告発もおそらく、一部の者が揺さぶられただけでなく、アモスの言葉によって回心し、彼と彼の信仰への忠誠によって知られるようになったことを暗示する。

アモスはまた、神の預言者たちに預言するなという禁令を、彼がその場で責めたアマジヤの一度の反対を超えて、習慣的なものとして語るようである。「わたしはあなたがたの息子たちを預言者として起こした。しかしあなたがたは預言者たちに『預言するな』と命じた」 (アモス2:11-12)。 厳密に言えば、アモスはエフライムの子ではなかった。アモス4:1-13の一連のイメージは、なぜ彼が彼らの中で預言したのかという反論に対する答えのようである。彼は言うであろう、自然の事柄においては、結果が原因に従うことに人々は驚かないと。神の命令が原因であり、アモスの預言が結果であった (アモス3:3-8)。「彼らは災いの日を遠ざける」 (アモス6:3)、 現在の贅沢の中に未来の災いを忘れて。あるいは神が自分たちと共におられると告白する。「万軍の主なる神は、あなたがたが語った通りに、あなたがたと共におられる」 (アモス5:14)。 あるいは神への半分の奉仕と彼らの中の想像された神の臨在とを頼みとし、アモスのわざわいの預言を冷やかし、彼が彼らに脅した主の日を求めるふりをした。彼らは災いが自分たちに及ばないと言った。「主の日を求める者はわざわいだ。それはあなたがたにとって何のためになるのか」 (アモス5:18)。「わたしの民の罪人たちは皆、『災いは私たちに追いつきも、先回りもしない』と言って、剣によって死ぬであろう」 (アモス9:10)。 彼らはまた行ないにおいても、公に彼らを責める者たちを憎むことを示した (アモス5:10)。 そしてアモスはホセアのように、彼らが硬化しているので、知恵自身も彼らを自分たちに委ねなければならないと宣言する (アモス5:13)。 これらはすべて、預言者と民との間の継続的な接触を暗示する。それゆえ彼の機能は、いくつかの説教、いわば、あるいは神の御旨の霊感による宣言の中で果たされたのではなく、数年間にわたる彼らの中の牧者のものでなければならなかった。彼の現在の書(ホセアの書のように)は、彼の預言の要約である。

その書(アモス自身が後に預言的教えを全体として集めたので)は、よく秩序づけられた一つの全体である。彼自身(標題において)それが書かれる前に語られたと述べている。彼がこれらは預言的な幻の中で彼が「見た」「ことば」であり、「地震の2年前」のものだと言う点で、彼の預言のこの部分は少なくともその2年前に彼の著作に先行していなければならない。その恐ろしい地震は、おそらく彼がそれらの預言を集める契機であった。しかしその地震は、疑いなく単なる時の記しではなかった。もし彼がただの日付を意図したのであれば、おそらく(他の預言者たちがするように)ユダの王の年を記したであろう。彼自身、地震 (アモス4:11) を神の不快感の警告の一つとして言及する。このより破壊的な地震は、おそらくヤラベアム第二の繁栄した治世の間の、神の不快感の最初の大きなしるし、アモスが予告し、波のように次々とイスラエルに押し寄せ、最後の波が彼を捕囚として連れ去るまで続いた、より重いさばきの最初の先触れであった。2年の間、イスラエルは前もって警告されていた。今や「産みの苦しみの始まり」 (マタ24:8) が始まった。

アモスは(既に気づかれたように)その書の初めで、自分の書を預言者ヨエルの書に繋ぐ。ヨエルは神の罪に対するさばきの例として、ツロ、ツィドン、ペリシテ、エドムがユダに行った不正を神がどう報いられるか、またエジプトを荒涼とされるかを予告した。アモスはエジプトを省き、ダマスコ、アンモン、モアブ、およびユダ自身を加える。彼が全部で七つの国民を選ぶのは、ある種の全体として(その数がしばしば用いられるので)であろうし、あるいは神権政治の特別の敵、イスラエルとユダが神の民であるゆえに彼らを憎んだ国民たち、また神の民自身も、それが神から遠ざかった限りにおいて、を含めるためであろう。確かに非難される罪は、神権政治すなわち神の支配に対する罪である。アモスは彼らに、「神は人を分かち隔てしない」という真理を示したかったのかもしれない。地の全土のさばき主なる彼は、すべての罪ある国民を罰せられる。そしてこの神のさばきの宣言によって、罪ある人がこれほど縮み上がる真理のために彼らを準備したかったのかもしれない。すなわち、神が最も多くその光と愛を示されたところで最も多く罰せられるという真理 (アモス3:2) のために。神のさばきの雷雲は、周囲のすべての国民——スリア、ペリシテ、ツロ、エドム、アンモン、モアブ——の上を通り過ぎ、さらにユダとエルサレムに天からの火を放ち、ついにイスラエルの上に留まる。イスラエルに対するこのさばきの輪を閉じる要約は、彼らが彼の使命の主な対象であったゆえに、彼らの罪についてより詳細である。その要約の中で、アモスは彼が他で彼らを責める罪を一つに集め、彼らの感謝の欠如と、神が彼らに与えた光を消そうとする彼らの努力を彼らの前に置く。

私たちの各章は、自然な区分に従う。それぞれが(ホセアのもののように)わざわいで終わる。アモス3:1-15、アモス4:1-13、アモス5は三重の召し「このことばを聞け」によって区別される。それぞれにおいて、彼は彼らの罪のいくつかを彼らの前に置き、それぞれにおいて神の判決を宣告する。「それゆえ主なる神はこう仰せられる。それゆえイスラエルよ、わたしはこのようにあなたにする。それゆえ万軍の主なる神、主はこう仰せられる」 (アモス3:11;アモス4:12;アモス5:16、前のアモス2:14のように)。 これに二重のわざわいが続く。「求める者はわざわい」 (アモス5:18)。「安らかにいる者はわざわい」 (アモス6:1)。 この二つの区分はともに、神のさばきの新たな宣告で終わる。第一は、「ダマスコの向こう」へのイスラエルの最終的な捕囚。第二は、ティグラト・ピレセルの最初の侵入による彼らのより近い苦しみ (アモス6:14の注を見よ)。 アモス7で彼は一連の幻を始める。最初の二つの幻では、預言者の執り成しによって神は赦される (アモス7:3、アモス7:6)。

第三の幻で、神はもはや赦さないと解釈される (アモス7:8)。 これに続いて、アマジヤからの預言の禁令と、彼に対する神の宣告があった。アモス8:1-14で、アモスは(何も介入しなかったかのように)アマジヤが割り込んだ幻のシリーズを再開する。彼は止められたちょうどその場所で再開する。アモスが、神はもはやイスラエルの家を「見過ごす」ことはないが、イスラエルの偶像の聖所を荒らし、ヤラベアムの家に剣を持って来られると宣言した時、アマジヤは割り込んだ。(アモスが再開する)幻は、「わたしは決して彼らをもう見過ごさない」 (アモス8:2) という言葉を新たにし、偶像の神殿の歌が嘆きに変えられることを予告する。アモスは最後の章を、偶像の祭壇と神殿だけでなく、その礼拝者たちの滅びでもあるべき幻で始める (アモス9:1)。 アモスはこれらの幻のそれぞれを、彼が展開する主題とする。両者ともわざわいで終わる。第一は、イスラエルの偶像礼拝者の完全な滅び (アモス8:14)、 第二は、罪あるイスラエルの「王国」の滅び (アモス9:8)。 これに彼は、イスラエルの「家」に対する約束を結びつける。「もみぞかれる」彼らが「諸国の中で」も、一粒も地に落ちない (アモス9:9)。 これに彼はホセアのように、ダビデの倒れた天幕を起こし、異邦人を回心させ、それと共にイスラエルの捕囚を回復するという、(ヨエルにおいて)既に霊的祝福を象徴していた約束の中でのイスラエルの捕囚の回復を、終わりの約束として加える (アモス9:13)。

アモスはホセアのように、イスラエルのための預言者であった。彼が神の来訪の輪の中にユダを含めた第二章の後、ユダは「主の律法をさげすんだ」 (アモス2:4-5) ので、アモスは彼を偶然にのみ言及する。彼はそこで、エルサレムが(そうであったように)火で焼かれることを予告する。ユダはまた、「神がエジプトの地から連れ上られた全家族に対して」 (アモス3:1) という言葉に含まれなければならず、「シオンに安らかにいる者たち」 (アモス6:1) に対して「わざわい」が宣告される。他の場所では、「イスラエル」「イスラエルの家」「イスラエルのおとめ」「イスラエルの聖所」「ヤコブ」「ヤコブの家」、そして(同じ意味で)「イサクの高き所」「イサクの家」「ヨセフの家」「ヨセフの残りの者」「ヨセフの苦しみ」「サマリの山」あるいは「サマリの山々」「サマリ」自身、「ベテル」 (アモス3:9、アモス3:12-14;アモス4:1、アモス4:4-5、アモス4:12;アモス5:1、アモス5:4、アモス5:6、アモス5:15、アモス5:25;アモス6:1、アモス6:6、アモス6:8、アモス6:14;アモス7:2、アモス7:5、アモス7:8-9、アモス7:16-17;アモス8:2、アモス8:14;アモス9:7-8) が、彼の預言の対象として入れ替わりに現れる。アマジヤの、彼の言葉がイスラエルとベテルに向けられているゆえにユダの王国で喜ばれるであろうという嘲りも、同じことを暗示する。またアモス自身、これが彼の任務であったと宣言する。「行って、わたしの民イスラエルに預言せよ」。ベエルシェバの偶像礼拝について語る際、アモスは「ベエルシェバへ渡ってはならない」 (アモス5:5) という言葉を用い、ユダの偶像礼拝を彼ら自身のものに加える。「渡ってはならない」という言葉は、イスラエルで預言する者によってのみ用いられ得た。それゆえ、アモスが彼らへではなく、ダビデの家へ、またその回復を通じてイスラエルへの約束によって預言を閉じたことは、イスラエルの忠実な者たちにとってさらに印象的であったに違いない。アモスはホセアのように、「イスラエルの王国」の完全な滅亡を予告しながらも、神は「ヤコブの家」を完全には滅ぼさない (アモス9:8-10) が、その中の選ばれた者を救うと宣告する。

アモジヤの反対は、人々が神の御声を消そうとする「預言するな」という多様な叫びの一つの顕著な例として際立つ。ヤラベアムはその訴えを無視した。彼の偉大な勝利は預言者ヨナによって彼に予告されていた。彼は神の預言者に干渉しようとはしなかった。アマジヤが彼の言葉を歪めて「ヤラベアム」が「剣によって死ぬ」としたのではなく、「ヤラベアムの家」 (アモス7:9) がそのように滅びると予告したのであった。しかし彼の書はすべてヤラベアムの治世とイスラエルの王国の内に含まれる。彼は神によってそこで預言者として召された。彼がユダで機能を果たした、あるいは生涯でそこに退いたというわずかな痕跡さえない。

やや遅い伝統は、アモスを、主がその民が殺したと言われる多くの預言者たちの中に置く。その伝統は、「彼(アモス)がベテルの祭司アマジヤによって何度も打たれた後(筆者はヘブル人への手紙11:35に現れるのと同じ語を用いている)、その祭司の息子オセアが杭で彼のこめかみを刺した。彼は半死半生の状態で自分の国に運ばれ、数日後、その傷で死に、父祖たちと共に葬られた」と伝える。しかし、それを伝える匿名のギリシャ語の著者は(それ自体はもっともらしいが)、他の場合において信頼できる情報を持たず、ヒエロニムスとアレクサンドリアのキュリルはそれを全く知らなかった。ヒエロニムスは、アモスの墓がその出生地テコアにまだ示されているとだけ伝える。

アモスの牧者生活の影響は、彼の預言の最も崇高な部分、全能の神の力強いわざの描写 (アモス4:13;アモス5:8;アモス9:5-6) に最も現れる。偶像礼拝者にとって礼拝の対象であったものが突然覆され、「日が夜によって暗くされる」といった、自然における恐ろしく突然の変化は、彼の牧者生活によって彼に親しいものであった。星のきらめく天は、しばしば彼の魂の神との静かな対話を目撃した。子牛において、エフライムの偶像礼拝者たちは「自然」を礼拝した。それゆえアモスは、彼らも礼拝していると信じていた神を、彼らに示すことを喜ぶ。「自然」の創造主として、ご自身の御旨によってそれを振るい、変えられる方として。またすべての自然は、不敬虔な者の罰においてその造り主に従うべきであり (アモス8:8)、 何ものも彼から隠れるべきではなかった (アモス9:2-3、アモス9:5)。 牧者生活はまた、ダビデの若き日の事実として知る、野獣からの危険を預言者に親しいものとしたであろう。そこから引き出されたイメージは、おそらく彼が見たか、遭遇したかの回想であった (アモス3:4-5、アモス3:12;アモス5:19)。 しかしアモス、不毛で大部分は樹木のない荒野の牧者は、農夫として生きなかった。彼の国は穀物の国でも、杉や樫の国でもなかった。それゆえ立派な木々 (アモス2:9)、 重荷を負ったわらす (アモス2:13)、 あるいは穀物のふるい分け (アモス9:9) からのイメージは、自然の光景の中での彼の生活の直接的な結果ではなかった。預言者が神が彼らの中に送られたと言う穀物の病、いなご、干ばつは、テコアの荒野よりもむしろイスラエルの穀物地帯で感じられる打撃であった。彼がイスラエルを責める無感覚は、もちろん、彼ら自身の苦しみの中での心の硬さであった (アモス4:7-9)。 彼が神の御名において彼らに脅すさばき (アモス7:1-3) は、彼自身の国での彼の牧者生活とは関係がない。

ヒエロニムスでさえ、真の原則を述べながら、誤って、牧者生活から生じるイメージの一例として、彼の書の冒頭の言葉を挙げている。それらは部分的には預言者ヨエルの言葉である。「それは自然なことである」彼は言う。「すべて技術を行う者はその技術の用語で語り、それぞれが自分の人生を費やしたところからの類似性を持ってくるべきである。なぜこれを言うのか。アモス預言者も、牧者たちの中の牧者であったことを示すために。そして、耕された場所や、ぶどう園や、森や、緑の牧草地の中ではなく、ライオンの猛威と家畜の滅びが目撃された荒野の広大な荒れ地において。彼は自身の技術の言葉を用い、主の恐ろしく恐るべき御声をライオンのほえる声と呼び、イスラエルの都市の転覆を、牧者たちの孤独な場所や山々の干ばつに例えた」。

真理はこうかもしれない。自然の光景の中でのアモスの宗教的生活は、ダビデと同様に、神の大きな絵本である自然の言葉で彼の思いを表現することに彼を慣れさせた。その絵本は、神の御手によっても書かれているので、驚くほど神の事柄を表現する。彼の預言者の生活が彼を他の耕された自然の光景の中に連れて行った時、物理的なものと道徳的なものとの関係を読むことに熟練した彼の魂は、彼のたとえの言葉を、彼が見たものからも、彼が思い出したものからも等しく取った。彼は私たちが「自然の子」と呼ぶもの、その神によって力と知恵を授けられた者であった。牧者生活の結果としての、外面的な文体の劣等性さえ預言者に帰することは、さらに間違っていた。異邦人でさえ「言葉は思考に容易に従う」と言った。ましてや、思いと言葉が神の聖霊によって共に魂に注がれる時には。逆に、これほど輝く文体を持つ預言者はほとんどおらず、これほど素晴らしく自然と道徳の世界、神の全能と全知を組み合わせる者もほとんどいない (アモス4:13)。

幻は、語られるなら、散文で最も効果的に語られる。その効力は、部分的にはその単純さに依存する。その意味は、言葉の装飾によって覆い隠されるかもしれない。こうしてアモスの書の多くは、当然ながら散文である。アモスやゼカリヤの幻の詩、いわば、は言葉ではなく思想にある。アモスはまた、イスラエルの富める罪人たちへの責めのために散文の形式を選んだ。しかしまさにその中で、サマリの周囲の高地を異邦人の敵で満たし、その罪を見よと召すこと (アモス3:9) ほど詩的なものが何であろう。神の御名を名のる勇気のなかった完全な絶望の描写 (アモス6:9-10) ほど描写的なものが何であろう。イスラエルに、もし望むなら、同時に罪を犯し、その罪のために贖うために来るよう召すこと (アモス4:4) ほど大胆なものが何であろう。突然の転換「わたしはあなたがただけを知った。それゆえわたしはあなたがたのすべての不義を罰する」 (アモス3:2) ほど力強いものが何であろう。あるいは突然の召し「わたしはあなたにこれをするから」 (アモス4:12、 その沈黙(「これ」が何であるか)は言葉よりもっとスリリングな)「イスラエルよ、あなたの神に会う準備をせよ」。あるいは贅沢な富める者の絵の結びほど哀れなものが何であろう。彼らが次々に贅沢を積み上げた様を語った後、彼らがしなかったことで終わる。「彼らはヨセフの苦しみのために心を痛めない」 (アモス6:6)。

アウグスティヌスはアモスを、飾りのない雄弁の例として選ぶ。パウロからの例を挙げた後、彼は言う。「これらのことは、教授者たちによって教えられる時、偉大なものと見なされ、大きな代価で買い取られ、大きな誇りの中で売られる。私は自分のこれらの議論が同じような誇りのにおいをさせないかと恐れる。しかし私は偽りの学問を持つ人々と関わらなければならない。彼らは私たちの著者たちを、持っていないからではなく、彼らが高く評価しすぎる雄弁を見せないからという理由で、軽く見るからである」。

「私は預言者たちの雄弁について何かを言わなければならないのを見る。そして私はこれを、主に、自分が羊飼いあるいは牛飼いであったと言い、そこから神によって取られて、その民に預言するために遣わされた、その預言者の書から行うであろう。

それゆえこの農夫、あるいは農夫預言者が、不敬虔で、誇り高く、贅沢で、それゆえ兄弟愛の配慮に最も欠ける者たちを責めた時、彼は大声で叫ぶ。『シオンに安らかにいる者たちはわざわいだ、など』。学があり雄弁であるとして、私たちの預言者たちを学がなく雄弁を知らないとして軽蔑する者たち——彼らがそのようなものを持っていたであろうか、あるいはそのような者たちに向かって語らなければならなかったであろうか。彼らのうちの、愚かでありたくないと思う者たちの数だけ、彼らは他の仕方で語りたいと望むであろうか。なぜなら、そこに語られた以上に、何を他のしらふの耳が望むであろうか。第一に、その非難自体、なんという衝撃をもって、まるで彼らの麻痺した感覚を呼び覚ますかのように投げつけられることか」。

それゆえ、これらの節を分析した後、彼は言う。「これがどれほど美しく、読んで悟る者たちにどれほど影響を与えるかを、自分で感じない者に言うのは無駄である。私が選んだこの一つの場所に、修辞学の規則のより多くの例が見出されるであろう。しかし良い聞き手は、それらの勤勉な議論によって教えられるよりも、それらの輝く朗読によって燃やされるであろう。なぜならこれらのものは人間の工夫によって作られたのではなく、神の思いから雄弁の知恵の中に注ぎ出されたからである。知恵は雄弁を目指さないが、雄弁は知恵から離れない」。 「なぜなら、もし最も雄弁で鋭い人々の何人かが見て語ることができたように、修辞学の一芸として学ばれるものが、雄弁家の天才の中に最初に見出されなければ観察され、注目され、この体系に還元されなかったであろうなら、天才を創造される『彼』が遣わす者たちの中にもそれが見出されることは、何の不思議であろうか。それゆえ私たちは、私たちの正典の著者たちと教師たちが、知恵あるだけでなく雄弁でもあることをよく告白できる。その性格にふさわしい雄弁をもって」。

ヒエロニムスは、アモスにパウロが自分自身について語った言葉「言葉は拙くとも知識においてはそうではない」 (Ⅱコリ11:6) を当てはめる際、疑いなく後者の言葉を主に念頭に置いていた。なぜなら彼は、「すべての預言者たちを通して語られたのと同じ御霊が、彼においても語ったから」と付け加えるから。ロース博士はうまく言う(de Poesi Hebr. Prael. xxi.)。「ヒエロニムスはアモスを、言葉は拙くとも知識においてはそうではない、と呼ぶ。パウロが自分について控えめに告白したことを彼について暗示し、多くの者がその権威に基づいて、この預言者をまるで完全に粗野で、無口で、飾り気がないかのように語る。まったく反対である。公平な裁判官が、誰が書いたかではなく何を書いたかを考えて彼の著作を読めば、私たちの羊飼いは最もすぐれた預言者たちに『少しも劣っていなかった』と思うであろう。その思想の高さとその精神の壮麗さにおいては最も高い者たちにほぼ等しく、その言葉の輝きと構成の優雅さにおいてはほとんど誰にも劣らない。なぜなら同じ神の御霊が、その霊感によって宮殿でイザヤとダニエルを、羊小屋でダビデとアモスを動かされた。常に神の御旨のふさわしい解釈者を選び、時に幼子たちの口から賛美を完成させる。ある者には雄弁を用い、他の者には雄弁を与える」。

実際、構造の規則性において彼は彼自身に独特の優雅さを持つことが注目されてきた。彼が最初の二章の重い預言に投影したストローフェーの形式は、それらの荘厳さを大いに加える。第四章、「それでもあなたがたはわたしに帰らなかったと主は仰せられる」 (アモス4:6、アモス4:8-11) の繰り返す「重荷」は、それに深い哀愁を与える。実際、この霊感を受けた羊飼いほど、外面的な形への配慮を持って預言を一つに結んだ預言者はいない。アモスは(人間的な言葉で言えば)詩人というよりは聖なる雄弁家であった。既に例示された力強い転換の一つは、人間の雄弁家に印を与えるのに十分であろう。はるかに、それらは預言者の時代から現在まで、罪に浸った魂を貫いて揺さぶってきた。人間の雄弁について「彼は稲妻を放ち、雷を鳴らし、ギリシャを混ぜ合わせた」と言われてきた。この羊飼いは一つの国ではなく、世界を揺さぶった。過ぎ去る地震によってではなく、電気のような力で彼の言葉を通じて流れ出た神の畏れによって。

方言の変化、あるいは彼の牧者生活が彼の発音に与えた影響が、アモスの中に想像されてきた。しかしそれはわずか五つの語に関する。そのうち三つで、彼の綴りはヘブル語の他の場所で見出されるものと一文字異なる。二つの場合、変化は異なる歯擦音の使用から成る。第三はより弱い喉音の使用から成る。これらに加えて、彼はイサクの名のより柔らかい音を用いる。それはエレミヤと一つの詩篇にも現れる。もう一つの語では、彼は二つの詩篇と共に、ヘブル語で一般的な強い歯擦音を持つ語根の代わりに、喉音を持つ語根を用いる。これらの四つの場合、アモスはより柔らかい形を用いる。第五では、二つの歯擦音がかつて異なって発音されていたことだけを知るが、その区別が何であったかを推測することはできない。二つの歯擦音はいくつかのヘブル語の語で入れ替わり、私たちが発見できる規則はない。もう一つの歯擦音では、アモスによる変更は、「sh」の発音しか持たなかったエフライム人が「shibboleth」の代わりに「sibboleth」と発音したのと正反対である。しかしエフライム人は「sh」を全く発音できなかった。アモスの変化は一つの語に限定される。アモスのこれらの例への同様の変化は、聖書の他の語にも見出される。全体として、アモスが住んだ南ユダにより柔らかい発音の存在を疑うことができるが、唯一安全な推論は、預言者が語り、書いた通りに、語が私たちに伝えられた極端な注意深さである。

既に注目されたように、アモスとホセアは共に、モーセのすべての祭りと犠牲、祭司、預言者、神殿が、子牛礼拝に歪められてのみ、イスラエルに保持されていたことを示す。三年目の十分の一さえ彼らは取り除く勇気がなかった (アモス4:5)。 アモスは儀式のさらに細かい特徴を供給する。彼らがパン種に関して同じ規則を持っていたこと (アモス4:5)。 彼らの祭壇にも(律法で規定されているように)角があり、そこに犠牲の血が振りかけられるべきであったこと (アモス3:14、 出27:2;出29:12;レビ4:25を見よ)。 彼らは祭壇の鉢を持っていたこと (アモス6:6)、 そこから犠牲の血が振りかけられた。モーセの時代に会衆の君たちが献げたようなもの (民数7:13)。 そして彼らの富める者たちは、時に少なくとも、酒を飲むためにそれを略奪した。

彼らはまた、真の預言者たちと同様に、真のナジル人を彼らの中に起こされた。そして彼らはこれらの宗教的な人々の影響の重さを感じた。彼らが詐欺や暴力によって彼らに誓いを破らせようとしたからである (アモス2:12)。 アモスは、人と人との間の律法を破る彼らの富める者たちを責めながらも、モーセの律法がこの点においても彼らの中で認められていたことを前提とする。彼の言葉「彼らは柔和な者の道を曲げる」 (アモス2:7;アモス5:12、 出23:6;申16:19;申24:17;申27:19を見よ)。「門で貧しい者を曲げる」 (アモス2:8、 出22:26-27を見よ)。「身代金を取る」 (アモス5:12、 富める者からその悪事のために) において、彼は五経の独特の用語を保持する。また、「質に取られた衣服の上に」 (アモス2:8、 出22:26-27を見よ) 「すべての祭壇のそばに伏す」においても。「エパを小さくする者」 (アモス8:5、 申25:14-15を見よ)。 「欺きの枡」 (アモス8:5) は、律法で命じられる「正しい枡」 (レビ19:36) の反対である。

律法 (申23:1) によって原則的に禁じられた特別な不純について彼らを責めるにおいて、彼は律法で繰り返される制裁「わたしの聖なる名を汚す」 (アモス2:7;レビ20:3) を用いる。彼が言及する罰において、彼は神がそれらの罰を脅す言葉を用いる。「焼き尽くしと黒穂病」と訳される二つの注目すべき語 (アモス4:9;申28:22) は、申命記と、それに基づくソロモンの祈り (Ⅰ列8:37) と、アモスを参照するハガイ (ハガ2:17) にのみ現れる。「神がソドムとゴモラを覆されたように」 (アモス4:11;申29:23) という言葉において、申命記の特別な用語と形式、また脅しが保持される。脅し「あなたがたは切り石で家を建てたが、その中に住めない。心地よいぶどう園を植えたが、その酒を飲めない」は、申命記 (アモス5:11;申28:30、申28:39) のものを混ぜ、拡大する。彼らの悔い改めの欠如を描写する注目すべき用語は同じものから取られる (アモス4:6、アモス4:8-10、申4:29を見よ)。

同様に「苦胆と毒」 (アモス6:12、申29:18から)、 二つの苦い植物、彼らがさばきと正義をそれに変えたもののイメージ。五経の他の言葉の回想がアモスの言葉に織り込まれており、それが預言者とイスラエルの聞き手の双方の記憶にあったことを前提とする (アモス2:2、アモス2:10-11;アモス3:2;アモス6:1;アモス7:16;アモス9:8、アモス9:12を見よ)。 実際、エジプトでの400年の長い奴隷の後、神が父祖たちと交わったことで聖別された場所の伝承は、おそらく「彼らの兄弟エドム」 (アモス1:11) との関係さえも失われていたであろう。創世記はこの種の人気の現存する伝承を具体化したのではなく、それらを生き返らせたに違いない。ホセアによって言及されるベエルシェバの偶像礼拝、またギルアデのものと同様に、ヤラベアム自身が子牛礼拝のためにベテルを選んだことさえも、偶像礼拝者たちが五経から学んだに違いない歴史の知識と信仰を前提とする。疑いなく、ヤラベアムの政策の一部は、エルサレムの神殿の排他的な要求に対抗して、父祖たちへの神のあわれみに由来する伝統的な聖性を持つ対抗する場所を設立することであった。ムハンマドがエルサレムへの関心を主張するためにアブラハムの記憶を利用したのとほぼ同様に。しかしこれらの伝統もまた民によって受け取られたものであり、彼らから出たものではない。彼らはエジプトから持ち出されたのではなかった。奴隷化され、堕落し、感覚化され、偶像礼拝を愛した民は、独自の偉大な父祖たちの純粋な宗教の記憶を大切にする心を持たなかった。父祖たちは像のない、自己存続する神を礼拝した。

アモスが五経の言葉を用い、ヨエル書を引用したように、彼の最初の預言の重荷「わたしは……に火を送る……それは……の宮殿を焼き尽くす」 (ホセ7:14) において彼がホセアのよく知られた言葉を取り、それらの用いることによって預言に統一性を与えたということが、ホセアが五経の言葉以外は用いないホセアが、この形式を用いる唯一の場所で、アモスの「重荷」をユダの一つの場合に限定したということよりも、より可能性が高い。その上、ホセアにおいて、ユダの都市と宮殿の滅亡を宣言する言葉は、それらを建てたユダの誤った気質と直接のつながりで立つのに対し、アモスにおいてはそれらは独立している。これに加えて、二人の預言者の言葉は、両者が「欺きの枡」 (ホセ12:8(英語ではホセ12:7);アモス8:5) という用語を持つことを除いて、互いに影響を及ぼさない。それは元々、律法で神が命じた「正しい枡」との対比で形成され、ソロモンの箴言 (箴11:1;箴20:23) に最初に現れる。

後の預言者の中で、エレミヤは自身の言葉でダマスコに対するアモスの預言を新たにした。ただしハザエルの記憶がティグラト・ピレセルの下での滅亡の中で消し去られたかもしれず、エレミヤはハザエルにちなんでではなく、それ自身の名とベン・ハダデの名で呼ぶ (エレ49:27)。 アモスの言葉はかつて成就し、その民はキルに運ばれた。おそらく逃亡者が再びそれを居住可能にし、エレミヤはアモスを通じて宣告された判決がまだ尽きていないことを指摘したかったのであろう。同様の根拠で、おそらくアンモンを同様の罪について、またアモスがわざわいを宣告したこと——イスラエルを追い出そうとしたこと (アモス1:13;エレ49:1)——について責める時、エレミヤはアモスの言葉「彼らの王は捕囚に行く——その君たちと共に」 (アモス1:15;エレ49:3) を用いた。同様の仕方で、ハガイは神の懲らしめの下での悔い改めの欠如について、アモスの言葉と本質的に変わらない言葉でユダヤ人を責める (アモス4:9;ハガ2:19)。 アモスの言葉は、回復されたユダヤ人にこのように繰り返され、まるでイスラエルの荒涼とした遺産から「もう罪を犯してはならない。もっと悪いことがあなたに起こらないために」と響いた。

アモスの言葉の他の回想は、単に聖書の調和の一部であり、預言者たちはこの方法でも互いの一致を示し、一方が他方の言葉を用いる。

当時のアモスの教えの力を、国家の祭司アマジヤはヤラベアムに印象づけた。アモス自身に対しては軽蔑的であったが、アマジヤはヤラベアムに真理を認めた。「この地は彼(アモス)のすべての言葉に耐えられない」。疑いなく、ユダヤ人たちがステパノに対して狂ったように、「彼が語る知恵と御霊に抵抗できなかった」 (使徒6:10) のであるから、神はその僕の言葉を御民に力をもって伴われた。彼らは既にヤラベアム1世の家、バアシャの家、アハブの家に対する神の言葉の成就を見ていた。その同じ運命が今や「ヤラベアムの家」に対して新たにされ、それと共に十部族の離散の預言 (アモス5:27;アモス7:8-9、アモス7:17) が告げられた。ホセアも同時代にそれを予告した (ホセ1:6;ホセ9:17)。 イスラエルの二人の預言者は互いを確認し合ったが、同時に自分たちに逃げ場を残さなかった。彼らは預言の全評判をこの明確な結果にかけた。私たちはそれがヤラベアムの家において成就したことを知っている。しかしヤラベアムの家はその前後のいかなる家よりも堅固であった。

私たちは十部族の慣わしでない捕囚を知っている。もし彼らが捕囚にされなかったなら、預言は恥となるはずであった。そしてそれに比例して、それが勝利なのである。各段階は、後に続くものの分割払い、証拠であった。ゼカリヤ、ヤラベアムの子の死は、全体の成就の第一歩であった。それからおそらく、メナヘムに対するプルの侵入 (Ⅱ列15:19) において、アマジヤの運命が続いた。神は御言葉を正当化することに熱心ではない。シェブナ (イザヤ22:17-18、 イザヤ)、 あるいはアマジヤ、あるいは偽預言者アハブ、ゼデキヤ (エレ29:20-22)、 シェマヤ (エレ29:32)、 パシュル (エレ20:6)、 あるいは他の偽預言者たち (エレ14:15) に対してはなさらない。時に、ハナニヤの場合のように (エレ28:17)、 聖書は神のさばきの個別の成就を記録する。ほとんどの場合、神の判決の執行を気づかれずに過ぎ去らせる。犯罪者の判決は、執行猶予されない限り、それ自体が執行を含意する。その事実はそれを目撃した者たちに印象づけた。さばきの記録が私たちには十分である。

それからティグラト・ピレセルの下で、ダマスコ (アモス1:5) とギルアデ (アモス6:14) に関する預言の成就が続いた。サルゴンの下で十部族に関する預言が成就した (アモス5:27;アモス7:8-9、アモス7:17;アモス9:8)。 ユダに関するもの (アモス2:5) はなお133年待ち、ナブコドノソルによって成就した。数年後、彼はモアブ、アンモン、エドム、ツロに対する、アモスによって予告された神のさばきを執行した (アモス1:9;アモス2:3; アモス1:6-8)。 エジプトの王たち、アッシリアの王たち、およびマケドニアのアレクサンダー大王が、次々にペリシテに関する預言を成就した。牧者預言者の単純な言葉をもたらすための、人間の意志はさまざまであり、出来事は無数であった。アモスは出来事を予告する。なぜさばきが来るべきかを言わない。アモスはさばきがいつ、あるいは誰を通して来るかを予告しない。それにもかかわらず、彼は出来事そのものを絶対的に予告し、それらは来た。ヨエルのように、彼は異邦人の回心を予告し、神がダビデの家が倒れた時、その回復を通じてこれを行われるという、イザヤの預言をそれほどにも先取りする。王室の系統が倒れるまで、世界の救いのために用いられなかったというのは、人間の偉大さに対する奇妙な注釈である。世界の贖い主がお生まれになる前に、王宮はナザレの小屋とならなければならなかった。その栄光と王国はこの世のものではなく、私たちからは私たちの本性以外の何も取らず、それを聖別するために、私たちの悲惨を取り、それを私たちのために負うために来られた。しかし血肉はそれが来る前に予見できなかった。来られた後も血肉は信じることができなかった。

Original en inglés

Introduction to Amos

Theodoret: "He who made, one by one, the hearts of men, and understands all their works, knowing the hardness and contrariousness of the heart of Israel, reasons with them not through one prophet only, but, employing as His ministers many prophets and wondrous men, admonishes them and foretells the things to come, evidencing through the harmony of many the truthfulness of their predictions."

As the contradiction of false teachers gave occasion to Paul to speak of himself, so the persecution of the priest of Bethel has brought out such knowledge as we have of the life of Amos, before God called him to be a prophet. "I," he says, "was no prophet, neither was I a prophet's son" Amos 7:14. He had not received any of the training in those schools of the prophets which had been founded by Samuel, and through which, amid the general apostasy and corruption, both religious knowledge and religious life were maintained in the remnant of Israel. He was a "herdsman," whether (as this word, בקר bâqâr, would naturally mean being used always of the "ox" or "herd" in contrast with the "flocks" of sheep or goats, and the name being derived from "plowing") "a cowherd" or (less obviously) "a shepherd." He was "among the herdsmen of Tekoah"; among them, and, outwardly, as they, in nothing distinguished from them.

The sheep which he tended (because he also kept sheep) may have been his own. There is nothing to prove or to disprove it. Anyhow, he was not like the king of Moab, "a sheep-master" , as the Jews, following out their principle, that "prophecy was only bestowed by God upon the rich and noble" (see the note at Joel 2:29), wish to make him. Like David, he was following the sheep , as their shepherd. But his employment as "a gatherer" (or, more probably, "a cultivator") "of sycamore fruit" designates him instead as one living by a rural employment for hire. Probably, the word designates the artificial means by which the sycamore fruit was ripened, irritating, scraping, puncturing, wounding it .

Amos does not say that these were his food, but that one of his jobs was to perform a gardener's function in maturing the figs. So he was something of a gardener and a shepherd among other shepherds. The sheep which he fed were also probably a matter of trade. The breed of sheep and goats, נקד naqad in keeping with his special name of shepherd נקד nôqêd, was derived, is still known by the same name in Arabia; a race, small, thin, short-legged, ugly, and stunted. It furnished a proverb, "viler than a naqad"; yet the wool of the sheep was accounted the very best. The goats were found especially in Bahrein. Among the Arabs also, the shepherd of these sheep was known by a name derived from them. They were called "naqad;" and their shepherd was called a "noqad" .

The prophet's birthplace, Tekoah, was a town which, in the time of Josephus and of Jerome, had dwindled into a "village" , "a little village" , on a high hill, twelve miles from Jerusalem, "which," Jerome adds, "we see daily." "It lay" Jerome says , "six miles southward from holy Bethlehem where the Saviour of the world was born, and beyond it is no village except some rude huts and movable tents. Such is the wide waste of the desert which stretches to the Red Sea, and the bounds of the Persians, Ethiopians, and Indians. And no grain whatever being grown upon this dry and sandy soil, it is all full of shepherds, in order, by the multitude of the flocks, to make amends for the barrenness of the land." From Tekoah Joab brought the "wise woman" 1 Samuel 14:2 to intercede for Absalom; Rehoboam built it 2 Chronicles 11:6; i. e., whereas it had been before (what it afterward again became) a village, and so was not mentioned in the Book of Joshua, he made it a fortified town toward his southeastern border.

The neighboring wilderness was called after it (2 Chronicles 20:20; 1 Macc. 9:33). Besides its sycamores, its oil was the best in Judah . War and desolation have extirpated both from this as well as from other parts of Palestine . Its present remains are Christian , "ruins of 4 or 5 acres." It, as well as so many other places near the Dead Sea, is identified by the old name, slightly varied in pronunciation, Theku'a, as also by its distance from Jerusalem . In the sixth century a.d. we hear of a chapel in memory of the holy Amos at Tekoa , where the separated monks of the lesser laura of Saba communicated on the Lord's day. The wide prospect from Tekoa embraced both the dead and the living - God's mercies and His judgments.

To the Southeast "the view is bounded only by the level mountains of Moab, with frequent bursts of the Dead Sea, seen through openings among the rugged and desolate mountains which intervene." On the North, the Mount of Olives is visible, at that time dear to sight, as overhanging the place, which God had "chosen to place His Name there." Tekoah, however, although the birthplace, was not the home of the prophet. He was "among the herdsmen from Tekoah" (מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛) their employment, as shepherds, leading them away "from Tekoah." In the wilds of the desert while he was following his sheep, God saw him and revealed Himself to him, as he had to Jacob and to Moses, and said to him, "Go prophesy unto My people Israel." And, just as the apostles left their nets and their father, and Matthew abandoned the receipt of custom, and followed Jesus, so Amos left his sheep and his cultivation of sycamores, and appeared suddenly in his shepherd's dress at the royal but idolatrous Amos 7:13 sanctuary, the temple of the state, to denounce the idolatry sanctioned by the state, to foretell the extinction of the Royal family, and the captivity of the people. This, like Hosea, he had to do in the reign of the mightiest of the sovereigns of Israel, in the midst of her unclouded prosperity. Bethel was only twelve miles north of Jerusalem , since Tekoah was twelve miles toward the southeast. Six or seven hours would suffice to transport the shepherd from his sheep and the wilderness to that fountain of Israel's corruption, the high places of Bethel, and for the inspired peasant to confront the priests and the prophets of the state-idolatry.

There doubtless he said, "the sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste" Amos 7:9; and there, like the former "man of God," while standing opposite "the altar," he renewed the prophecy against it, and prophesied that in its destruction it should involve its idolatrous worshipers Amos 9:1. Yet although he did deliver a part of his prophecy at Bethel, still, like his great predecessors Elijah and Elisha, doubtless he did not confine his ministry there. His summons to the luxurious ladies of Samaria, whose expenses were supported by the oppressions of the poor Amos 4:1, was without question delivered in Samaria itself. The call to the pagan to look down into Samaria from the heights which girt in the valley out of which it rose (see the notes at Amos 3:9), thence to behold its din and its oppressions, to listen to the sound of its revelries and the wailings of its oppressed, and so to judge between God and His people, would also be most effectively given within Samaria. The consciences of the guilty inhabitants to whom he preached would populate the heights around them, their wall of safety, as they deemed, between them and the world, with pagan witnesses of their sins, and pagan avengers.

The prophet could only know the coming destruction of the house of Jeroboam and the captivity of Israel by inspiration. The sins which he rebuked, he probably knew from being among them. As Paul's "spirit was stirred in him" at Athens, "when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry" Acts 17:16, so the spirit of Amos must have been stirred to its depths by that grievous contrast of luxury and penury side by side, which he describes in such vividness of detail. The sins which he rebukes are those of the outward prosperity especially of a capital, the extreme luxury Amos 3:12, Amos 3:15; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:4-6, revelries Amos 2:8; Amos 3:9, debauchery Amos 2:7, of the rich, who supported their own reckless expenditure by oppression of the poor Amos 2:7-8; Amos 3:9; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:3; Amos 8:4-6, extortion Amos 3:10, hard bargains with their necessities Amos 2:8, perversion of justice Amos 2:7; Amos 5:7, Amos 5:12, with bribing, Amos 2:6; Amos 5:12, false measures Amos 8:5, a griping, hard-fisted, and probably usurious sale of grain Amos 8:5-6. In grappling with sin, Amos deals more with the details and circumstances of it than Hosea. Hosea touches the center of the offence; Amos shows the hideousness of it in the details into which it branches out. As he is everywhere graphic, so here he points out the events of daily life in which the sin showed itself, as the vile price or, it may be, the article of luxury, "the pair of sandals" Amos 2:6; Amos 8:6, for which the poor was sold, or the "refuse of wheat" (he coins the term) which they sold, at high prices and with short measure to the poor Amos 8:6.

According to the title which Amos prefixes to his prophecy, his office fell within the 25 years, during which Uzziah and Jeroboam II were contemporaries (809-784 B. C). This falls in with the opinion already expressed that the bloodshed mentioned by Hosea in the list of their sins, was instead political bloodshed in their revolutions after the death of Jeroboam II, than individual murder. For Amos, while upbraiding Israel for the sins incidental to political prosperity and wealth (such as was the time of Jeroboam II) does not mention bloodshed.

It has been thought that the mention of the earthquake, two years before which Amos began his prophecy, furnishes us with a more definite date. That earthquake must have been a terrible visitation, since it was remembered after the captivity, two and a half centuries afterward. "Ye shall flee," says Zechariah Zechariah 14:5, as of a thing which his hearers well knew by report, "as ye fled before the earthquake in the days of Uzziah king of Judah." Josephus connects the earthquake with Uzziah's act of pride in offering the incense, for which God struck him with leprosy. He relates it as a fact (Antiquities ix. 10): "Meanwhile a great earthquake shook the ground, and, the temple parting, a bright ray of the sun shone forth, and fell upon the king's face, so that immediately the leprosy came over him. And before the city, at the place called Eroge, the Western half of the hill was broken off and rolled half a mile to the mountain Eastward, and there stayed, blocking up the ways and the king's gardens." This account of Josephus, however, is altogether unhistorical. Not to argue from the improbability, that such an event as the rending of the temple itself should not have been mentioned, Josephus has confused Zechariah's description of an event yet future with the past earthquake under Uzziah. Nor can the date be reconciled with the history. For when Uzziah was stricken with leprosy, "Jotham, his son, was over the king's house, judging the people of the land" 2 Chronicles 26:21. But Jotham was only 25 years old at his father's death, "when he himself began to reign" 2 Chronicles 27:1. And, Uzziah survived Jeroboam by 26 years. So Jotham, who judged for his father after his leprosy, was not born when Jeroboam died. Uzziah then must have been stricken with leprosy some years after Jeroboam's death; and consequently, after the earthquake also, since Amos, who prophesied in the days of Jeroboam, prophesied "two years before the earthquake."

An ancient Hebrew interpretation of the prophecy of Isaiah, "within threescore and five years shall Ephraim be broken that it is no more a people" Isaiah 7:8, assumed that Isaiah was foretelling the commencement of the captivity under Tiglath-Pileser or Sargon, and since the period of Isaiah's own prophecy to that captivity was not 65 years, supposed that Isaiah counted from a prophecy of Amos, "Israel shall surely be led captive out of his own land" Amos 7:11, Amos 7:17. They placed this prophecy of Amosin the 25th year of Uzziah. Then his remaining 27 years, Jotham's 16 years, Ahaz' 16 years, and the first 6 years of Hezekiah would have made up the 65 years. This calculation was not necessarily connected with the error as to the supposed connection of the earthquake and the leprosy of Uzziah. However, it is plain from the words of Isaiah, "in yet threescore and five years," that he is dating from the time when he uttered the prophecy; and so the prophecy relates, not to the imperfect captivity which ended the "kingdom" of Israel, but to that more complete deportation under Esarhaddon Ezra 4:2; 2 Chronicles 33:11; 2 Kings 17:24, when the ten tribes ceased to be "anymore a people" (Ahaz-14 years + Hezekiah-29 years + Manasseh-22 years equals 65 years total). Neither then does this fix the date of Amos.

Nor does the comparison, which Amos bids Israel make between his own borders, and those of Calneh, Hamath and Gath, determine the date of the prophecy. Since Uzziah broke down the walls of Gath 2 Chronicles 26:6, and Hamath was recovered by Jeroboam II to Israel 2 Kings 14:28, it is probable that the point of comparison lay between the present disasters of these nations, and those with which Amos threatened Israel, and which the rich men of Israel practically did not believe. For it follows, "ye that put far away the evil day" Amos 6:3. It is probable then that Calneh (the very ancient city Genesis 10:10 which subsequently became Ctesiphon,) on the other side of the Euphrates, had lately suffered from Assyria, as Gath and Hamath from Judah and Israel. But we know none of these dates. Isaiah speaks of the Assyrian as boasting that "Calno" was "as Carchemish Isaiah 10:9, Hamath as Arpad, Samaria as Damascus." But this relates to times long subsequent, when Hamath, Damascus, and Samaria, had fallen into the hands of Assyria. Our present knowledge of Assyrian history gives us no clue to the event, which was well known to those to whom Amos spoke.

Although, however, the precise time of the prophetic office of Amos cannot thus be fixed, it must have fallen within the reign of Jeroboam, to whom Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, accused him Amos 7:10-11. For this whole prophecy implies that Israel was in a state of prosperity, ease, and security, whereas it fell to a state of anarchy immediately upon Jeroboam's death. "The mention of the entering in of Hamath" Amos 6:14 as belonging to Israel implies that this prophecy was after Jeroboam had recovered it to Israel 2 Kings 14:25; and the ease, pride, luxury, which he upbraids, evince that the foreign oppressions 2 Kings 14:26 had ceased for some time. This agrees with the title of the prophecy, but does not limit it further. Since he prophesied while Uzziah and Jeroboam II reigned together, Amos' prophetic office must have fallen between 809 b.c. and 784 b.c. - in the last 25 years of the reign of Jeroboam II. His office, then, began probably after that of Hosea, and closed long before its close. He is, in a manner then, both later and earlier than Hosea, later than the earliest period of Hosea's prophetic office, and far earlier than the latest.

Within this period, there is nothing to limit the activity of Amos to a very short time. The message of Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, implies that Amos' words of woe had shaken Israel through and through. "Amos hath conspired against thee in the midst of the house of Israel; the land is not able to bear all his words" Amos 7:10. It may be that God sent him to the midst of some great festival at Bethel, as, at Jeroboam's dedication-feast, He sent the prophet who afterward disobeyed Him, to foretell the desecration of the altar, which Jeroboam was consecrating, in God's Name, against God. In this case, Amos might, at once, like Elijah, have been confronted with a great. concourse of the idol-worshipers. Yet the words of Amaziah seem, in their obvious meaning, to imply that Amos had had a more pervading influence than would be produced by the delivery of God's messsage in one place. He says of "the land," that is, of all the ten tribes generally, it "is not able to bear all his words." The accusation also of a "conspiracy" probably implies, that some had not been only shaken, but they had been converted by the words of Amos, and were known by their adherence to him and his belief.

Amos seems also to speak of the prohibition to God's prophets to prophesy, as something habitual, beyond the one opposition of Amaziah, which he rebuked on the spot. "I raised up of your sons for prophets; but ye commanded the prophets, saying, Prophesy not" Amos 2:11-12. Nor, strictly speaking, was Amos a son of Ephraim. The series of images in Amos 4:1-13 seem to be an answer to the objection as to why he prophesied among them. People, he would say, were not, in the things of nature, surprised that the effect followed the cause. God's command was the cause; Amos' prophesying was the effect Amos 3:3-8. "Then they put away from them the evil day" Amos 6:3, forgetting future evil in present luxury; or they professed that God was with them; "the Lord, the God of hosts, shall be with you, as ye have spoken" Amos 5:14; or trusting in their half-service of God and His imagined presence among them, they jeered at Amos' prophecies of ill, and professed to desire the Day of the Lord, with which he threatened them; they said that evil would not reach them; "Woe unto you that desire the Day of the Lord! To what end is it to you?" Amos 5:18. "All the sinners of My people shall die by the sword, which say, the evil shall not overtake nor prevent us" Amos 9:10. They showed also in deed that they hated those who publicly reproved them Amos 5:10; and Amos, like Hosea, declares that they are hardened, so that wisdom itself must leave them to themselves Amos 5:13. All this implies a continued contact between the prophet and the people, so that his function was not discharged in a few sermons, so to say, or inspired declarations of God's purpose, but must have been that of a pastor among them over the course of several years. His present book (like Hosea's book) is a summary of his prophecies.

That book (since Amos himself subsequently gathered his prophetic teaching into a whole) is one well-ordered whole. He himself (in the title) states that it had been spoken before it was written. For in that he says, these are "the words" which in prophetic vision he "saw, two years before the earthquake," this portion of his prophecies must have preceded his writings by those two years at least. That terrible earthquake was probably the occasion of his collecting those prophecies. But that earthquake doubtless was no mere note of time. If he had intended only a date, he would probably have named (as other prophets do) the year of the king of Judah. He himself mentions earthquakes Amos 4:11, as one of the warnings of God's displeasure. This more destructive earthquake was probably the first great token of God's displeasure during the prosperous reign of Jeroboam II, the first herald of those heavier judgments which Amos had predicted, and which broke upon Israel, wave after wave, until the last, carried him away captive. For two years, Israel had been forewarned; now "the beginning of sorrows" Matthew 24:8 had set in.

Amos, at the beginning of his book (as has been already noticed) joins on his book with the book of the prophet Joel. Joel had foretold, as instances of God's judgments on sin, how He would recompense the wrong, which Tyre, Zidon, Philistia and Edom had done to Judah, and that He would make Egypt desolate. Amos, omitting Egypt, adds Damascus, Amman and Moab, and Judah itself. It may be, that he selects seven nations in all, as a sort of whole (since that number is so often used), or that he includes all the special enemies of the theocracy, the nations who hated Israel and Judah, because they were the people of God, and God's people itself, as far as it too was alienated from its God. Certainly, the sins denounced are sins against the theocracy or government of God. It may be, that Amos would exhibit to them the truth, that "God is no respecter of persons;" that He, the Judge of the whole earth, punishes every sinful nation; and that he would, by this declaration of God's judgments, prepare them for the truth, from which sinful man so shrinks; - that God punishes most, where He had most shown His light and love Amos 3:2. The thunder-cloud of God's judgments, having passed over all the nations round about, Syria and Philistia, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Moab, and even discharged the fire from heaven on Judah and Jerusalem, settles finally upon Israel. The summary which closes this circle of judgments on Israel, is fuller in regard to their sins, since they were the chief objects of his mission. In that summary Amos gathers into one the sins with which he elsewhere upbraids them, and sets before them their ingratitude and their endeavors to extinguish the light which God gave them.

Our chapters follow a natural division, in that each (like those of Hosea) ends in woe. Amos 3:1-15, Amos 4:1-13, and Amos 5 are distinguished by the threefold summons - "Hear ye this word!" In each, he sets before them some of their sins, and in each he pronounces God's sentence upon them. "Therefore thus saith the Lord God; Therefore thus will I do unto thee, O Israel; Therefore the Lord, the God of hosts, the Lord, saith thus" (Amos 3:11; Amos 4:12; Amos 5:16, as before, Amos 2:14). On this follows a twofold woe, "Woe unto you that desire" Amos 5:18; "Woe to them that are at ease" Amos 6:1; both which sections alike end in renewed sentences of God's judgment; the first, of the final captivity of Israel "beyond Damascus;" the second, of their nearer afflictions through the first invasion of Tiglath-pileser (see the note at Amos 6:14). In Amos 7 he begins a series of visions. In the first two visions, God forgives, at the intercession of the prophet Amos 7:3, Amos 7:6.

In the third vision God interprets that He would no longer forgive Amos 7:8. Upon this followed the prohibition from Amaziah to prophesy, and God's sentence against him. In Amos 8:1-14, Amos resumes (as though nothing had intervened), the series of visions, upon which Amaziah had broken in. He resumes them exactly where he had been stopped. Amaziah interrupted when Amos declared that God would not "pass by" the house of Israel "anymore," but would desolate the idol-sanctuaries of israel and bring a sword against the house of Jeroboam. The vision (in which Amos resumes) renews the words, "I will not again pass by them anymore" Amos 8:2, and foretells that the songs of the idol-temple should be turned into howlings. Amos heads the last chapter with a vision, that not only should the idol-altar and temple be destroyed, but that it should be the destruction of its worshipers Amos 9:1. Amos makes each of these visions a theme which he expands, both ending in woe; the first, with the utter destruction of the idolaters of Israel Amos 8:14; the second, with that of the sinful "kingdom" of Israel Amos 9:8. With this he unites the promise to the "house" of Israel, that, "sifted" as they would be "among the nations, not one grain would fall to the earth" Amos 9:9. To this he, like Hosea, adds a closing promise (the first in his whole book) that God would raise the fallen tabernacle of David, convert the pagan, and therewith restore the captivity of Israel, amid promises, which had already (in Joel) symbolized spiritual blessings Amos 9:13.

Amos, like Hosea, was a prophet for Israel. After the second chapter in which he includes Judah in the circle of God's visitations, because he had "despised the law of the Lord" Amos 2:4-5, Amos only notices him incidentally. He there foretells that Jerusalem should (as it was) be burned with fire. Judah also must be included in the words, "against the whole family which God brought up out of the land of Egypt" Amos 3:1, and "woe" is pronounced against those who are "at ease in Zion Amos 6:1. Elsewhere, "Israel," "the house of Israel," "the virgin of Israel," "the sanctuaries of Israel," "Jacob," "the house of Jacob," and (in the same sense) "the high places of Isaac," "the house of Isaac"; "the house of Joseph," "the remnant of Joseph," "the affliction of Joseph," "the mountain," or "the mountains of Samaria," "Samaria" itself, "Bethel" Amos 3:9, Amos 3:12-14; Amos 4:1, Amos 4:4-5, Amos 4:12; Amos 5:1, Amos 5:4, Amos 5:6, Amos 5:15, Amos 5:25; Amos 6:1, Amos 6:6, Amos 6:8, Amos 6:14; Amos 7:2, Amos 7:5, Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:16-17; Amos 8:2, Amos 8:14; Amos 9:7-8, occur interchangeably as the object of his prophecy. Amaziah's taunt, that his words, as being directed against Israel and Bethel, would be acceptable in the kingdom of Judah, implies the same; and Amos himself declares that this was his commission, "go, prophesy unto My people Israel." In speaking of the idolatry of Beersheba, Amos uses the word, "pass not over to Beersheba" Amos 5:5, adding the idolatries of Judah to their own. The word, "pass not over," could only be used by one prophesying in Israel. Therefore, it must have been the more impressive to the faithful in Israel, that Amos closed his prophecy by the promise, not to them primarily, but to the house of David, and to Israel through its restoration. Amos, like Hosea, foretells the utter destruction of "the kingdom of Israel," even while pronouncing that God would not utterly destroy "the house of Jacob" Amos 9:8-10, but would save the elect within it.

The opposition of Amaziah stands out, as one signal instance of the manifold cry, "Prophesy not," with which people to drown the Voice of God. Jeroboam left the complaint unheeded. His great victories had been foretold to him by the prophet Jonah; and he would not interfere with the prophet of God, although he predicted, not as Amaziah distorted his words, that "Jeroboam" should "die by the sword," but that "the house of Jeroboam" Amos 7:9 would so perish. But his book is all comprised within the reign of Jeroboam and the kingdom of Israel. He was called by God to be a prophet there; nor is there even the slightest trace of his having exercised his function in Judah, or having retired there in life.

A somewhat late tradition places Amos among the many prophets whom our Lord says His people killed. The tradition bore, "that after he (Amos) had been beaten often (the writer uses the same word which occurs in Hebrews 11:35) by Amaziah the priest of Bethel, the son of that priest, Osee, pierced his temples with a stake. He was carried half-dead to his own land, and, after some days, died of the wound, and was buried with his fathers." But the anonymous Greek writer who relates it, (although it is in itself probable) has not, in other cases, trustworthy information, and Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria knew nothing of it. Jerome relates only that the tomb of Amos was still shown at Tekoa, his birthplace.

The influence of the shepherd-life of Amos appears most in the sublimest part of his prophecy, his descriptions of the mighty workings of Almighty God Amos 4:13; Amos 5:8; Amos 9:5-6. With those awful and sudden changes in nature, whereby what to the idolaters was an object of worship, was suddenly overcast, and "the day made dark with night," his shepherd-life had made him familiar. The starry heavens had often witnessed the silent conversation of his soul with God. In the calf, the idolaters of Ephraim worshiped "nature." Amos then delights in exhibiting to them His God, whom they too believed that they worshiped, as the Creator of "nature," wielding and changing it at His Will. All nature too should be obedient to its Maker in the punishment of the ungodly Amos 8:8, nor should anything hide from Him Amos 9:2-3, Amos 9:5. The shepherd-life would also make the prophet familiar with the perils from wild beasts which we know of as facts in David's youth. The images drawn from them were probably reminiscences of what he had seen or encountered Amos 3:4-5, Amos 3:12; Amos 5:19. But Amos, a shepherd in a barren and for the most part treeless wild, lived not as a farmer. His was not a country of grain, nor of cedars and oaks; so that images from stately trees Amos 2:9, a heavy-laden wain Amos 2:13, or the sifting of corn Amos 9:9, were not the direct results of his life amid sights of nature. The diseases of grain, locusts, drought, which, the prophet says, God had sent among them, were inflictions which would be felt in the grain-countries of Israel, rather than in the wilderness of Tekoah. The insensibility for which he upbraids Israel was, of course, their hardness of heart amid their own sufferings Amos 4:7-9; the judgments, with which he threatens them in God's Name Amos 7:1-3, can have no bearing on his shepherd-life in his own land.

Even Jerome, while laying down a true principle, inadvertently gives as an instance of the images resulting from that shepherd-life, the opening words of his book, which are in part words of the prophet Joel. "It is natural," he says, "that all who exercise an art, should speak in terms of their art, and that each should bring likenesses from that wherein he hath spent his life. Why say this? In order to show, that Amos the prophet too, who was a shepherd among shepherds, and that, not in cultivated places, or amid vineyards, or woods, or green meadows, but in the wide waste of the desert, where were witnessed the fierceness of lions and the destruction of cattle, used the language of his art, and called the awful and terrible Voice of the Lord, the roaring of lions, and compared the overthrow of the cities of Israel to the lonely places of shepherds or the drought of mountains."

The truth may be, that the religious life of Amos, amid scenes of nature, accustomed him, as well as David, to express his thoughts in words taken from the great picture-book of nature, which, as being also written by the Hand of God, so wonderfully expresses the things of God. When his prophet's life brought him among other scenes of cultivated nature, his soul, so practiced in reading the relations of the physical to the moral world, took the language of his parables alike from what he saw, or from what he remembered. He was what we should call "a child of nature," endued with power and wisdom by his God. Still more mistaken has it been, to attribute to the prophet any inferiority even of outward style, in consequence of his shepherd-life. Even a pagan has said, "words readily follow thought;" much more, when thoughts and words are poured into the soul together by God the Holy Spirit. On the contrary, scarcely any prophet is more glowing in his style, or combines more wonderfully the natural and moral world, the Omnipotence and Omniscience of God Amos 4:13.

Visions, if related, are most effectively related in prose. Their efficacy depends, in part, on their simplicity. Their meaning might be overlaid and hidden by ornament of words. Thus, much of the Book of Amos, then, is naturally in prose. The poetry, so to speak, of the visions of Amos or of Zechariah is in the thoughts, not in the words. Amos has also chosen the form of prose for his upbraidings of the wealthy sinners of Israel. Yet, in the midst of this, what more poetic than the summons to the pagan enemies of Israel, to populate the heights around Samaria, and behold its sins Amos 3:9? What is more graphic than that picture of utter despair which did not dare to name the Name of God Amos 6:9-10? What is bolder than the summons to Israel to come, if they desired, at once to sin and to atone for their sin Amos 4:4? What is more striking in power than the sudden turn, "You only have I known. Therefore I will punish you for all your iniquities" Amos 3:2? Or the sudden summons "because I will do this unto thee" Amos 4:12 (the silence (what the "this" is) is more thrilling than words) "prepare to meet thy God, O Israel?" Or what is more pathetic than the close of the picture of the luxurious rich, when, having said, how they heaped luxuries one upon another, he ends with what they did not do; "they are not grieved for the afflictions of Joseph" Amos 6:6?

Augustine selects Amos, as an instance of unadorned eloquence. Having given instances from Paul, he says , "These things, when they are taught by professors, are accounted great, bought at a great price, sold amid great boasting. I fear these discussions of mine may savor of the like boasting. But I have to do with men of a spurious learning, who think meanly of our writers, not because they have not, but because they make no show of the eloquence which these prize too highly.

"I see that I must say something of the eloquence of the prophets. And this I will do, chiefly out of the book of that prophet, who says that he was a shepherd or a cowherd, and was taken thence by God and sent to prophesy to His people.

"When then this peasant, or peasant-prophet, reproved the ungodly, proud, luxurious, and therefore most careless of brotherly love, he cries aloud, "Woe to them that are at ease in Zion, etc." Would they who, as being learned and eloquent, despise our prophets as unlearned and ignorant of elocution, had they had aught of this sort to say, or had they to speak against such, would they, as many of them as would fain not be senseless, wish to speak otherwise? For what would any sober ear desire more than is there said? First, the inveighing itself, with what a crash is it hurled as it were, to awaken their stupefied senses!"

Therefore, having analyzed these verses, he says, "How beautiful this is, and how it affects those who, reading, understand, there is no use in saying to one who does not himself feel it. More illustrations of the rules of rhetoric may be found in this one place, which I have selected. But a good hearer will not be so much instructed by a diligent discussion of them, as he will be kindled by their glowing reading. For these things were not composed by human industry, but were poured forth in eloquent wisdom from the Divine Mind, wisdom not aiming at eloquence, but eloquence not departing from wisdom." "For if, as some most eloquent and acute men could see and tell, those things which are learned as by an art of rhetoric, would not be observed and noted and reduced to this system, unless they were first found in the genius of orators, what wonder if they be found in those also, whom "He" sends, who creates genius? Wherefore we may well confess that our canonical writers and teachers are not wise only but eloquent, with that eloquence which beseems their character."

Jerome, in applying to Amos words which Paul spoke of himself, "rude in speech but not in knowledge" 2 Corinthians 11:6, doubtless was thinking mostly of the latter words, for he adds, "For the same Spirit who spoke through all the prophets, spake in him." Dr. Lowth says happily (de Poesi Hebr. Prael. xxi.), "Jerome calls Amos, rude in speech but not in knowledge, implying of him what Paul modestly professed as to himself, on whose authority many have spoken of this prophet, as though he were altogether rude, ineloquent, unadorned. Far otherwise! Let any fair judge read his writings, thinking not who wrote them, but what he wrote, he will think that our shepherd was "in no wise behind the very chiefest" prophets; in the loftiness of his thoughts and the magnificence of his spirit, nearly equal to the highest, and in the splendor of his diction and the elegance of the composition scarcely inferior to any. For the same Divine Spirit moved by His inspiration Isaiah and Daniel in the court, David and Amos by the sheepfold; always choosing fitting interpreters of God's Will and sometimes perfecting praise out of the mouth of babes. Of some He uses the eloquence; others He makes eloquent."

It has indeed been noticed that in regularity of structure he has an elegance unique to himself. The strophaic form, into which he has cast the heavy prophecies of the two first chapters adds much to their solemnity; the recurring "burden" of the fourth chapter, "Yet have ye not returned unto Me, saith the Lord" Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-11, gives it a deep pathos of its own. Indeed no other prophet has bound his prophecies into one, with so much care as to their outward form, as this inspired shepherd. Amos (to use human terms) was not so much the poet as the sacred orator. One of those energetic turns which have been already instanced, would suffice to stamp the human orator. Far more, they have shaken through and through souls steeped in sin from the prophet's time until now. It has been said of human eloquence, "he lightened, thundered, he commingled Greece." The shepherd has shaken not one country, but the world; not by a passing earthquake, but by the awe of God which, with electric force, streamed through his words.

Some variation of dialect, or some influence of his shepherd-life upon his pronunciation, has been imagined in Amos. But it relates to five words only. In three, his orthography differs by a single letter from that found elsewhere in Hebrew. In two cases, the variation consists in the use of a different sibilant; the third in the use of a weaker guttural. Besides these, he uses a softer sound of the name Isaac, which also occurs in Jeremiah and a Psalm; and in another word, he, in common with two Psalms, employs a root with a guttural, instead of that common in Hebrew which has a strong sibilant. In four of these cases, Amos uses the softer form; in the fifth, we only know that the two sibilants were pronounced differently once, but cannot guess what the distinction was. The two sibilants are interchanged in several Hebrew words, and on no rule, that we can discover. In another of the sibilants, the change made by Amos is just the reverse of that of the Ephrainmites who had only the pronunciation of "s" for "sh"; "sibboleth" for "shibboleth." But the Ephraimites could not pronounce the "sh" at all; the variation in Amos is limited to a single word. The like variations to these instances in Amos are also found in other words in the Bible. On the whole, we may suspect the existence of a softer pronunciation in the South of Judaea, where Amos 54ed; but the only safe inference is, the extreme care with which the words have been handed down to us, just as the prophet spoke and wrote them.

It has been noticed already that Amos and Hosea together show, that all the Mosaic festivals and sacrifices, priests, prophets, a temple, were retained in Israel, only distorted to calf-worship Even the third-year's tithes they had not ventured to get rid of Amos supplies some yet more minute traits of ritual; that they had the same rules in regard to leaven Amos 4:5; that their altar too had horns (as prescribed in the law), on which the blood of the sacrifices was to be sprinkled (Amos 3:14, see Exodus 27:2; Exodus 29:12; Leviticus 4:25), they had the altar-bowls Amos 6:6 from where the blood of the victim was sprinkled , such as the princes of the congregation offered in the time of Moses Numbers 7:13, and their rich men, at times at least, plundered to drink wine from.

They had also true Nazarites, raised up among them, as well as true prophets; and they felt the weight of the influence of these religious people against them, since they tried by fraud or violence to make them break their vow Amos 2:12. Amos, while upbraiding their rich men for breaking the law between man and man, presupposes that the Law of Moses was, in this respect also, acknowledged among them. For in his words, "they turn aside the way of the meek" (Amos 2:7; Amos 5:12, see Exodus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:19; Deuteronomy 24:17; Deuteronomy 27:19) "they turn aside the poor in the gate" (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) "they take a ransom" Amos 5:12 (from the rich for their misdeeds), he retains the unique term of the Pentateuch; as also in that, "on clothes laid to pledge (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) they lie down by every altar;" "who make the Ephah small" (Amos 8:5, see Deuteronomy 25:14-15). "Balances of deceit" Amos 8:5 are the contrary of what are enjoined in the law, "balances of right" Leviticus 19:36.

In upbraiding them for a special impurity, forbidden in principle by the law Deuteronomy 23:1 he uses the sanction often repeated in the law "to profane My Holy Name" Amos 2:7; Leviticus 20:3. In the punishments which he mentions, he uses terms in which God threatens those punishments. The two remarkable words, rendered "blasting and mildew" Amos 4:9; Deuteronomy 28:22, occur only in Deuteronomy, and in Solomon's prayer founded upon it 1 Kings 8:37, and in Haggai Hag 2:17 where he is referring to Amos. In the words, "as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah" Amos 4:11; Deuteronomy 29:23, the special term and form of Deuteronomy, as well as the threat, are retained. The threat, "Ye have built houses of hewn stone, and ye shall not dwell therein; ye have planted pleasant vineyards, but ye shall not drink the wine thereof;" but blends and enlarges those in Deuteronomy Amo 5:11; Deuteronomy 28:30, Deuteronomy 28:39. The remarkable term describing their unrepentance is taken from the same (Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-10, see Deuteronomy 4:29).

So also the image of "gall and wormwood" (Amos 6:12, from Deuteronomy 29:18), two bitter plants, into which they turned judgment and righteousness. There are other verbal reminiscences of the Pentateuch, interwoven with the words of Amos, which presuppose that it was in the memory of both the prophet and his hearers in Israel (see Amos 2:2, Amos 2:10-11; Amos 3:2; Amos 6:1; Amos 7:16; Amos 9:8, Amos 9:12). Indeed, after that long slavery of 400 years in Egypt, the traditions of the spots, hallowed by God's intercourse with the patriarchs, probably even their relations to "Edom their brother" Amos 1:11, must have been lost. The book of Genesis did not embody popular existing traditions of this sort, but must have revived them. The idolatry of Beersheba , as well as that of Gilead, alluded to by Hosea, as also Jeroboam's choice of Bethel itself for the calf-worship , imply on the part of the idolaters a knowledge and belief of the history, which they must have learned from the Pentateuch. Doubtless, it had been a part of Jeroboam's policy to set up, opposite the exclusive claim for the temple at Jerusalem, rival places of traditionary holiness from the mercies of God to their forefathers, much as Muhammed availed himself of the memory of Abraham, to found his claim for an interest in Jerusalem. But these traditions too must have been received BY the people, not derived from them. They were not brought with them from Egypt. The people, enslaved, degraded, sensualized, and idolatry-loving, had no hearts to cherish the memories of the pure religion of their great forefathers, who worshiped the unimaged Self-existing God.

As Amos employed the language of the Pentateuch and cited the Book of Joel, so it seems more probable, that in the burden of his first prophecies , "I will send a fire upon ... and it shall devour the palaces of ..." he took the well-known words of Hosea Hos 7:14, and, by their use, gave a unity to their prophecies, than that Hosea, who uses no language except that of the Pentateuch, should, in the one place where he employs this form, have limited the "burden" of Amos to the one case of Judah. Besides, in Hosea, the words, declaring the destruction of the cities and palaces of Judah, stand in immediate connection with Judah's wrong temper in building them whereas in Amos they are insulated. Beside this, the language of the two prophets does not bear upon each other, except that both have the term "balances of deceit" (Hosea 12:8 (Hosea 12:7 in English); Amos 8:5), which was originally formed in contrast with what God had enjoined in the law, "balances of right," and which stands first in the Proverbs of Solomon Proverbs 11:1; Proverbs 20:23.

Of later prophets, Jeremiah renewed against Damascus the prophecy of Amos in his own words; only, the memory of Hazael having been obliterated perhaps in the destruction under Tiglath-Pileser, Jeremiah calls it not after Hazael, but by its own name and that of Benhadad Jeremiah 49:27. The words of Amos had once been fulfilled, and its people had been transported to Kir. Probably fugitives had again repopulated it, and Jeremiah intended to point out, that the sentence pronounced through Amos was not yet exhausted. On the similar ground probably, when upbraiding Ammon for the similar sins and for that for which Amos had denounced woe upon it, its endeavor to displace Israel Amos 1:13; Jeremiah 49:1, Jeremiah used the words of Amos, "their king shall qo into captivity - and his princes together" Amos 1:15; Jeremiah 49:3. In a similar manner, Haggai upbraids the Jews of his day for their impenitence under God's chastisements, in words varied in no essential from those of Amos Amo 4:9; Haggai 2:19. The words of Amos, so repeated to the Jews upon their restoration, sounded, as it were, from the desolate heritage of Israel, "Sin no more, lest a worse thing happen unto thee."

Other reminiscences of the words of Amos are only a part of the harmony of Scripture , the prophets in this way too indicating their unity with one another, that they use the words, the one of the other.

The might of Amos' teaching at the time, the state-priest Amaziah impressed on Jeroboam. Contemptuous toward Amos himself, Amaziah admitted the truth to Jeroboam. "The land is not able to bear all his (Amos') words." Doubtless, as the Jews were mad against Stephen, "not" being "able to resist the wisdom and Spirit by which he spake" Acts 6:10, so God accompanied with power His servant's words to His people. They had already seen God's words fulfilled against the houses of Jeroboam I, of Baasha, of Ahab. That same doom was now renewed against "the house of Jeroboam," and with it the prophecy of the dispersion of the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17, which Hosea contemporaneously foretold Hosea 1:6; Hosea 9:17. The two prophets of Israel confirmed one another, but also left themselves no escape. They staked the whole reputation of their prophecy on this definite issue. We know it to have been fulfilled on the house of Jeroboam; yet the house of Jeroboam was firmer than any before or after it.

We know of the unaccustomed captivity of the ten tribes. Had they not been carried captive, prophecy would have come to shame; and such in proportion is its victory. Each step was an installment, a pledge, of what followed. The death of Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, was the first step in the fulfillment of the whole; then probably, in the invasion of Pul against Menahem 2 Kings 15:19, followed the doom of Amaziah. God is not anxious to vindicate His word. He does not, as to Shebna Isaiah 22:17-18, or Amaziah, or the false prophets Ahab, Zedekiah Jeremiah 29:20-22, or Shemaiah Jeremiah 29:32, or Pashur Jeremiah 20:6, or other false prophets Jeremiah 14:15. At times, as in the case of Hananiah Jeremiah 28:17, Scripture records the individual fulfillment of God's judgments. Mostly, it passes by unnoticed the execution of God's sentence. The sentence of the criminal, unless reprieved, in itself implies the execution . The fact impressed those who witnessed it; the record of the judgment suffices for us.

Then followed, under Tiglath-pileser, the fulfillment of the prophecy as to Damascus Amos 1:5, and Gilead Amos 6:14. Under Sargon was fulfilled the prophecy on the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17; Amos 9:8. That on Judah Amos 2:5 yet waited 133 years, and then was fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar. A few years later, and he executed God's judgments foretold by Amos on their enemies, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Tyre Amos 1:9; Amos 2:3. Amos 1:6-8 : kings of Egypt, Assyria, and the Macedonian Alexander the Great fulfilled in succession the prophecy as to Philistia. So various were the human wills, so multitudinous the events, which were to bring about the simple words of the shepherd-prophet. Amos foretells the events; he does say, why the judgments should come. Amos does not foretell when, or through whom the judgments would come. Nevertheless, he foretells the events themselves absolutely, and they came. Like Joel, he foretells the conversion of the pagan and anticipates so far the prophecies of Isaiah, that God would work this through the restoration of the house of David, when fallen. It is a strange comment upon human greatness that the royal line was not to be employed in the salvation of the world until it was fallen! The royal palace had to become the hut of Nazareth before the Redeemer of the world could be born, whose glory and kingdom were not of this world, who came, to take nothing from us but our nature, that He might sanctify it, our misery, that He might bear it for us. Yet flesh and blood could not foresee it before it came, as flesh and blood could not believe it, after He came.

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Amos 1:1

Abrir pasaje

羊飼いたちの中にいたアモスのことば——「アモスは、自らの取るに足らないことと、その教師また導き手である聖霊の大いなる恵みとをまず示すことから始め、すべてをその方の栄光に帰している」。彼はダビデ、ペテロ、パウロ、マタイと同じく、「神が強い者たちを辱めるために選ばれたこの世の弱いものたち」の一つであった。彼自身は、羊飼いたちの「中にいた」一つの羊飼いにすぎなかった。しかし彼の語ったことばは、彼自身のものではなかった。それらは、肉の目によってではなく、「ことばを見ることのできるあの幻、心の中に与えられる先見者の幻」によって見たことばであった。それらはイスラエル「についての」、というよりむしろイスラエル「の上に臨む」ことばであり、イスラエルの重い背きの上に臨む重いことばであった。ヘブル語の「見た」という語は、単なる視覚を意味するのではなく、神から与えられた幻を意味する。アモスがそれを「自分の」ことばと言ったのは、ただちに、それが神から彼に来たこと、そして彼自身は神が語られるための人間の器官にすぎないことを付け加えるためであった。

地震の前二年——この地震は、ゼカリヤの時代に至るまで人々の記憶に生々しく残っていたこと、またアモスが「その地震」と言及していることから見て、明らかに最大級の地震の一つであった。東方の地震は、リスボンの地震と同様、町全体を滅ぼす。その一つ、我らの主の誕生の少し前のものでは、「およそ一万人が倒れた家々の下に生き埋めにされた」。この恐るべき地震は(ゼカリヤがそのように描いているのであるが)、アモスが予告した神の怒りの前触れの一つであった。二年の警告と、悔い改めのための時とが、「地震」が来る前に与えられた。それは、彼らが悔い改めないならば両王国の上にさらに臨む揺り動かしの、しるしかつその始まりであった。事実、それは彼らを焼き尽くした稲妻の最初の閃光であった。

Original en inglés

The words of Amos, who was among the herdmen - "Amos begins by setting forth his own nothingness, and withal the great grace of his Teacher and Instructor, the Holy Spirit, referring all to His glory." He, like David, Peter, Paul, Matthew, was one of "the weak things of the world, whom God chose to confound the mighty." He was himself a herdsman only "among herdsmen;" but the words which he spake were not his own. They were words which he saw, not with eyes of flesh, but "with that vision wherewith words can be seen, the seer's vision in the mind." They were "words concerning," or rather "upon Israel," heavy words coming upon the heavy transgressions of Israel. The Hebrew word "saw" is not of mere sight, but of a vision given by God. Amos only says that they were "his" words, in order immediately to add, that they came to him from God, that he himself was but the human organ through which God spake.

Two years before the earthquake - This earthquake must plainly have been one of the greatest, since it was vividly in people's memories in the time of Zechariah, and Amos speaks of it as "the earthquake." The earthquakes of the east, like that of Lisbon, destroy whole cities. In one, a little before the birth of our Lord , "some ten thousand were buried under the ruined houses." This terrific earthquake (for as such Zechariah describes it) was one of the preludes of that displeasure of God, which Amos foretold. A warning of two years, and time for repentance, were given, "before the earthquake" should come, the token and beginning of a further shaking of both kingdoms, unless they should repent. In effect, it was the first flash of the lightning which consumed them.

2

Amos 1:2

Abrir pasaje

主はほえたもう——アモスは、その預言のまさに冒頭において自分の使命の一なることを証しし、また自分の預言が、神のより近い、来たるべきさばきを告げるヨエルのことばの拡大であることを人々の心に悟らせるために、自分の預言をヨエル書の終わりにつなぐ。しかし彼の語ったそれらのより近いさばきは、ヨエルが予告した大いなる日のさばきの、またヤコブが預言する「ユダ族の獅子」なるキリストの最後の恐るべき御声の、前触れにすぎなかった。「彼はしゃがみ、獅子のように、若獅子のように伏した。だれが彼を起こすことができようか」(Genesis 49:9)。神がシオンとエルサレムから恐るべき「ご声を発せられる」と言われるのは、そこに神が御名を置き、そこに教会の中におられたからである。それは、あたかも、ご臨在のしるしによって聖別された、神ご自身の場所のようであった。「天と天の天もあなたをお納めすることができない」のであるが。アモスは預言の冒頭で、神が住んでおられるのは、分離された状態にある彼ら自身の中ではなく、そこであるとイスラエルに警告した。エレミヤがユダに向かってこれらの同じことばを用いるとき、彼はエルサレムについてではなく、天について語る。「主は高い所からほえたもう。その聖なる住まいからご声を発せられる」(Jeremiah 25:30)。預言が十部族あるいは異邦人に向けられるとき、神は教会の内から語られる。神はエルサレムからご声を発せられる。「シオンから律法が出、エルサレムから主のことばが出る」(Isaiah 2:3)と神が言われるように、「そこには神の神殿と礼拝があったからである。これは、神がイスラエルの諸都市、すなわち金の子牛があったダンやベテルにおられるのでも、王都サマリヤやエズレルにおられるのでもなく、当時シオンとエルサレムにあったまことの信仰の中におられることを示すためである」。

牧羊者たちの住まいは嘆く——愛して後に去った故郷への思いのゆえか、預言者は、自分が予告する荒廃の中でまず自分の羊飼いの営みの場について考えたのかもしれない。よく知られたカルメル山は、反対方向の遠く、アシェル部族の地にあった。その名はその豊かさと肥沃さから、おそらくは「ぶどう園とオリーブ園の地」から来ている。ヒエロニムスの時代には、「オリーブ、低木、ぶどう園が密生し」、「その頂までも楽しい牧草地」であった。

それはパレスチナで最も目を引く自然の形態の一つである。十八マイルの丘陵の連なりを、地中海へと長く突き出た大胆な岬によって終え、アッコすなわちアカルの湾の南側を成している。海抜千二百フィートにそびえ、「故郷の浜辺を守る守護者のように」立ちながら、あらゆる種類の美、花、果実、木々に富んでいた。それはほとんどいつも「あのカルメル」すなわち「豊かな園の地」と呼ばれる。海に近いため、夜ごとの濃い露が絶え間なく新鮮さを供給し、真夏においても緑に満ち、花咲いている。旅行者たちはそれを、「まったく緑で、その頂はモミとカシに覆われ、下の方はオリーブとゲッケイジュに覆われ、どこもすばらしく水に恵まれている」と描写する。「ガリラヤや海岸に沿った平野で私が見た花で、ここカルメルで再び見出せないものは一つもない」とファン・デ・フェルデは言う。「それは今なお昔のままの、香り高く愛すべき山である」。「その多彩な花の世界は、より珍しい色とりどりの昆虫たちを非常に多く引き寄せており、採集家なら一年を通して豊かに働くことができよう」。「それは自然の庭であり、薬草の倉である」。

その牧草地は、バシャンのそれに匹敵するほど豊かであった。「数多くの澄んだ流れがここから始まる。その最大のものはエリヤの泉から噴き出る」(Jeremiah 50:19; Nahum 1:4)。それはその内に豊かな供給を自ら持っていた。ここまでもが荒野となるなら、ほかに何が惜しまれるであろうか。「青い木においてさえこれらのことを行うなら、枯れた木においては何がなされようか」(Luke 23:31)。高い者も低い者も、一つの共通の荒廃の中で打たれる。南の「牧羊者たちの牧草地」から北のカルメル山に至るまで、全土のすべてが。そしてこれは、神が語られたなら直ちにそうなる。「主が仰せられると、そのようになった」。今は逆に、神がご声を発せられると、カルメルはしおれた。その栄光は、まばたきする間もなく過ぎ去った。神がことばを語られると、それは消え去った。

神の賜物に依存していたものは残り、人に依存していたものは消えた。荒々しい美は今なお残っているが、それは自然の繁茂の美である。「すべてが荒廃している。すべてが荒野である」と、その奥深くを探検した一人は言う。「この極度の肥沃さは、人のために失われ、人にとって無用となっている。カルメルのぶどう園は今どこにあるのか。地面に長く連なる石々と、石垣の残骸を見よ。それらはあなたに告げるであろう。今あなたが分厚く絡み合った低木の中を苦労して道を開いているこの場所に、昔は、カルメルがその名を得た比類のないぶどう園があったことを」。

Original en inglés

The Lord will roar - Amos joins on his prophecy to the end of Joel's, in order at once in its very opening to attest the oneness of their mission, and to prepare people's minds to see, that his own prophecy was an expansion of those words, declaring the nearer and coming judgments of God. Those nearer judgments, however, of which he spake, were but the preludes of the judgments of the Great Day which Joel foretold, and of that last terrible voice of Christ, "the Lion of the tribe of Judah," of whom Jacob prophesies; "He couched, He lay down as a lion, and as a young lion; who shall raise Him up?" Genesis 49:9. God is said to "utter His" awful "voice from Zion and Jerusalem," because there He had set His Name, there He was present in His Church. It was, as it were, His own place, which He had hallowed by tokens of His presence, although "the heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain Him." In the outset of his prophecy, Amos warned Israel, that there, not among themselves in their separated state, God dwelt. Jeremiah, in using these same words toward Judah, speaks not of Jerusalem, but of heaven; "The Lord shall roar from on high, and utter His voice from His holy habitation" Jeremiah 25:30. The prophecy is to the ten tribes or to the pagan: God speaks out of the Church. He uttereth His Voice out of Jerusalem, as He saith, "Out of Zion shall go forth, the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem" Isaiah 2:3, "where was the Temple and the worship of God, to shew that God was not in the cities of Israel, that is, in Dan and Bethel, where were the golden calves, nor in the royal cities of Samaria and Jezreel, but in the true religion which was then in Zion and Jerusalem."

And the habitations of the shepherds shall mourn - Perhaps, with a feeling for the home which he had loved and left, the prophet's first thought amid the desolation which he predicts, was toward his own shepherd-haunts. The well-known Mount Carmel was far in the opposite direction in the tribe of Asher. Its name is derived from its richness and fertility, perhaps "a land of vine and olive yards." In Jerome's time, it was "thickly studded with olives, shrubs and vineyards." "Its very summit of glad pasturcs."

It is one of the most striking natural features of Palestine. It ends a line of hills, 18 miles long, by a long bold headland reaching out far into the Mediterranean, and forming the south side of the Bay of Acco or Acre. Rising 1,200 feet above the sea , it stands out "like some guardian of its native strand;" yet withal, it was rich with every variety of beauty, flower, fruit, and tree. It is almost always called "the Carmel," "the rich garden-ground." From its neighborhood to the sea, heavy dews nightly supply it with an ever-renewed freshness, so that in mid-summer it is green and flowery . Travelers describe it, as "quite green, its top covered with firs and oaks, lower down with olives and laurels, and everywhere excellently watered." "There is not a flower," says Van de Velde , "that I have seen in Galilee or on the plains along the coasts, that I do not find here again on Carmel. It is still the same fragrant lovely mountain as of old." : "Its varied world of flowers attracts such a number of the rarer vari-colored insects that a collector might for a whole year be richly employed." "It is a natural garden and repository of herbs."

Its pastures were rich, so as to equal those of Bashan. "It gives rise to a number of crystal streams, the largest of which gushes from the spring of Elijah" Jeremiah 50:19; Nahum 1:4. It had abundant supplies in itself. If it too became a desert, what else would be spared? "If they do these things in a green tree, what shall be done in the dry?" Luke 23:31. All, high and low, shall be stricken in one common desolation; all the whole land, fromm "the pastures of the shepherds" in the south to Mount Carmel in the North. And this, as soon as God had spoken. "He spake, and it was made." So now, contrariwise, He uttercth His Voice, and Carmel hath languished. Its glory hath passed away, as in the twinkling of an eye. God hath spoken the word, and it is gone.

What depended on God's gifts, abides; what depended on man, is gone. There remains a wild beauty still; but it is the beauty of natural luxuriance. "All," says one who explored its depths , "lies waste; all is a wilderness. The utmost fertility is here lost for man, useless to man. The vineyards of Carmel, where are they now? Behold the long rows of stones on the ground, the remains of the walls; they will tell you that here, where now with difficulty you force your way through the thick entangled copse, lay, in days of old, those incomparable vineyards to which Carmel owes its name."

3

Amos 1:3

Abrir pasaje

神の脅しの順序は、民の傾聴を得るためのものであったと思われる。刑罰はまず彼らの敵の上に宣告される。しかも、彼ら自身に対して、直接あるいは間接に犯された罪、また彼らの中における神に対する罪のゆえにである。次に、それらの敵自身に関する限り、その順序は場所や時間によるのではなく、神の民との関係による。それは最も抑圧的な敵であるシリヤから始まり、次に古くから絶えることのない、しかしより弱い敵であるペリシテ、次にこれらの者のような抑圧者ではないが、彼らが持たなかった関係、すなわちかつての友情と契約の絆を破ったティル、さらに貪欲による悪意と冷酷さ。それから血の絆をも破ったエドム、アンモン、モアブが続く。最後に、またすべての中で最も近い者として、まことの神のまことの礼拝をその中に持ちながらそれを軽んじたユダの上に下る。自分と同じような者たちに下るあらゆる撃ち罰は、自分自身の良心の中にこだまする。イスラエルは、ほかの者たちの上に下る神のさばきを聞き、容易に信じた。それを信じないようにとの誘惑はなかった。それならば、自分と同じようなほかの者たちについて信じたことを、自分自身についてどうして信じることを拒み得ようか。「名を変えよ、その物語はお前について語られている」は、ほとんど諺となった異邦人の言葉であった。預言の流れは、聖書に「戒めの例」として書かれた事柄がキリスト者を断罪するように、「彼ら」を断罪した。「律法なしに罪を犯した者は、律法なしに滅び」(Romans 2:12)のであれば、律法を持って罪を犯した者が律法によってさばかれることは、なおさらのことである。神のさばきは雷雲のように巡り、地から地へと移りながらその接近を警告し、最後に、悔い改めないなら、イスラエル自身の上に集まり、集中する。ほかの者たちへの訪れの中に、イスラエルは自分自身への訪れを読み取るべきであった。しかも、神が彼らに近ければ近いほど、そうであった。「イスラエル」が最後に置かれているのは、その上にこそ滅びが極限まで下り、そこにとどまるからである。

三つのそむきの罪、四つの罪のために——これらの言葉は、三つに四つの罪が加わったことを表すのではない。それは、先行するものを越えてさらに加わった罪、すなわち、それまで満ちていた罪の測度を溢れ出させ、神の怒りを来らせる最後の罪を表す。同様の表現が現れるほかの場所でも、加えられる数は一つ先のものであり、たいていは残りのすべてにまさる何かを指している。「六つの悩みの時、あなたを救い出し、七つの悩みの時にも、それはあなたに触れないであろう」(Job 5:19)。「たとい」という言葉は、七番目が、忍耐を打ち砕きそうに思える、ほかのすべてを越えたより重い悩みであることを示す。また、「七人に分け与えよ。八人にも分け与えよ」(Ecclesiastes 11:2)。七は全体の象徴として用いられる。「七日目に神は、その造られたすべてのわざを休まれた」からであり、それゆえ七という数はユダヤ人の儀式全体に広く入り込んだ。すべての時間は七によって測られた。

そこで原則はこうである。「限りなく与えよ。その全体が満たされた後も、なお与えよ」。箴言の書のあの一連の言葉においても、それぞれ第四のものは、先行する三つにまさる何かである。「満ちることのないものが三つあり、『十分だ』と言わないものが四つある」(Proverbs 30:15-16)。ほかのものは満たされ得ないが、第四のもの、火は、養われることでますます激しくなる。また、「よく歩くものが三つあり、歩き方が威厳のあるものが四つある」(Proverbs 30:29-31)。王の道徳的な威厳は、明らかに残りのものにまさる。「女奴隷がその女主人に取って代わること」(Proverbs 30:21-23)も、ほかのものより耐えがたく、横柄である。おとめに近づく男の技巧と隠蔽は、跡を残さない自然のもの、すなわち空のわし、岩の上の蛇、波の中の道を行く舟よりも微妙な類のものである(Proverbs 30:18-19)。また、「兄弟の間を分裂させること」(Proverbs 6:16-19)は、特別な憎むべきものである。それ自体が罪であるだけでなく、広く罪をまき散らし、ほかの者たちの中にある最も大切な賜物である愛を滅ぼすからである。たましいを殺すことは体を殺すことよりも悪く、より悪魔的な技巧を必要とする。

これらのことについてヨブは言う。「神はこれらのことをすべて人に二度も三度も行い、そのたましいを穴から連れ戻してくださる」(Job 33:29)。神の最後の恵みは、それを使う者たちにとって先行する恵みに封印を施すことであれ、それを無駄にした者たちに新たに与えられることであれ、神の愛あるいは寛容の戴冠の行為である。

異邦人の詩においても、彼らが忘れてしまった奥義の痕跡として、三は聖なる全体である。そこから「三倍四倍に祝福された」という表現が、満ち満ちた完全な祝福をさえ超えるもの、祝福の過剰を表すものとして彼らの間に確立している。

これらの異邦諸国については、第四の罪だけが言及される。預言者は「彼ら」に対する使命を持たなかったからである。彼はただ、彼らの上に臨むべき訪れの根拠をイスラエルに宣言するだけである。三つの罪は、まだ極刑を下すに至らなかった罪の総体を表し、第四は、その後神がもはや惜しまれない頂点の罪である。しかし第四の罪が神のさばきを引き下ろしたとはいえ、神は最後に、最後の罪だけでなく、それに先行するすべての罪を罰せられる。預言者が「第四の罪のために」ではなく「三つのそむきの罪、四つの罪のために」と言っていることにおいて、彼は同時に、罪ある国民の「不義が満ちる」(Genesis 15:16)その最後の罪に至るまで神が罰さなかったこと、そして「そのとき」神が、三つによって表された罪の全体の塊のためにも第四の罪のためにも、すべてを罰されたことを表している。神は忍耐強く、赦す用意ができておられる。しかし罪人がついに「怒りの器」(Romans 9:22)となるとき、神は、当座の間見過ごしてきた先行のすべての罪を罰せられるのである。

罪は罪に加わる。罪はそこから生え出るのであり、先行する罪に覆いをかけるのでも、それを消し去るのでもなく、神が罰せられる罪責の塊を増大させる。ユダヤ人たちが御子を殺したとき、「義人アベルの血から、バラキヤの子ザカリヤの血に至るまで、地上で流されたすべての義人の血」が彼らの上に臨んだ(Matthew 23:35-36; Luke 11:50-51)。旧約の下での神のすべての預言者としもべたちの血が、あの世代の上に臨んだのである。このように、悔い改めないまま死ぬ各々の罪人は、その全生涯において神の律法に逆らって行ったこと、またそうなったことすべてのために罰せられるであろう。より深い罪は、最後に、より深い断罪をもたらす。パウロは、「怒りの日、すなわち神の義のさばきの現われる日に臨む怒りを自分のために積み上げている」者たちについて語る(Romans 2:5)。善い人々が、神の恵みによって、その恵みの助けのもとで行われた一つ一つの行いを通じて永遠の報いを加えられていくように、悪者たちも、加えられる罪ごとに、その断罪を加えていくのである。

ダマスコについて——ダマスコは世界最古の都市の一つであり、世界の交わりの結節点の一つであった。それはその平野の中央に横たわっていた。その平野は肥沃に耕される高台の土地で、アンチレバノンから東への広さは約半度であった。西と北では、その平野はアンチレバノン山脈の下に守られ、東では、そのオアシスの領土とユーフラテス川との間に横たわる大砂漠によって守られていた。直接には、それを豊かにする水々の余りを受け入れる三つの湖によって境を成していた。バラダ(「冷たい川」)は、フィジェ(伝統的なパルパル。その激しい流れをよく表す名である)と合流した後、市の北側を、そして市の中を流れ、主として三つの湖の中央にあるバフレト・エル・クリビエ(「南の湖」)へ注ぎ、そこから、一部分は直接に、一部分はと考えられるが、バフレト・エシュ・シュルキエ(「東の湖」)へと流れ込む。アワジ(「曲がった川」)(おそらく古いアマナ、「絶えることのない川」。灌漑によって干し上がる流れとの対比で)は、ダマスコの古い南の境界の近くを流れ、おそらくそこを、ヨルダンの向こう側のイスラエルの北の領土である広い意味でのバシャン、イェトルあるいはイトゥラヤから隔てていた。この地域の面積は二百三十六平方地理マイルと計算された。

この空間は、彼らの支配領域の広さを測るというより、その中心となった。しかしそれは、同じ面積がヨーロッパで養いうるよりはるかに多くの人口を養った。岩から噴き出る小さな小川の流れの一つ一つまでが豊かな繁茂によって印されている、周囲の創造の面持ちから学んだ古代のダマスコ人は、ヘルモンの雪々あるいはアンチレバノンの高地から絶えず来る水の供給を、体系的な勤勉さをもって利用した。その必要のない北方の気候に住む我々には、その勤勉さは、必要としないがゆえに、また思いもよらないものである。「バラダがなければ」とポーターは言う。「市は存在し得ず、平野は焼けつく砂漠となるであろう。しかし今や水路があらゆる一角を横切り、ほとんどすべての住まいで泉がきらめき、無数の運河が広大な平野の上に枝を張りめぐらして、緑と美しさをまとわせている。これらの運河のうち五つは、川が平野に入る前に、異なる高さの地点から引き出されている。それらは峡谷の切り立った岸に沿って通され、ある場所では固い岩の中をトンネルで貫かれている。北側の二つは、市から約一マイルの丘の麓にあるサラヒエに水を供給し、それから平野の高い部分をほぼ二十マイルにわたって灌漑する。南側の三つのうち、一つは五マイル離れた人口の多い村ダラヤへ導かれ、ほかの二つは市とその郊外と園々に水を供給している」。

大きい平野も小さい平野も、あらゆる泉が同様に利用された。昔は「クリソロアス(バラダ)の水は、ほとんど人工の水路に費やされる」と言われ、「ダマスコは灌漑によってクリソロアスを飲み干して肥えている」とも言われた。その運河の十四の名は今なお伝えられ、七ないし八の主要運河を選ぶのが通例であるが、全体は七十にまで数え上げられたことすらある。いかなる技術も労働も過大とは考えられなかった。フィジェの水は、垂直の崖の側面を貫いた大水路によって運ばれた。しかしこれさえ、大したことではなかった。平野全体が運河によって切り分けられ、地下にもトンネルが掘られた。「川の水は、野と園の土壌の表面に広げられた。その下には、土壌に浸透した余分の水、あるいは下にある小さな泉から来る水を集めるために、別の運河が掘られていた。こうして集められた水は、より低い所へ導かれ、そこで再び地表に出るのである」。「平野全体がこれらの特異な水路で満ちている。あるものは地下を二、三マイルにわたって走っている。一つの水路の水が地表にいのちと緑を広げているそのまさに場所で、別の枝が新たな供給を集めているのである」。「昔はこれらの水路は、平野全体を通って湖々まで延び、あらゆる場所の野と園に灌漑していた」。

それゆえダマスコは、古くからその美しさで名高かった。取り巻く果樹園の濃い緑の中に埋め込まれた白い建物群は、エメラルドに囲まれたダイヤモンドのようであった。それらは西ではほぼアンチレバノンに達し、「東ではバラダの両側に数マイル延びている。それらは少なくとも周囲二十五(あるいは三十)マイルの地域を覆い、周辺を地上の楽園としている」。そこからアラビヤ人は言った。「もし地上にエデンの園があるなら、それはダマスコである。もし天にあるなら、ダマスコは地上におけるその似姿である」。しかしこの美しさは、同時にその強さでもあった。「川は」とティルのウィリアムは言う。「豊かな水を帯び、両岸の、果樹の密生した果樹園に水を供給し、市の城壁に沿って東へ流れる。西と北では、市は果樹園によって広く囲まれていた。それは密な森のように、レバノンに向かって四、五マイル延びていた。木々の密度と道の狭さのゆえに、その側から市に近づくことは困難で、ほとんど不可能に思われた。それゆえこれらの果樹園は、この上なく強力な防衛となっている」。今日に至っても、「ダマスコのまことの防衛はその園々にある。七リーグ余りの周囲にわたって果樹の森と、生け垣、石垣、堀の迷宮を成しており、ムスリムの敵にとっても小さからぬ障害となるであろう」と言われる。

その位置の利点が、間違いなくそこが早くから選ばれた理由であった。それはアジアの内地から地中海へ、ティルへ、さらにはエジプトへの最良の路にあった。ケドルラオメルと彼と共の四人の王は、間違いなくその道を来た。彼らが最初に撃った者たちは、ヤウランすなわちガウロニティスのアシテロテ・カルナイムにいたからである(Genesis 14:5-6)。そこから彼らはヨルダンの西側に沿って南へと押し寄せ、進みながら、まずアンモニティスの「ズジム人」(おそらくザムズミム人と同じ。Deuteronomy 2:20)を、次にモアブの「キルヤタイムの平野のエミム人」を(Deuteronomy 2:9, 11)、それから「セイル山のホリ人を、パランに至るエルパラまで」(おそらくそれにちなんで名づけられた湾のエラテ)撃った。アブラハムがダマスコに近いホバで彼らに追いついたのであるから(Genesis 14:15)、帰路もまたその道であった。ダマスコはすでに、ホバがただそれとの関係によってのみ知られていたほどの主要都市であった。アブラハム自身も、神の命令によってハラン(ギリシャ人の言うカッライ)から、ティプサハ(「渡し場」。タプサコス)を経由して、あるいはユーフラテスのより北の渡しを経由して来たとき、この道を通った。イサクのために妻を探すことを託された、その最も信頼するしもべであり、一時は相続人であった者がダマスコ人であったという事実は(Genesis 15:2-3)、アブラハムとダマスコとの親密な関係を暗示する。我々の時代の初めにおいても、アブラハムの名はダマスコの地方でなお敬われていた。一つの村は彼にちなんで「アブラハムの住まい」と名づけられ、土着の歴史家ニコラオスは、アブラハムがバビロンのかなたの国からカナンへ行く途上、ダマスコを治めたと述べた。そのしもべの名「エリエゼル」、すなわち「わたしの神は助け」は、この時にもそのしもべが唯一の神を礼拝していたことを示す。ダマスコという名は、おそらくその創建者の、苦闘に満ちた精力的な性格を示すものである。

旧約におけるアラムに関係するほかの名々と同じように、この名も、アラムという共通の祖先にふさわしく、アラム語である。ダマスコはイスラエルに割り当てられた領土の一部ではなく、イスラエルによって悩まされることもなかった。おそらくダビデの防御的な征服を自分たちの政策の観点から判断して、ダビデを攻撃したほかのシリヤ人たちと連合し、服従させられ、守備隊を置かれ、貢納国となった(2 Samuel 8:5-6)。それは当時、ゾバの王ハダデエゼルの個人的な卓越のためであれ、その他の理由のためであれ、従属的な勢力であったと思われる。確かにハダデエゼルは際立って現れ、ダマスコ人は従属的にしか言及されない。

これと一致して、聖書でダマスコ王国に最初に言及するのは、ハダデエゼルのもとから逃れたしもべ、エリアダの子レゾンの王朝である。彼は略奪団を組織し、その後ダマスコに定住して王となった(1 Kings 11:23-24)。それ以前、聖書はダマスコの民についてだけ語り、その王たちについては語らない。その土着の歴史家は、ダマスコ人がダビデの時代に、そしてその後も引き続き侵略者であったことを認めながら、彼らの度重なる敗北を覆い隠し、彼らの王たちが十世代にわたり父から子へと連続して王位に就いたと示す。これはおそらく、いずれの君主国においても知られていないことである。「土着のアダドが大いなる力を得て、ダマスコと、ベニキアを除くシリヤの残りの部分の王となった。彼はユダヤの王ダビデに戦いを挑み、多くの戦いで彼と争い、ついにユーフラテスで敗れたが、勇敢と武勇において最も傑出した王という評判を持っていた。彼の死後、その子孠たちは十世代にわたって統治し、各々が父から王国と共に(ハダデという)名を受け継いだ。エジプトのプトレマイオスたちと同じように。三代目は皆の中で最も大いなる力を得て、祖父の敗北を回復しようとユダヤ人と戦い、今日サマリティスと呼ばれる所を荒廃させた」。彼らは、自分たちが招き寄せた敗北に耐えることができなかったのである。

レゾンは、ソロモンの治世の後半を通じて、ハダデの侵略を再開した。十部族の分裂に際して、ダマスコの敵意は、彼らのすぐ隣にいたイスラエルに集中した。アビヤムはベン・ハダデの父と同盟していた(1 Kings 15:19)。ベン・ハダデは、晩年の疑い深い日々にあったアサが頼んだとき、直ちにバアシャとの同盟を破って彼に立ち向かった(2 Chronicles 16:2-7; 1 Kings 15:20)。ベン・ハダデ一世はオムリからも都市々を奪い、サマリヤ自体の中に「通り」を、おそらくダマスコ人街を、強要した(1 Kings 20:34)。ベン・ハダデ二世は「三十二人」の従属的な「王」たちを擁し(カナンの王たちのように、それぞれ自分の都市と小領土を持つ従属の王たち。1 Kings 20:1, 1 Kings 20:24)、彼らを率いてサマリヤに攻め上り、それを略奪しようと企て(1 Kings 20:6-7)、その略奪を機に、おそらくそれを自分のものにするか、滅ぼすかしようとした。神の助けによって、彼らは二度敗れた。二度目は、彼らが神の力に直接挑戦したときであり(1 Kings 20:22-25, 1 Kings 20:28)、アハブが憐れみを求める訴えによって気をよくされなかったなら(1 Kings 20:31-32)、シリヤはもはやイスラエルを圧迫する状態にはなかっただろうほどの決定的な敗北であった。ベン・ハダデは、父がイスラエルから奪った都市々を返還し、ダマスコの中にイスラエル人街を設けることを約束した(1 Kings 20:34)。

この約束が果たされていたなら、ラモテ・ギルアデはそれより早くシリヤの手に落ちていたに違いない。三年後、アハブは、神の助言に逆らい、ヨシャパテの助けを得てそれを回復しようとする試みの中で滅びたからである(1 Kings 22)。ラモテ・ギルアデがこのようにシリヤの手にあった以上、その北のすべて、ヨルダンの向こうのダンの半分とマナセもまた、シリヤに征服されていたはずである。サマリヤを極限にまで追い詰め、神がシリヤの軍勢の中に恐慌を吹き込まれてそれを散らされた、あの一度の大包囲を除けば(2 Kings 7:6)、ベン・ハダデとハザエルは、アハズヤとエホラムの十四年の間、イスラエルに対する略奪遠征だけを奨励した。アッシリヤの碑文によれば、ベン・ハダデはアッシリヤ王シャルマヌバルに三度、ハザエルは二度敗れた。ベン・ハダデはヒッタイト人、ハマテ人、フェニキヤ人の王たちと同盟して攻勢に出たように見えるが、ハザエルは単独で攻撃を受け、アンチレバノンに避難所を求めることを余儀なくされ、おそらく貢納国となった。

アッシリヤの年代記はアッシリヤの勝利だけを伝える。ナアマンを通して「主がシリヤに救いを与えられた」(2 Kings 5:1)という短い記述は、おそらく、彼を通してアッシリヤが受けた目覚ましい挫折を指している。シリヤが「救い出され」なければならなかったほかの敵はいなかったからである。サマリヤからの撤退の後、彼はラモテでさえも、その前の戦いでエホラムが負傷した後(2 Kings 8:29)、エホラムの手に失った(2 Kings 9:14-15)。エフーがアッシリヤへの政治的服従によって、エリシャが予告したあの災いを自分の上に招き寄せたという推測は、ありそうなことである。ハザエルは、自分が恐れ、また苦しめられた勢力へのエフーの服従に報復しながら、イスラエルを懲らしめる神の道具となったのであろう。ユダの助けを失ったイスラエルは、いっそう容易な獲物となった。ハザエルはヨルダンの東のすべてをイスラエルから奪っただけでなく(2 Kings 10:32-33)、開けた地方全体を、イスラエル人が安全に住めないものにした。

神が「イスラエルに救いしもべを与え」て初めて、彼らは「かつてのように自分たちの天幕に住む」ことができた(2 Kings 13:5)。ハザエルはその征服をガテまで広げ(2 Kings 12:17)、おそらくエジプトへの連絡線を開こうとしていた。「少数の者たち」で、ユダの大軍を打ち破った(2 Chronicles 24:23-24)。ユダの王ヨアシュは、彼がエルサレムに向かって進軍してきたとき、神殿にある聖別された金も一般の金も、また自分の宝物倉のすべてをもって彼を買い収め、引き返させた(2 Kings 12:18)。エホアシュはベン・ハダデ三世からヨルダンのこちら側の都市々を回復し(2 Kings 13:25)、エロボアム二世は、失われた領土のすべて、さらにはダマスコとハマテをも回復した(2 Kings 14:28)。しかしその後も、ダマスコはレジンの下で勢力を回復し、ユダにとって恐るべき存在となり、ユダへの侵略を通じて自らの滅びを招くことになった。この頃のダマスコは、おそらく今日の我々と同じく、豊かで商業的かつ好戦的ではあったが、まだ製造業の民ではなかった(Amos 3:12の注解を参照)。(今のように)中継貿易の大中心地としてのその富は、戦争のための筋を供給した。ティルと取引した「白い羊毛」(Ezekiel 27:18)は、最も白い羊毛を産する羊の住む、砂漠に広がる大きな周辺地帯を所有していたことを示唆する。平野の人口のほかに、ダマスコには、それに従属する大規模な遊牧の群れがあったに違いない。

わたしはその刑罰を取り消さない——文字どおりには「わたしはそれを引き返させない」。神が引き返させない「それ」とは何か。アモスはそれを言い表さない。沈黙はしばしばことばよりも力強い。それに名をつけないことで、彼はむしろ、それを心の中に思い描かせる。昔から彼らを押し潰そうと迫って来ていたもの、神が長い間押しとどめてきたもの、しかし今や神がもはやそれを押しとどめることなく、以前抑え込まれていただけに、いっそう恐るべき圧倒的な力をもって押し入ってくるものとして。罪と刑罰は、神の大いなる法によって結び合わされている。神の憐れみは刑罰を長く差し止め、罪あるたましいや民が警告なしに置かれないように、神のご不満のわずかなしるしだけを現す。神がそれをもはや差し止めないとき、神の道徳的統治の法がその道を行く。「刑罰は足取り遅くとも」と異邦人の経験は言った。「先に進む悪人を、ほとんど見逃しはしない」。

彼らが鉄の脱穀用具でギルアデを脱穀したから——この用具について、ヒエロニムスはここでこう説明する。「下に鉄の車輪が転がる、歯の付いた一種の荷車であり、穀物を脱穀すると同時に、わらを打ち砕いて細かく切り、干し草の不足時に家畜の餌とするものである」。ほとんど同じ名で呼ばれる類似の用具が、今もシリヤとエジプトで使用されている。エリシャは、ハザエルがイスラエルに行う残酷さを彼に予告していた。「彼らの城々に火を放ち、彼らの若者たちを剣で殺し、その子どもたちを打ち殺し、子を宿っている女たちを引き裂く」(2 Kings 8:12)。ハザエルは、罪に次第に浸されていったほかの者たちと同様、自分がそのようなことを行うなどあり得ないと考えたが、実際に行った。エフーの日、「ハザエルは、ヨルダンから東の方のイスラエルの全域で彼らを撃った。アルノン川のほとりのアロエルから、ギルアデとバシャンに至るまで、ガド人とルベン人とマナセ人の全土なるギルアデを」(2 Kings 10:32-33)。エフーの子エホアハズの日には、彼は「彼らを抑えつけ、民をエホアハズに残さなかった。騎兵五十人、戦車十台、歩兵一万人のほかは。シリヤの王が彼らを滅ぼし、彼らを脱穀場のちりのようにした」(2 Kings 13:7)。ここで語られている死は、より凄惨に見えるとはいえ、おそらくほかの多くのものより苛酷ではなく、キリスト教の法廷が用いてきたいくつかのものに比べれば、はるかに苛酷ではなかった。それは箴言において死刑として言及され(Proverbs 20:26)、イザヤによってもそのようにほのめかされている(Isaiah 28:28)。ダビデも、聖書が説明しないいくつかの理由により、アンモン人たちにこれを行わなければならなかった(2 Samuel 12:31; 1 Chronicles 20:3)。おそらく、刑罰それ自体だけでなく、神の民をそのように根絶しようとした試みこそが、このさばきをダマスコの上に招いたのであろう。

テオドレトは、さらに恐ろしい加重の事情を想定する。すなわち、子を宿した女たちが、その子どもたちと共にそのように殺されたというのである。「前述の女たちを、いわば一種の脱穀場に投げ込み、鋸の歎の付いた車輪で、穀物の穂のように残忍に脱穀したのである」。

ここのギルアデは、疑いなく最も広い意味に解すべきであり、ヨルダンの東にあるイスラエルのすべての領地を含む。ハザエルの征服の記述において、「ギルアデの全地」が(2 Kings 10:32-33)、かつて二つ半の部族に与えられたすべてのもの、バシャンと区別される本来のギルアデまでも含むと説明されているのと同じである。同様にヨシュアは、「ルベンの子らとガドの子らとマナセの半部族とは、その持ち物の地であるギルアデの地へ帰って行った」(Joshua 22:9)と記している。緯度二度半に及ぶあの美しい地方全体において、ハザエルは、あらゆる平和な村と家庭に至るまで根絶の戦争を遂行し、生きている者も、生まれようとする者も、惜しまなかったのである。

Original en inglés

The order of God's threatenings seems to have been addressed to gain the hearing of the people. The punishment is first denounced upon their enemies, and that, for their sins, directly or indirectly, against themselves, and God in them. Then, as to those enemies themselves, the order is not of place or time, but of their relation to God's people. It begins with their most oppressive enemy, Syria; then Philistia, the old and ceaseless, although less powerful, enemy; then Tyre, not an oppressor, as these, yet violating a relation which they had not, the bonds of a former friendship and covenant; malicious also and hardhearted through covetousness. Then follow Edom, Ammon, Moab, who burst the bonds of blood also. Lastly and nearest of all, it falls on Judah, who had the true worship of the true God among them, but despised it. Every infliction on those like ourselves finds an echo in our own consciences. Israel heard and readily believed God's judgments upon others. It was not tempted to set itself against believing them. How then could it refuse to believe of itself, what it believed of others like itself? "Change but the name, the tale is told of thee ," was a pagan saying which has almost passed into a proverb. The course of the prophecy convicted "them," as the things written in Holy Scripture "for our ensamples" convict Christians. "If they" who "sinned without law, perished without law" Romans 2:12, how much more should they who "have sinned in the law, be judged by the law." God's judgments rolled round like a thunder-cloud, passing from land to land, giving warning of their approach, at last to gather and center on Israel itself, except it repent. In the visitations of others, it was to read its own; and that, the more, the nearer God was to them. "Israel" is placed the last, because on it the destruction was to fall to the uttermost, and rest there.

For three transgressions and for four - These words express, not four transgressions added to the three, but an additional transgression beyond the former, the last sin, whereby the measure of sin, which before was full, overflows, and God's wrath comes. So in other places, where the like form of words occurs, the added number is one beyond, and mostly relates to something greater than all the rest. So, "He shall deliver thee in six troubles; yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee" Job 5:19. The word, "yea," denotes, that the seventh is some heavier trouble, beyond all the rest, which would seem likely to break endurance. Again, "give a portion to seven, and also to eight" Ecclesiastes 11:2. Seven is used as a symbol of a whole, since "on the seventh day God rested from all which He had made," and therefore the number seven entered so largely into the whole Jewish ritual. All time was measured by seven.

The rule then is; "give without bounds; when that whole is fulfilled, still give." Again in that series of sayings in the book of Proverbs Prov. 30, the fourth is, in each, something greater than the three preceding. "There are three" things that "are never satisfied;" yea, "four" things "say not," it is "enough" Proverbs 30:15-16. The other things cannot be satisfied; the fourth, fire, grows fiercer by being fed. Again, "There be three" things "which go well; yea, four are comely in going" Proverbs 30:29-31. The moral majesty of a king is obviously greater than the rest. So "the handmaid which displaceth her mistress" Proverbs 30:21-23 is more intolerable and overbearing than the others. The art and concealment of man in approaching a maiden is of a subtler kind than things in nature which leave no trace of themselves, the eagle in the air, the serpent on the rock, the ship in its pathway through the waves Proverbs 30:18-19. Again, "Sowing discord among brethren" Proverbs 6:16-19, has a special hatefulness, as not only being sin, but causing widewasting sin, and destroying in others the chief grace, love. Soul-murder is worse than physical murder, and requires more devilish art.

These things - Job says, "worketh God twice and thrice with man, to bring back his soul from the pit" Job 33:29. The last grace of God, whether sealing up the former graces of those who use them, or vouchsafed to those who have wasted them, is the crowning act of His love or forbearance.

In pagan poetry also, as a trace of a mystery which they had forgotten, three is a sacred whole; from where "thrice and fourfold blessed" stands among them for something exceeding even a full and perfect blessing, a super-abundance of blessings.

The fourth transgression of these pagan nations is alone mentioned. For the prophet had no mission to "them;" he only declares to Israel the ground of the visitation which was to come upon them. The three transgressions stand for a whole sum of sin, which had not yet brought down extreme punishment; the fourth was the crowning sin, after which God would no longer spare. But although the fourth drew down His judgment, God, at the last, punishes not the last sin only, but all which went before. In that the prophet says, not, "for the fourth," but "for three transgressions and for four," he expresses at once, that God did not punish until the last sin, by which "the iniquity" of the sinful nation became "full" Genesis 15:16, and that, "then," He punished for all, for the whole mass of sin described by the three, and for the fourth also. God is longsuffering and ready to forgive; but when the sinner finally becomes a "vessel of wrath" Romans 9:22, He punishes all the earlier sins, which, for the time, He passed by.

Sin adds to sin, out of which it grows; it does not overshadow the former sins, it does not obliterate them, but increases the mass of guilt, which God punishes. When the Jews killed the Son, there, "came on" them "all the righteous bloodshed upon the earth, from the blood of righteous Abel unto the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias" Matthew 23:35-36; Luke 11:50-51. All the blood of all the prophets and servants of God under the Old Testament came upon that generation. So each individual sinner, who dies impenitent, will be punished for all which, in his whole life, he did or became, contrary to the law of God. Deeper sins bring deeper damnation at the last. So Paul speaks of those who "treasure up to" themselves "wrath against the Day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God" Romans 2:5. As good people, by the grace of God, do, through each act done by aid of that grace, gain an addition to their everlasting reward, so the wicked, by each added sin, add to their damnation.

Of Damascus - Damascus was one of the oldest cities in the world, and one of the links of its contact. It lay in the midst of its plain, a high table-land of rich cultivation, whose breadth, from Anti-libanus eastward, was about half a degree. On the west and north its plain lay sheltered under the range of Anti-libanus; on the east, it was protected by the great desert which intervened between its oasis-territory and the Euphrates. Immediately, it was bounded by the three lakes which receive the surplus of the waters which enrich it. The Barada (the "cold") having joined the Fijeh, (the traditional Pharpar" , a name which well designates its tumultuous course ), runs on the north of, and through the city, and then chiefly into the central of the three lakes, the Bahret-el-kibliyeh, (the "south" lake;) thence, it is supposed, but in part also directly, into the Bahret-esh-Shurkiyeh (the "east" lake ). The 'Awaj (the "crooked") (perhaps the old Amana, "the never-failing," in contrast with the streams which are exhausted in irrigation) runs near the old south boundary of Damascus , separating it probably from the northern possessions of Israel beyond Jordan, Bashan (in its widest sense), and Jetur or Ituraea. The area has been calculated at 236 square geographical miles .

This space rather became the center of its dominions, than measured their extent. But it supported a population far beyond what that space would maintain in Europe. Taught by the face of creation around them, where the course of every tiny rivulet, as it burst from the rocks, was marked by a rich luxuriance , the Damascenes of old availed themselves of the continual supply from the snows of Hermon or the heights of Anti-libanus, with a systematic diligence , of which, in our northern clime, as we have no need, so we have no idea. "Without the Barada," says Porter , "the city could not exist, and the plain would be a parched desert; but now aqueducts intersect every quarter, and fountains sparkle in almost every dwelling, while innumerable canals extend their ramifications over the vast plain, clothing it with verdure and beauty. Five of these canals are led off from the river at different elevations, before it enters the plain. They are carried along the precipitous banks of the ravine, being in some places tunnelled in the solid rock. The two on the northern side water Salahiyeh at the foot of the hills about a mile from the city, and then irrigate the higher portions of the plain to the distance of nearly twenty miles. Of the three on the south side, one is led to the populous village Daraya, five miles distant; the other two supply the city, its suburbs, and gardens."

The like use was made of every fountain in every larger or lesser plain. Of old it was said , "the Chrysorrhoas (the Barada) "is nearly expended in artificial channels." : "Damascus is fertile through drinking up the Chrysorrhoas by irrigation." Fourteen names of its canals are still given ; and while it has been common to select 7 or 8 chief canals, the whole have been counted up even to 70 . No art or labor was thought too great. The waters of the Fijeh were carried by a great aqueduct tunnelled through the side of the perpendicular cliff . Yet this was as nothing. Its whole plain was intersected with canals, and tunneled below. : "The waters of the river were spread over the surface of the soil in the fields and gardens; underneath, other canals were tunnelled to collect the superfluous water which percolates the soil, or from little fountains and springs below. The stream thus collected is led off to a lower level, where it comes to the surface. : "The whole plain is filled with these singular aqueducts, some of them running for 2 or 3 miles underground. Where the water of one is diffusing life and verdure over the surface, another branch is collecting a new supply." "In former days these extended over the whole plain to the lakes, thus irrigating the fields and gardens in every part of it."

Damascus then was, of old, famed for its beauty. Its white buildings, embedded in the deep green of its engirdling orchards, were like diamonds encircled by emeralds. They reach nearly to Anti-libanus westward , "and extend on both sides of the Barada some miles eastward. They cover an area at last 25 (or 30) miles in circuit, and make the environs an earthly Paradise." Whence the Arabs said , "If there is a garden of Eden on earth, it is Damascus; and if in heaven, Damascus is like it on earth." But this its beauty was also its strength. "The river," says William of Tyre , "having abundant water, supplies orchards on both banks, thick-set with fruit-trees, and flows eastward by the city wall. On the west and north the city was far and wide fenced by orchards, like thick dense woods, which stretched four or live miles toward Libanus. These orchards are a most exceeding defense; for from the density of the trees and the narrowness of the ways, it seemed difficult and almost impossible to approach the city on that side." Even to this day it is said , "The true defense of Damascus consists in its gardens, which, forming a forest of fruit-trees and a labyrinth of hedges, walls and ditches, for more than 7 leagues in circumference, would present no small impediment to a Mussulman enemy."

The advantage of its site doubtless occastoned its early choice. It lay on the best route from the interior of Asia to the Mediterranean, to Tyre, and even to Egypt. Chedorlaomer and the four kings with him, doubtless, came that way, since the first whom they smote were at Ashteroth Karnaim Genesis 14:5-6 in Jaulan or Gaulonitis, and thence they swept on southward, along the west side of Jordan, smiting, as they went, first the "Zuzim," (probably the same as the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:2 O) in Ammonitis; then "the Emim in the plain of Kiriathaim" in Moab Deuteronomy 9, 11, then "the Horites in Mount Seir unto Elparan" (probably Elath on the Gulf called from it.) They returned that way, since Abraham overtook them at Hobah near Damascus Genesis 14:15. Damascus was already the chief city, through its relation to which alone Hobah was known. It was on the route by which Abraham himself came at God's command from Haran (Charrae of the Greeks) whether over Tiphsaeh ("the passage," Thapsacus) or anymore northern passage over the Euphrates. The fact that his chief and confidential servant whom he entrusted to seek a wife for Isaac, and who was, at one time, his heir, was a Damascene Genesis 15:2-3, implies some intimate connection of Abraham with Damascus. At the time of our era, the name of Abraham was still held in honor in the country of Damascus ; a village was named from him "Abraham's dwelling;" and a native historian Nicolas said, that he reigned in Damascus on his way from the country beyond Babylon to Canaan. The name of his servant "Eliezer" "my God is help," implies that at this time too the servant was a worshiper of the One God. The name Damascus probably betokened the strenuous , energetic character of its founder.

Like the other names connected with Aram in the Old Testament , it is, in conformity with the common descent from Aram, Aramaic. It was no part of the territory assigned to Israel, nor was it molested by them. Judging, probably, of David's defensive conquests by its own policy, it joined the other Syrians who attacked David, was subdued, garrisoned, and became tributary 2 Samuel 8:5-6. It was at that time probably a subordinate power, whether on the ground of the personal eminence of Hadadezer king of Zobah, or any other. Certainly Hadadezer stands cut conspicuously; the Damascenes are mentioned only subordinately.

Consistently with this, the first mention of the kingdom of Damascus in Scripture is the dynasty of Rezon son of Eliada's, a fugitive servant of Hadadezer, who formed a marauding band, then settled and reigned in Damascus 1 Kings 11:23-24. Before this, Scripture speaks of the people only of Damascus, not of their kings. Its native historian admits that the Damascenes were, in the time of David, and continued to be, the aggressors, while he veils over their repeated defeats, and represents their kings, as having reigned successively from father to son, for ten generations, a thing unknown probably in any monarchy. : "A native, Adad, having gained great power, became king of Damascus and the rest of Syria, except Phoenicia. He, having carried war against David, king of Judaea, and disputed with him in many battles, and that finally at the Euaphrates where he was defeated, had the character of a most eminent king for prowess and valor. After his death, his descendants reigned for ten generations, each receiving from his father the name (Hadad) together with the kingdom, like the Ptolemies of Egypt. The third, having gained the greatest power of all, seeking to repair the defeat of his grandfather, warring against the Jews, wasted what is now callcd Samaritis." They could not brook a defeat, which they had brought upon themselves.

Rezon renewed, throughout the later part of Solomon's reign, the aggression of Hadad. On the schism of the ten tribes, the hostility of Damascus was concentrated against Israel who lay next to them. Abijam was in league with the father of Benhadad 1 Kings 15:19. Benhadad at once broke his league with Baasha at the request of Asa in his later mistrustful days 1 Chronicles 16:2-7, and turned against Baasha (1 Chronicles 16:2-7 and 1 Kings 15:20). From Omri also Benhadad I took cities and extorted "streets," probably a Damascus quarter, in Samaria itself 1 Kings 20:34. Benhadad II had "thirty-two" vassal "kings" 1 Kings 20:1, 1 Kings 20:24, (dependent kings like those of Canaan, each of his own city and little territory,) and led them against Samaria, intending to plunder it 1 Kings 20:6-7, and, on occasion of the plundering, probably to make it his own or to destroy it. By God's help they were twice defeated; the second time, when they directly challenged the power of God 1 Kings 20:22-25, 1 Kings 20:28, so signally that, had not Ahab been flattered by the appeal to his mercy 1 Kings 20:31-32, Syria would no more have been in a condition to oppress Israel. Benhadad promised to restore the cities which his father had taken from Israel, and to make an Israel-quarter in Damascus 1 Kings 20:34.

If this promise was fulfilled, Ramoth-Gilead must have been lost to Syria at an earlier period, since, three years afterward, Ahab perished in an attempt, by aid of Jehoshaphat, against the counsels of God, to recover it 1 Kings 22. Ramoth-Gilead being thus in the hands of Syria, all north of it, half of Dan and Manasseh beyond Jordan, must also have been conquered by Syria. Except the one great siege of Samaria, which brought it to extremities and which God dissipated by a panic which He infused into the Syrian army 2 Kings 7:6. Benhadad and Hazael encouraged only marauding expeditions against Israel during the 14 years of Ahaziah and Jehoram. Benhadad was, according to Assyrian inscriptions defeated thrice, Hazael twice, by Shalmanubar king of Assyria . Benhadad appears to have acted on the offensive, in alliance with the kings of the Hittites, the Hamathites and Phoenicians ; Hazael was attacked alone, driven to take refuge in Anti-libanus, and probably became tributary .

Assyrian chronicles relate only Assyrian victories. The brief notice, that through Naaman "the Lord gave deliverance to Syria" 2 Kings 5:1, probably refers to some signal check which Assyria received through him. For there was no other enemy, from whom Syria had to be "delivered." Subsequently to that retreat from Samaria, he even lost Ramoth 2 Kings 9:14-15 to Jehoram after a battle before it 2 Kings 8:29, in which Jehoram was wounded. It is a probable conjecture that Jehu, by his political submission to Assyria, drew on himself the calamities which Elisha foretold. Hazael probably became the instrument of God in chastening Israel, while he was avenging Jehu's submission to a power whom he dreaded and from whom he had suffered. Israel, having lost the help of Judah, became the easier prey. Hazael not only took from Israel all east of Jordan 2 Kings 10:32-33, but made the whole open country unsafe for the Israelites to dwell in.

Not until God "gave Israel a saviour," could they "dwell in their tents as beforetime" 2 Kings 13:5. Hazael extended his conquests to Gath 2 Kings 12:17, intending probably to open a connecting line with Egypt. "With a small company of men" he defeated a large army of Judah 2 Chronicles 24:23-24. Joash, king of Judah, bought him off, when advancing against Jerusalem, with everything of gold, consecrated or civil, in the temple or in his own treasures 2 Kings 12:18. Jehoash recovered from Benhadad III the cities this side Jordan 2 Kings 13:25; Jeroboam II, all their lost territories and even Damascus and Hamath 2 Kings 14:28. Yet after this, it was to recover its power under Rezin, to become formidable to Judah, and, through its aggressions on Judah, to bring destruction on itself. At this time, Damascus was probably, like ourselves, a rich, commercial, as well as warlike, but not as yet a manufacturing (see the note at Amos 3:12) nation. Its wealth, as a great emporium of transit-commerce, (as it is now) furnished it with sinews for war. The "white wool" Ezekiel 27:18, in which it traded with Tyre, implies the possession of a large outlying tract in the desert, where the sheep yield the whitest wool. It had then doubtless, beside the population of its plain, large nomadic hordes dependent upon it.

I will not turn away the punishment thereof - Literally, "I will not turn it back." What was this, which God would not turn back? Amos does not express it. Silence is often more emphatic than words. Not naming it, he leaves it the rather to be conceived of by the mind, as something which had been of old coming upon them to overwhelm them, which God had long stayed back, but which, since He would now stay it no longer, would burst in, with the more terrific and overwhelming might, because it had been restrained before. Sin and punishment are by a great law of God bound together. God's mercy holds back the punishment long, allowing only some slight tokens of His displeasure to show themselves, that the sinful soul or people may not be unwarned. When He no longer withholds it, the law of His moral government holds its course. "Seldom," said pagan experience , "hath punishment with lingering foot parted with the miscreant, advancing before."

Because they have threshed Gilead with threshing instruments of iron - The instrument, Jerome relates here, was "a sort of wain, rolling on iron wheels beneath, set with teeth; so that it both threshed out the grain and bruised the straw and cut it in pieces, as food for the cattle, for lack of hay." A similar instrument, called by nearly the same name, is still in use in Syria and Egypt. Elisha had foretold to Hazael his cruelty to Israel; "Their strong holds thou wilt set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children, and rip up their women with child" 2 Kings 8:12. Hazael, like others gradually steeped in sin, thought it impossible, but did it. In the days of Jehu, "Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel from Jordan eastward; all the land of Gilead, the Gadites and the Reubenites and the Manassites, from Arorer which is by the River Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan" 2 Kings 10:32-33; in those of Jehoahaz, Jehu's son, "he oppressed them, neither did he leave of the people to Jehoahaz but fifty horsemen and ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen, for the king of Syria had destroyed them, and had made them like the dust by threshing" 2 Kings 13:7. The death here spoken of, although more ghastly, was probably not more severe than many others; not nearly so severe as some which have been used by Christian Judicatures. It is mentioned in the Proverbs, as a capital punishment Proverbs 20:26; and is alluded to as such by Isaiah Isa 28:28. David had had, for some cause unexplained by Holy Scripture, to inflict it on the Ammonites 2 Samuel 12:31; 1 Chronicles 20:3. Probably not the punishment in itself alone, but the attempt so to extirpate the people of God brought down this judgment on Damascus.

Theodoret supposes the horrible aggravation, that it was thus that the women with child were destroyed with their children, "casting the aforesaid women, as into a sort of threshing-floor, they savagely threshed them out like ears of grain with saw-armed wheels."

Gilead is here doubtless to be taken in its widest sense, including all the possessions of Israel, east of Jordan, as, in the account of Hazael's conquests, "all the land of Gilead" 2 Kings 10:32-33 is explained to mean, all which was ever given to the two tribes and a half, and to include Gilead proper, as distinct from Basan. In like way Joshua relates, that "the children of Reuben and the children of Gad and the ha! f tribe of Manasseh returned to go into the country of Gilead, to the land of their possessions" Joshua 22:9. Throughout that whole beautiful tract, including 2 12 degrees of latitude, Hazael had carried on his war of extermination into every peaceful village and home, sparing neither the living nor the unborn.

4

Amos 1:4

Abrir pasaje

わたしはハザエルの家に火を送る——火は、「それはベン・ハダデの宮殿たちを焼き尽くす」と付け加えられていることから見て、戦争において町々が焼かれる物質的な火であると同時に、戦争のほかのあらゆる苛酷さの象徴でもあるようである。古い格言、「ヘシュボンから火が出て、シホンの町から炎が出て、モアブのアルとアルノンの高き所の主たちを焼き尽くした」(Numbers 21:28)と言われるのと同じであり、また全能の神のご不満について、「わたしの怒りの中に火が燃え起こり、最も低い陰府まで焼き尽くす」(Deuteronomy 32:22)と言われるのと同じである。火は自然的な建物だけでなく、「ハザエルの家」、すなわちその全家を滅ぼすからである。これらの預言においては、七つの民に対して火による七重の復讐が宣告されている。それは、すべての不義が投げ込まれることになる永遠の火の像である。

ベン・ハダデの宮殿たち——ハザエルは、主人ベン・ハダデを殺害してその王座に就いた後、おそらくは自分の家を古い王朝に結びつけるために、殺した主人の名をその子に与えた。ベン・ハダデ、すなわち偶像「ハダデ」あるいは「太陽」の子あるいは崇拝者は、古い王朝の二人の王の名であった。当時はベン・ハダデ三世が統治していた。預言者は、血の上に打ち立てられた王朝の完全な滅亡を予告するのである。この預言は、アハズの時代のシリヤの王レジンがその家族と知られた関係に立たないことから見て、ハザエルの家の滅亡において成就したのかもしれない。ダマスコ自体を奪い取ったエロボアム二世がベン・ハダデ三世に与えたような敗北は、しばしば簒奪王朝の終焉となる。成功のほかには尊敬される権利を持たないので、失敗はその唯一の資格を無効にするのである。「神の顧みられた者」を意味するハザエルの名は、「神は良くあられる」を意味するタブ・エル、「神の知られる者」を意味するエル・ヤダと同じく、唯一の神をある程度認めることを含意する。それは、「リンモンは良きかな」を意味するタブ・リンモン、「ハダデは助け」を意味するハダデ・エゼル、ハダデあるいはベン・ハダデといった、偶像礼拝的な名前々の中に現れているものと同じである。悪い者たちは、神のすべての被造物、規則、定めを乱用する。セナケリブが「今わたしが主のなしでないのに、この地を滅ぼすために上って来たとでも言うのか。主がわたしに、上って来てこの地を撃って滅ぼせと仰せられたのだ」と誇ったように(Isaiah 36:10)、ハザエルもまたエリシャの預言を利用して、自分を神のむちとして売り込み、「神の顧みられた者」として自分を考えたのかもしれない。

未来を知ることは恐るべき賜物である。「全知のみが全能を駆使し得る」ように、超人間的な知識には、超人間的な知恵と聖さの賜物が必要である。ハザエルはおそらく、彼にとっての警告となるべきだった知識によって、かえって罪の中で自分をかたくなにした。おそらく彼は、主人が自然死しない場合には殺そうという意図をすでに抱いてエリシャのもとに来ており、エリシャは彼自身を彼に読み聞かせたのである。しかし、エリシャが彼に、彼が王となるであろうと予告したという理由で(2 Kings 8:13)、すでに企図していたことを自分に対して正当化した可能性が非常に大きい。そして、神の民の虐殺において、実際にそうであったように、自分が神の道具であることを売り込んだのである。「神のむちども」は、罪深く神のみこころを成し遂げながらも、自分たちが何であるかを知っていた。そうであるからといって、その罪が減じたわけではない(Hosea 1:4の注解を参照)。我々は、あるキリスト教皇帝がしばしば自分の「使命」について語るのを耳にしてきた。その「使命」は、すでに多くのキリスト者の血を流すという代償を払わされているのだが。

Original en inglés

And I will send a fire on the house of Hazael - The fire is probably at once material fire, whereby cities are burned in war, since he adds, "it shall devour the palaces of Benhadad," and also stands as a symbol of all other severity in war as in the ancient proverb, "a fire is gone out from Heshbon, a flame from the city of Sihon; it hath consumed Ar of Moab, the lords of the high places of Arnon" Numbers 21:28; and again of the displeasure of Almighty God, as when He says, "a fire is kindled in Mine anger, and it shall burn unto the lowest hell" Deuteronomy 32:22. For the fire destroys not the natural buildings only, but "the house of Hazael," that is, his whole family. In these prophecies, a sevenfold vengeance by fire is denounced against the seven people, an image of the eternal fire into which all iniquity shall be cast.

The palaces of Benhadad - Hazael, having murdered Benhadad his master and ascended his throne, called Iris son after his murdered master, probably in order to connect his own house with the ancient dynasty. Benhadad, that is, son or worshiper of the idol "Hadad," or "the sun," had been the name of two of the kings of the old dynasty. Benhadad III was at this time reigning. The prophet foretells the entire destruction of the dynasty founded in blood. The prophecy may have had a fulfillment in the destruction of the house of Hazael, with whose family Rezin, the king of Syria in the time of Ahaz, stands in no known relation. Defeats, such as those of Benhadad III by Jeroboam II who took Damascus itself, are often the close of an usurping dynasty. Having no claim to regard except success, failure vitiates its only title. The name Hazael, "whom God looked upon," implies a sort of owning of the One God, like Tab-el, "God is good," El-iada', "whom God knoweth," even amid the idolatry in the names, Tab-Rimmon, "good is Rimmon;" Hadad-ezer, "Hadad is help;" and Hadad, or Benhadad. Bad men abuse every creature, or ordinance, or appointment of God. It may be then that, as Sennacherib boasted, "am I now come up without the Lord against this land" to destroy it? the Lord said unto me, Go up against this land and destroy it" Isaiah 36:10; so Hazael made use of the prophecy of Elisha, to give himself out as the scourge of God, and thought of himself as one "on whom God looked."

Knowledge of futurity is an awful gift. As "Omniscience alone can wield Omnipotence," so superhuman knowledge needs superhuman gifts of wisdom and holiness. Hazael seemingly hardened himself in sin by aid of the knowledge which should have been his warning. Probably he came to Elisha, with the intent to murder his master already formed, in case he should not die a natural death; and Elisha read him to himself. But he very probably justified himself to himself in what he had already purposed to do, on the ground that Elisha had foretold to him that he should be king over 2 Kings 8:13, and, in his massacres of God's people, gave himself out as being, what he was, the instrument of God. "Scourges of God" have known themselves to be what they were, although they themselves were not the less sinful, in sinfully accomplishing the Will of God (see the note at Hosea 1:4). We have heard of a Christian Emperor, who has often spoken of his "mission," although his "mission" has already cost the shedding of much Christian blood.

5

Amos 1:5

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イザヤ51:8において、エデンはよく知られた国として、またその肥沃さによって名高い国として言及されている。

主はシオンを慰め

その荒れ果てたすべての場所を慰め

その荒野をエデンのように

その砂漠を主の園のようにされる

このようにまたエゼキエル27:23において、エデンはハランおよびカンネとともに言及されているのを見る。カンネはおそらく創世記10:10のカルネ、すなわちイザヤ10:9のカルノと同一の地であり、そこにあったことが知られている諸都市と連ねて挙げられていることから、メソポタミヤに位置していたことに疑いはない(Ezekiel 31:9, Ezekiel 31:16, Ezekiel 31:18も比較せよ)。これらすべての聖句は、そのような国が存在したことを実証し、またそれがメソポタミヤに、あるいはメソポタミヤに隣接する国にあったことを証明している。とはいえ、今その正確な境界を指定することはできない。

テラサルから——この場所は、聖書の他のどこにも言及されていない。それゆえ、その位置については何も知られていない。文脈上、それはメソポタミヤになければならない。古代の地名はあまりにもしばしば失われ、あるいは変えられたので、その正確な所在を定めることはしばしば不可能である。

わたしはまたダマスコのかんぬきを折る——東方では、すべての都市が要塞化されていた。より強固な都市の城門は、敵が火を放つことができないように鉄で覆われ、内側から青銅のかんぬき(1 Kings 4:13)あるいは鉄のかんぬきで閉ざされた(Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2。さらにIsaiah 48:14; Jeremiah 51:30も比較せよ)。城門の両側には塔が建て並べられ、その上にも築き上げられたので、本来なら最も弱い地点であり、敵にとって最も容易な入口であった所が、かえって最も強い防御となった。ハウランには、高さ九ないし十フィート、厚さ一フィート半の一岩から成る巨大な戸と城門が今なお現存しており、そのような城門に釣り合う「重いかんぬきの置かれた場所」も「今なお見ることができる」。城壁は破城槌によって揺るがされるか、土塁によって乗り越えられた。堅固な城門そのものが攻撃されることはまれであったが、一旦破口が開かれると、城門は内側から開き放たれた。「かんぬきを折る」ことは、敵が意のままに出入りできるように都市を開放することを意味した。ダマスコ王国の力の全体はその首都にあった。首都そのものが帝国の座であり、帝国そのものであった。それゆえ神は、敵の侵入を妨げうるすべての抵抗手段を、ご自身の手で砕かれると宣言されるのである。

アベンの谷からその住民を断ち切る——文字どおりには「虚栄の谷から」である。「ビカー」とは、丘の間の広い谷のことである。ここでそれは、疑いなく、今でもアラブ人がエル・ブカーと呼び、ティロのウィリアムがラ・ボケアと呼んでいる、豊かで美しい谷、すなわちレバノンとアンチレバノンとの間にある、最も狭い意味での古いコイレ・シリヤである。それは高地上において、ヨルダン川、死海、アラバに沿って紅海に至る、あの長く深い谷の延長である。その南端のカラアト・エッ・シャキーフからフムス(エメサ)に至る最大の長さは七日行程と数えられてきた。南端に向かって狭くなり、北端で広くなるが、リブラの北十マイルに至るまでは、どういう意味においても谷としての性格を失ったとは言えない。

そのほぼ中央には、バアルベク、すなわちヘリオポリスがあった。エジプトの太陽礼拝は、古くから彼らの「太陽の都」からそこへ持ち込まれたと言われる。今なお残る遺跡が証しているように、バアルベクは太陽の礼拝に満ちていた。しかし、「緑と美とに敷き詰められた荘厳な眺め」、また「山々の谷の深くに横たわる一つの宝石」と言われた、この美しい地方の全体が、偶像礼拝の城塞であった。バアル・ヘルモンという名は、その南東の果てにそびえ、雪をいただくヘルモン山そのものを、バアルすなわち太陽の礼拝と結び付けており、それは士師たちの時代からそうであった(Judges 3:3)。バアル・ガドという名は、「レバノンの谷」、すなわちおそらく大いなる谷の南端を、同じ礼拝と結び付けており、これはヨシュアに先立つ時代からのことである(Joshua 11:17; Joshua 12:7; Joshua 13:5)。

バアルベクという名は、おそらく古い名バアル・ビカー、すなわち「谷のバアル」の縮約形であろう。これは隣接するバアル・ヘルモンと対をなすものである。「ヘルモンの全体が神殿の帯で囲まれていた」。「八ないし十の神殿がその周りに集まっている」。さらに注目すべきことに、その一つは「ヘルモンの上に昇る太陽の最初の光線を受けるように」建てられており、反対側の諸神殿は、ヘルモンを一種の中心として見つめるように向かっている。

ヒエロニムスの時代にも、異教徒たちはなお、その頂にある有名な神殿を敬っていた。中央の峰の稜線、下の谷から三千フィートの高さにあり、冬には近づけず、東の砂漠と西の海とにおける昇る日と沈む日を遠くへだてて眺めながら、そこには今なお、大きな石で築かれた円形の壁、すなわち環の基礎が見られる。これは素朴な神殿であり、その内に、後になってギリシャの技術によるもう一つの神殿が建てられた。「アンチレバノン山系の他の三つの峰にも、大いなる古代の遺跡がある」。「ブカーとその周縁とは、この種の建造物で満ちている」。

「レバノン、アンチレバノン、およびその間の谷々は、古代の神殿で混み合っている」。あるものは確かにギリシャ風であったが、他のものはシリヤ・フェニキヤ風であった。ギリシャの神殿はおそらく、シリヤ・フェニキヤの神殿の復興であった。「バアルベクの巨大な基礎構造は、より古い神殿のそれであったと推測されている」。新しい名「ヘリオポリス」は、礼拝の対象(太陽)の名を、その称号である主に置き換えたにすぎない。コイレ・シリヤにある一つの神殿が、その異教としての名声によって彼らの迷信あるいは政策に勧められていなかったなら、異教の皇帝たちがこれほどの、またこれほど驚くべき費用と華麗な技芸とを、そこに注ぎ込むことはなかったであろう。レバノンの西側のアフカ(アペカ)には、アドニス川の源にウェヌスの神殿があり、それは最も憎むべきシリヤの偶像礼拝の中心地、「あらゆる放蕩者のための悪行の学校」であった。

ヘリオポリスにおいてもまた、人々は「恥知らずにも、その妻たちと娘たちとを恥辱に渡していた」。背教者ユリアヌスの治世にそこで異教が噴出したことは、その偶像礼拝がいかに深く根を張っていたかを示している。それゆえアモスはおそらく、シリヤを堕落させたあの最悪の偶像礼拝に全面的に身を委ねていた、この美しい谷全体の民に、「虚栄の谷」また「罪悪の谷」としての宣告を下したのである。偶像礼拝の本拠としてのここに、神の主要なさばきが下るべきであった。その住民は断ち切られる、すなわち全く滅ぼされるのであり、その他の者たちに対しては、捕囚だけが宣告されている。アッシリヤの君主たちは、自分たちの宗教を軽んじた者たちをしばしば死に処したのであり、それゆえ彼らはここにおいて、知らず知らずのうちに神の宣告を執行したのかもしれない。

エデンの家から——固有の、しかし意味深い名、「ベテ・エデン」、すなわち「喜びの家」である。この名は、アッシリヤのエデンと同様に(2 Kings 19:12; Isaiah 37:12; Ezekiel 27:23)、人間の最初の故郷と区別して、「イー・デン」ではなく「エー・デン」と発音される。ビカーの近くの二つの場所と、ビカーの中の一つの場所とが、名の類似のゆえに、この「喜びの家」であると考えられてきた。

  1. 今日、位置と気候において最も美しいのは、おそらく発音が誤って伝えられたエデンである。トリポリからレバノン杉へ至る道の、ベシライ近くにある、「豊かで高度に耕作された谷の斜面にある、四百ないし五百家族から成る」マロン派の村である。その気候は「十か月の春」と描写されている。「丘々はその頂まで段々に耕され」、あらゆる場所が最も豊かで美しい植物で満ちている。「穀物は人の懐に注ぎ出され、ぶどう酒は測りなくその杯に注がれる」。「谷の斜面は一面の緑をなしており、丘よりもなお生産的である。レバノンの泉々は、あらゆる方向に、新鮮に、冷たく、調べを帯びて流れ下る」。トリポリの裕福な家族たちは、今でも夏にそこへ赴く。「雪山が近いことによって気候が和らげられ、海からの柔らかな風によって最も繁茂した植生が育まれる」からである。そこは今なお「レバノンの楽園」とみなされている。

  2. ベイト・エル・ジャンネは、文字どおりには「楽園の家」を意味し、ベテ・エデンのアラビヤ語への訳である。それは「レバノン(ヘルモン)の根元に横たわり、澄んだ水を噴き出している。それゆえに」とティロのウィリアムは言う、「それは『喜びの家』と呼ばれるのである」。それは、わずかに広くなった一箇所の狭い谷にあり、ダマスコの平野から約四十五分、バニヤスへ至る道の途中でダマスコから約二十七マイルの所にある。「上にも周囲にも、数多くの岩窟墓が、その場所の古さを証言している」。それは、ダマスコ近くの第二の大河アワジを形づくる二つの川の一つであるジャンナニー(楽園の川)に、その名を与えている。

  3. 第三は、ラオディケネの三つの町の一つであったギリシャ人のパラディススである。しかし彼らのパラディススは地の楽園ではなく「狩猟の園」を意味したので、聖書の名とは偶然にのみ一致する。狩猟の園としては、その場所はよく適している。しかし、水がこれほど豊かで、人がわずかな骨折りをするだけで地が自ら繁茂の美をまとうほどの土壌を持つその国において、古いパラディススの跡であろうと思われる場所は、手の施しようもないほど不毛である。ベテ・エデンは、ダマスコの王の下に立つ従属的な王たちの一人の住居であって、その宗主の滅亡に巻き込まれたのかもしれない。あるいはまた、ダマスコの王自身の夏の住居であったのかもしれない。そこで神は、偽りの神々への信頼のただ中に、いわば喜びの楽園の中にいる彼を、全く断ち切られることであろう。富も、人のいかなる偶像も、神に敵して人を守ることはできない。アダムが罪のゆえに楽園から追い出されたように、ダマスコの支配者たちもまた、その快楽と罪との場所から追い出されたのである。

シリヤの民は捕囚へ移されるであろう——シリヤすなわちアラムは、おそらくすでに、ダマスコの支配の下に、かつていくつかに分割されていたユーフラテスのこちら側の小王国のすべてを含んでいた。少なくともそれは、より初期の歴史に現れる付加語、アラム・ベテ・レホブ、アラム・ツォバ、アラム・マアカのいずれをも伴わず、一つの全体として語られている。捕囚に至る前、ダマスコは「シリヤの頭」として語られている(Isaiah 7:8)。

キルへ——キルは次のように比定されてきた。

(1) カスピ海から遠くない所でアラクセス川と合流するクル川の近くの、イベリヤの地方。アルメニヤの北に位置する。

(2) メディヤ南部のマルドゥス川にある、ギリシャ人がクーレナまたはクールナと呼んだ都市。

(3) 都市カリネ、今日のケレンドである。

第一のものが、最もよく知られているだけに、最もありそうである。クルはおそらく、今日のクルギスタン、すなわち私たちの「グルジヤ」という名の一部であろう。少なくともクル川の南に横たわるアルメニヤは、アッシリヤの王たちが戦い、征服した国として、楔形文字の碑文にしばしば言及されている。セナケリブを殺した二人の親殺しの息子たちは、父の帝国のかなたへというよりも、むしろその遠隔の地方へ逃げたと考える方が、同様にあり得る(Isaiah 37:38)。彼らがそこへ逃亡したことが、エサルハドンのそれに対する戦争の理由であったのかもしれない。その地は、いつの世にも、他の地々から追い出された者たちに隠れ場を提供してきた。後代のものとはいえ、アルメニヤ人自身の伝承は、バビロンの王ベルのくびきを避けてメソポタミヤから逃れて来た人々を、その最初の住民のうちに数えている。個々の伝承の価値がどうであれ、その山間の谷々は、逃亡者にとって自然の避難所をなしている。

アッシュルがニムロデの前から逃れたのと同じような、ある種の抑圧の折に、アラムは、アルメニヤとグルジヤの山々に避難した最初の人々の一つとなり、そこから後に私たちが彼らを見出すところ、すなわちメソポタミヤの低地へと広がって行ったのかもしれない。しかし、アラムという名は、アルメニヤとは何の関係もない。アルメニヤもまた、その国の土着の名ではなく、おそらくギリシャ人が、耳にしたある名から作り出したものである。「高い」という意味のアラムという名は、明らかに、同じ名を持つ他の人々の場合と同様、セムの息子のある性質を描写している。これとは反対に、カナンは(ハムの罪にあずかって、将来の堕落した性格を先取りしていたかどうかはともかくとして)「うずくまる」ことを意味するのかもしれない。しかし、近頃思い描かれたような意味で、アラムが「高地」を、カナンが「低地」を表すということは、いずれもない。

シリヤ人の先祖たちは、すべてを善く処置される神の摂理によって、自らの願いによってキルから連れ出されたのであり、今やシリヤ人は、その願いに反してキルへ連れ戻されることになる。ダマスコのアラムは、その豊かさと美しさのゆえに、一種の楽園として讃えられてきた、また今も讃えられている地へ導かれたのであった。今や、贅沢によって柔らかくされた彼らは、彼らの出て来たあの厳しいけれども健康な気候の地へ運び戻されることになる。彼らは、神によって与えられた力を、イスラエルを根絶やしにしようとする企てにおいて乱用した。今や彼ら自身が、全く根絶やしにされるのである。アモスが予告する捕囚は完全な捕囚であり、(その言葉が意味するところに従えば)その地から住民を剥ぎ取る捕囚である。このような捕囚を彼が予告しているのは、十部族のほかにはいかなる民についてもない。彼がそれを絶対的な形で予告するのは、ただこの二つの国についてのみであり、アモンについては、王とつかさたちの捕囚のみを予告し(Amos 1:15)、ツロ、ペリシテ人の諸都市、エドム、アモン、モアブについては予告していない。刑罰は、シリヤには当時ではなく、ユダをも抑圧したレジンの時代に及んだ。罪が断ち切られなかったので、刑罰もまた引き継がれたのである。

これよりおよそ五十年後、ティグラト・ピレセルが彼らを捕らえ移し、レジンを殺した(2 Kings 16:9)。この二つの国に関して、アモスは捕囚を絶対的に予告した。しかし当時、特にこの二つの国についてそれを予言しうる人間的な可能性も、神の知識以外の根拠もなかった。彼らの捕囚は、人の先見をもってそれを予測するにはあまりに長い後のことであったが、ユダの捕囚よりは十分に前のことであったので、その成就は、ユダが望むなら彼らに印象を与えることができたのである。やがてペルシヤ帝国および後のアッシリヤ帝国の常設政策の一部となった国民全体の移送は、私たちの知る限り、預言者の時代の東方政策のいかなる部分をもなしていなかった。アモスより数世紀前のエジプトの征服者セソストリスは、自分が服従させた諸国民から「多くの人々」「大群衆」を集め、その建造物と運河の工事に用いたと伝えられている。

しかし、この記述さえも、エジプトの記念物からは何の裏付けも得られていない。ギリシャ人がセソストリスに帰した業績は、第十九王朝のセトス一世とラムセス二世の業績に、第十二王朝のウセルテセン三世および第十八王朝のトトメス三世の業績が織り合わされたものと考えられてきた。しかし、戦場から少数の捕虜を連れ去ることは、国民を政治的に移住させることとは、まったく別のことである。そこには何の組織性も計画性もなかった。それはただ、戦争がその手に投じた人々を、奴隷として用いたことにすぎない。エジプトの君主たちは、実用的な大工事のためであれ虚栄の大工事のためであれ、自国民の労働を節約するためにこの資源を利用した。しかしそのように用いられた捕虜は、他の国々で鉱山や農業に働いた人々に類する、一つの奴隷人口にすぎなかった。

彼らは、平和のうちに受け入れたイスラエル人をも、同じ仕方で用いた。その初期の工事は、自国民の労働によって進められた。捕虜が強制労働に用いられた最初の描写が現れるのはトトメス三世の治世においてであり、その後、その全盛期には、彼らは自国民を節約することができた。彼らは奴隷貿易によってではなく、戦争を通じて労働力を輸入した。ヌビヤはエジプトに編入され、ヌビヤ人の捕虜は当然、自国ではなくエジプトの北部で用いられ、アジヤ人の捕虜はヌビヤで用いられた。しかし彼らは、戦役において捕らえられた捕虜であって、一つの人口ではなく、エジプトの土壌における外来の要素であって、臣従する諸人口の交換ではなかった。疑いなく、エジプトからイスラエルとともに「上って行った」「多くの入り混じった群衆」(Exodus 12:38)は、部分的には、同じ過酷な苦役に服せられていたこれらのアジヤ人の捕虜であった。

後のアッシリヤ人、バビロニヤ人、ペルシヤ人によるこれらの強制移送の目的と範囲は、まったく異なるものであった。そこでの意図は、民をその本来の住まいから移し去ること、あるいはせいぜい、その数の少なさや貧しさのゆえに反乱する力のない者たちだけを残すことであった。楔形文字の碑文は、アッシリヤの征服の記録を、王たち自身が記したところに従って、かなり広い範囲で私たちの前に示している。しかし、サルゴン、セナケリブ、エサルハドンの後期の碑文が住民の移送に繰り返し言及するのに対し、アッシュルダニパルあるいはアッシュルナツィルパルの初期の年代記は、兵士たちを捕虜として、女たちをとりことして連れ去ったことだけを伝えている。彼らはまた、奴隷を貢ぎ物として受け取ったこと、牛と羊の数、彼らが持ち去った民の財産と所有物と神々についても言及している。

その他の点では、王は、武装した者たちあるいは民一般を十字架につけ、あるいは杭に刺し、あるいは死に処したことを物語るが、その遠征のどれ一つとして移送に言及したものはない。現代の著述家たちがしばしば想定するように、国民の移送がアジヤの君主たちの世襲政策の一部であったとしても、この時代より前の実例は一つも見出されていない。それは後の政策であるように見え、ティグラト・ピレセルがダマスコおよびパレスチナの東部と北部に対してはじめて用いたものであるが、預言者はそれが用いられるはるか前に予告していた。それはおそらく、民を古い住まいに留めておく限り、これらの国民を自己への従属のうちに保つことができないという経験の結果であった。私たちの知識の及ぶ限り、預言者は、この種の移住のいかなる実例もまだ起こっていなかった時に、この民の移住を予告したのである。

Original en inglés

In Isaiah 51:8, Eden is referred to as a country well known, and as distinguished for its fertility:

For Yahweh shall comfort Zion;

He will comfort all her waste places,

And he will make her wilderness like Eden,

And her desert like the garden of Yahweh.

Thus also in Ezekiel 27:23, we find Eden mentioned in connection with Haran and Canneh. Canneh was probably the same as Calneh Genesis 10:10, the Calno of Isaiah Isa 10:9, and was, doubtless, situated in Mesopotamia, since it is joined with cities that are known to have been there (compare also Ezekiel 31:9, Ezekiel 31:16, Ezekiel 31:18). All these passages demonstrate that there was such a country, and prove also that it was either in Mesopotamia, or in a country adjacent to Mesopotamia. It is not, however, possible now to designate its exact boundaries.

In Telassar - This place is nowhere else mentioned in the Scriptures. Nothing, therefore, is known of its situation. The connection demands that it should be in Mesopotamia. The names of ancient places were so often lost or changed that it is often impossible to fix their exact locality.

Amos 1:5I will also break the bar of Damascus - In the East, every city was fortified; the gates of the stronger cities were cased in iron, that they might not be set on fire by the enemy; they were fastened within with bars of brass 1 Kings 4:13 or iron (Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2; compare Isaiah 48:14; Jeremiah 51:3 O). They were flanked with towers, and built over, so that what was naturally the weakest point and the readiest access to an enemy became the strongest defense. In Hauran the huge doors and gates of a single stone 9 and 10 feet high , and 1 12 foot thick , are still extant, and "the place for the ponderous bars," proportioned to such gates, "may yet be seen." The walls were loosened with the battering-ram, or scaled by mounds: the strong gate was seldom attacked; but, when a breach was made, was thrown open from within. The "breaking of the bar" laid open the city to the enemy, to go in and come out at his will. The whole strength of the kingdom of Damascus lay in the capital. It was itself the seat of the empire and was the empire itself. God says then, that He Himself would shiver all their means of resistance, whatever could hinder the inroad of the enemy.

And cut off the inhabitant from the plain of Aven - Literally, "from the vale of vanity," the "Bik'ah" being a broad vale between hills . Here it is doubtless the rich and beautiful valley, still called el-bukaa by the Arabs, La Boquea by William of Tyre , lying between Lebanon and Anti-libanus, the old Coele-Syria in its narrowest sense. It is, on high ground, the continuation of that long deep valley which, along the Jordan, the Dead sea, and the Arabah, reaches to the Red Sea. lts extreme length, from its southern close at Kal'at-esh-shakif to Hums (Emesa) has been counted at 7 days journey ; it narrows toward its southern extremity, expands at its northern, yet it cannot any how be said to lose its character of a valley until 10 miles north of Riblah .

Midway, on its ," was Baalbek, or Heliopolis, where the Egyptian worship is said to have been brought of old times from their "city of the sun ." Baalbek, as the ruins still attest, was full of the worship of the sun. But the whole of that beautiful range, "a magnificent vista" , it has been said, "carpeted with verdure and beauty" , "a gem lying deep in its valley of mountains," was a citadel of idolatry. The name Baal-Hermon connects Mount Hermon itself, the snow-capped height which so towers over its southeast extremity, with the worship of Baal or the sun, and that, from the time of the Judges Jdg 3:3. The name Baal-gad connects "the valley of Lebanon," that is, most probably the south end of the great valley, with the same worship, anterior to Joshua Jos 11:17; Joshua 12:7; Joshua 13:5.

The name Baalbek is probably an abbreviation of the old name, Baal-bik'ah , "Baal of the valley," in contrast with the neighboring Baalhermon. : "The whole of Hermon was girded with temples." : "Some eight or ten of them cluster round it," and, which is more remarkable, one is built" to catch the first beams of the sun rising over Hermon;" and temples on its opposite sides face toward it, as a sort of center .

In Jerome's time, the pagan still reverenced a celebrated temple on its summit . On the crest of its central peak, 3,000 feet above the glen below, in winter inaccessible, beholding far asunder the rising and the setting sun on the eastern desert and in the western sea, are still seen the foundations of a circular wall or ring of large stones, a rude temple, within which another of Grecian art was subsequently built . "On three other peaks of the Anti-libanus range are ruins of great antiquity" . : "The Bukaa and its borders are full of the like buildings."

"Lebanon, Anti-lebanon and the valleys between are thronged with ancient temples" . Some indeed were Grecian, but others Syro-Phoenician. The Grecian temples were probably the revival of Syro-Phoenician. The "massive substructions of Baalbek are conjectured to have been those of an earlier temple." The new name "Heliopolis" only substituted the name of the object of worship (the sun) for its title Lord. The pagan emperors would not have lavished so much and such wondrous cost and gorgeous art on a temple in Coele-Syria, had not its pagan celebrity recommended it to their superstition or their policy. On the west side of Lebanon at Afca, (Apheca) was the temple of Venus at the source of the River Adonis , a center of the most hateful Syrian idolatry , "a school of misdoing for all profligates."

At Heliopolis too, men "shamelessly gave their wives and daughters to shame." The outburst of paganism there in the reign of Julian the Apostate shows how deeply rooted was its idolatry. Probably then, Amos pronounces the sentence of the people of that whole beautiful vale, as "valley of vanity" or "iniquity" , being wholly given to that worst idolatry which degraded Syria. Here, as the seat of idolatry, the chief judgments of God were to fall. Its inhabitants were to be cut off, that is, utterly destroyed; on the rest, captivity is the only sentence pronounced. The Assyrian monarchs not unfrequently put to death those who despised their religion , and so may herein have executed blindly the sentence of God.

From the house of Eden - A Proper, but significant, name, "Beth-Eden," that is, "house of pleasure." The name, like the Eden of Assyria 2 Kings 19:12; Isaiah 37:12; Ezekiel 27:23, is, in distinction from man's first home, pronounced "EH-den," not "EE-den" . Two places near, and one in, the Bik'ah have, from similarity of name, been thought to be this "house of delight."

  1. Most beautiful now for situation and climate, is what is probably mispronounced Ehden; a Maronite Village "of 4 or 500 families, on the side of a rich highly-cultivated valley" near Beshirrai on the road from Tripolis to the Cedars. Its climate is described as a ten months spring ; "the hills are terraced up to their summits;" and every place full of the richest, most beautiful, vegetation; "grain is poured out into the lap of man, and wine into his cup without measure." "The slopes of the valleys, one mass of verdure, are yet more productive than the hills; the springs of Lebanon gushing down, fresh, cool and melodious in every direction ." The wealthier families of Tripoli still resort there for summer, "the climate being tempered by the proximity of the snow-mountains, the most luxuriant vegetation favored by the soft airs from the sea . "It is still counted" the Paradise of Lebanon."

2.-Beit-el-Janne, literally, "house of Paradise," is an Arabic translation of Beth-Eden. It "lies under the root of Libanus, (Hermon) gushing forth clear water, whence," says WilIiam of Tyre , "it is called 'house of pleasure.'" It lies in a narrow valley, where it widens a little, about 34 of an hour from the plain of Damascus , and about 27 miles from that city on the way from Banias. : "Numerous rock-tombs, above and around, bear testimony to the antiquity of the site." It gives its name to the Jennani (Paradise River), one of two streams which form the second great river near Damascus, the Awadj.

  1. The third, the Paradisus of the Greeks, one of the three towns of Laodicene , agrees only accidentally with the Scripture name, since their Paradisus signifies not an earthly Paradise, but a "hunting-park." For this the site is well suited; but in that country so abounding in water, and of soil so rich that the earth seems ready, on even slight pains of man, to don itself in luxuriant beauty, what probably is the site of the old Paradisus, is hopelessly barren Beth-Eden may have been the residence of one of the subordinate kings under the king of Damascus, who was to be involved in the ruin of his suzerain; or it may have been a summer-residence of the king of Damascus himself, where, in the midst of his trust in his false gods, and in a Paradise, as it were, of delight, God would cut him off altogether. Neither wealth nor any of a man's idols protect against God. As Adam, for sin, was expelled from Paradise, so the rulers of Damascus from the place of their pleasure and their sin.

And the people of Syria shall go into captivity - Syria or Aram perhaps already included, under the rule of Damascus, all the little kingdoms on this side of the Euphrates, into which it had been formerly sub-divided. At least, it is spoken of as a whole, without any of the additions which occur in the earlier history, Aram-beth-rehob, Aramzobah, Aram-Maachah. Before its captivity Damascus is spoken of as "the head of Syria" Isaiah 7:8.

Into Kir - Kir has been identified:

(1) with the part of Iberia near the River Kur which unites with the Araxes, not far from the Caspian, to the north of Armenia;

(2) a city called by the Greeks Kourena or Kourna on the River Mardus in southern Media;

(3) a city, Karine , the modern Kerend .

The first is the most likely, as the most known; the Kur is part probably of the present name Kurgistan, our "Georgia." Armenia at least which lay on the south of the River Kur, is frequently mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions, as a country where the kings of Assyria warred and conquered . The two parricide sons of Sennacherib are as likely to have fled Isaiah 37:38 to a distant portion of their father's empire, as beyond it. Their flight there may have been the ground of Esarhaddon's war against it . It has at all times afforded a shelter to those expelled from others' lands . The domestic, though late, traditions of the Armenians count as their first inhabitants some who had fled out of Mesopotamia to escape the yoke of Bel, king of Babylon . Whatever be the value of particular traditions, its mountain-valleys form a natural refuge to fugitives.

On occasion of some such oppression, as that from which Asshur fled before Nimrod , Aram may have been the first of those who took shelter in the mountains of Armenia and Georgia, and thence spread themselves, where we afterward find them, in the lowlands of Mesopotamia. The name Aram, however, is in no way connected with Armenia, which is itself no indigenous name of that country, but was probably formed by the Greeks, from a name which they heard . The name Aram, "lofty," obviously describes some quality of the son of Shem, as of others who bore the name . Contrariwise, Canaan, (whether or no anticipating his future degraded character as partaking in the sin of Ham) may signify "crouching." But neither has Aram any meaning of "highland," nor Canaan of "lowland," as has of late been imagined. .

From Kir the forefathers of the Syrians had, of their own will, been brought by the good all-disposing Providence of God; to Kir should the Syrians, against their will, be carried back. Aram of Damascus had been led to a land which, for its fertility and beauty, has been and is still praised as a sort of Paradise. Now, softened as they were by luxury, they were to be transported back to the austere though healthy climate, from where they had come. They had abused the might given to them by God, in the endeavor to uproot Israel; now they were themselves to be utterly uprooted. The captivity which Amos foretells is complete; a captivity by which (as the word means) the land should be bared of its inhabitants. Such a captivity he foretells of no other, except the ten tribes. He foretells it absolutely of these two nations alone , of the king and princes of Ammon Amos 1:15, not of Tyre, or the cities of Philistia, or Edom, or Ammon, or Moab. The punishment did not reach Syria in those days, but in those of Rezin who also oppressed Judah. The sin not being cut off; the punishment too was handed down.

Tiglath-pileser carried them away, about 50 years after this, and killed Rezin 2 Kings 16:9. In regard to these two nations, Amos foretells the captivity absolutely. Yet at this time, there was no human likelihood, no ground, except of a divine knowledge, to predict it of these two nations especially. They went into captivity too long after this for human foresight to predict it; yet long enough before the captivity of Judah for the fulfillment to have impressed Judah if they would. The transportation of whole populations, which subsequently became part of the standing policy of the Persian and of the later Assyrian Empires, was not, as far as we know, any part of Eastern policy at the time of the prophet. Sesostris, the Egyptian conqueror, some centuries before Amos, is related to have brought together "many men," "a crowd," from the nations whom he had subdued, and to have employed them on his buildings and canals.

Even this account has received no support from the Egyptian monuments, and the deeds ascribed by the Greeks to Sesostris have been supposed to be a blending of those of two monarchs of the xix. Dynasty, Sethos I and Raamses II, interwoven with those of Ousartesen III((Dynasty xii.) and Tothmosis III((Dyn. xviii). But the carrying away of tiny number of prisoners from fields of battle is something altogether different from the political removal of a nation. It had in it nothing systematic or designed. It was but the employment of those whom war had thrown into their hands, as slaves. The Egyptian monarchs availed themselves of this resource, to spare the labor of their native subjects in their great works of utility or of vanity. But the prisoners so employed were but a slave population, analogous to those who, in other nations, labored in the mines or in agriculture.

They employed in the like way the Israelites, whom they had received peacefully. Their earlier works were carried on by native labor . After Tothmosis III, in whose reign is the first representation of prisoners employed in forced labor , they could, during their greatness, spare their subjects. They imported labor, not by slave trade, but through war. Nubia was incorporated with Egypt , and Nubian prisoners were, of course, employed, not in their own country but in the north of Egypt; Asiatic prisoners in Nubia . But they were prisoners made in a campaign, not a population; a foreign element in Egyptian soil, not an interchange of subject-populations. Doubtless, "the mixed multitude" Exodus 12:38, which "went up with" Israel from Egypt, were in part these Asiatic captives, who had been subjected to the same hard bondage.

The object and extent of those forced transportations by the later Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians were altogether different. Here the intention was to remove the people from their original seat, or at most to leave those only who, from their fewness or poverty, would be in no condition to rebel. The cuneiform inscriptions have brought before us, to a great extent, the records of the Assyrian conquests, as given by their kings. But whereas the later inscriptions of Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, mention repeatedly the deportation of populations, the earlier annals of Asshurdanipal or Asshurakhbal relate the carrying off of soldiers only as prisoners, and women as captives . They mention also receiving slaves as tributes, the number of oxen and sheep, the goods and possessions and the gods of the people which they carry off .

Else the king relates, how he crucified or impaled or put to death men at arms or the people generally, but in no one of his expeditions does he mention any deportation. Often as modern writers assume, that the transportation of nations was part of the hereditary policy of the Monarchs of Asia, no instances before this period have been found. It appears to have been a later policy, first adopted by Tiglath-pileser toward Damascus and east and north Palestine, but foretold by the prophet long before it was adopted. It was the result probably of experience, that they could not keep these nations in dependence upon themselves while they left them in their old abodes. As far as our knowledge reaches, the prophet foretold the removal of these people, at a time when no instance of any such removal had occurred.

6

Amos 1:6

Abrir pasaje

ガザ——ガザはペリシテの最南端の町であり、古くはカナンのそれでもあった(Genesis 10:19)。フェニキヤからエジプトへ向かう道において、荒野の始まりの直前の、最後の居住地であった。その位置は驚くほどよく選ばれていたので、ガザが何度も破壊されたにもかかわらず、長い間隔を置いた後でさえ、同じすぐ近くに新しい町が再び立ち上がった。先の町の破片は、後の町の建材となったのである。最初はカナン人の町であり(Genesis 10:19)、次にペリシテ人の町、少なくともアレクサンダー以後はエドム人の町、アレクサンダー・ヤンナイオス以後はギリシャ人の町となった。初代カリフのアブー・バクルに征服されてアラビヤ人の町となり、内乱の中で荒廃し、その後十字軍がその要塞を再建し、再びイスラム教徒の町となった。ソドムとゴモラの滅びより前の最も早い時代にも、ガザはカナン人の境界の南の角であり、境界はそこから死海の南へと折れていた。そのときすでに、私たちの「要塞」に当たる力の名、すなわち「強き者」を意味するアッザーとして知られていた。

しばらくの間、ガザは島のような要塞として立ち、巨人族アビム人たちが、現代のベドウィンよりもおそらく荒々しく、その門のすぐそばまでさまよっていた。「アビム人は、ガザに至るまで、開かれた村々に住んでいた」(Deuteronomy 2:23)と言われるからには、要塞化された町であるガザ自体には住んでいなかったことは明らかである。この記述は、彼らの住居の境界を、南東の最も遠い町であるガザまでとしている。彼らはその周りを徘徊し、疑いなくそれを悩ませたが、征服することはできず、自らはカフトル人によって追い出された。トトメス三世の大遠征にはガザの君主の要塞が言及されており、アシュケロンの征服は、ラムセス二世の記念碑に言及するに値するものとみなされた。ヨシュアが「ヘブロン」と周辺の町々、「ユダとイスラエルの山地」から彼らを追い出した後、「ガザ、ガテ、アシュドデに残っていた」アナク人を受け入れることによって、その要塞は疑いなく強められた(Joshua 11:21-23)。

ガザは、エジプトに出入りする陸上商業の最初の駅として、ツロとツィドンへ向かうにせよ、ダマスコとユーフラテス上流へ向かうにせよ、あるいはペトラへ向かうにせよ、その位置によって早くから大きくなったに違いない。商業の流れが他の経路に転じた後でさえ、その位置は大いなる利益の源であった。肥沃な土地が荒野を貫く道に接しており、隊商の市場となった。メッカへの巡礼路を通る隊商たちも、その宗教と商取引とを結び付けて、これを利用した。五つの町が征服されずに残ったものとして一緒に名挙げされる箇所では、ガザが最初に、次いでアシュドデが挙げられている(Joshua 13:3)。サムソンは、その力の秘密を漏らした後、「ガザに引き下ろされた」(Judges 16:21)。彼がわなにかけられた「ソレクの谷」からは最も遠かったが、おそらく彼らの最も強い要塞であったからである。

そこにはまた、ダゴンの巨大な神殿があり、それは多くの礼拝者たちの墓所となった。ソロモンの治世には、イスラエルに従属していた(1 Kings 4:21)。アハズの時代のペリシテ人の侵入と、彼らによるユダの南部と低地シェフェラの町々の占領の後(2 Chronicles 28:18)、ヒゼキヤは彼らをガザまで押し戻したが(2 Kings 18:8)、見たところそれを占領することはなかった。その君主はサルゴンに敗れた。サルゴンのペリシテに対する勝利を、イザヤは預言している(Isaiah 14:29)。セナケリブは、アシュケロンとエクロンの王たちとともにガザの王にも、彼が奪った「要塞の町その他の町々」を与えた。公然とユダを弱めて「ヒゼキヤの国を小さくする」ためだと言明し、おそらくまたユダへの敵意に対する報酬としてでもあった。ギリシャの著者たちは、これを「シリヤの非常に大きな町」「大都市」と呼んでいる。古い時代の他の町々と同様、海賊を恐れて海からいくらか離れて建てられたが(アリアノスは「二マイル半」と言う)、アシュケロンの港と同じくマイウマと呼ばれる港を持ち、それ自体もまた、キリスト教時代には重要な場所となった。

捕えられた民をことごとく引き渡したから——文字どおりには「完全な捕囚」である。悪い意味での完全な捕囚。すなわち、だれも惜しまれず、だれも残されず、老いも若きも、女も子も残されず、(その規模がどれほどであれ)人口全体が一掃された捕囚である。ペリシテ人のこのような侵入は、ヨラムの時代について記されている(2 Chronicles 21:16)。

エドムに渡したから——文字どおりには「エドムに閉じ込めた」である。彼らの苦い敵エドムの力の下に閉じ込めて、逃れることも回復されることもできないようにしたのである。エドムの地はまだであったとしても、エドムの手はすでに、「彼らの兄弟」ヤコブの血に染まっていた(Joel 3:19)。「そこ以外のどこへでも」と、力なき捕虜の群れは叫んだことであろう。それは、仲間の血にまみれた屠殺場へと、縮み上がる羊の群れを追い込むようなものであった。しかし、まさにそれゆえに、彼らは屠られるためにそこへ追いやられたのである。そこには、ユダヤ人奴隷のための公開市場が豊かにあった。敵でありながら彼らのことばを理解する者たちの耳に、「売ってくれ、ただ殺さないでくれ」「白髪の者を助けてくれ」「私の子を助けてくれ」という叫びは上ったであろう。しかし、そうはならなかった。神の民に対するツロとペリシテとエドムの協定がそのようなものであったからである。一人も惜しまれず、それは「完全な捕囚」となるべきであり、しかもエドムへの。その契約は果たされた。「貧しい者の叫びのために耳をふさぐ者は、自分も叫ぶときに、聞かれることがない」(Proverbs 21:13)。ヨエルもまた、ペリシテとフェニキヤの同様の罪に言及し、その刑罰を預言した(Joel 3:4-6)。ヨラムの治世のものが、聖書に記された最後のものであるが、それゆえに必然に、あるいはおそらく、実際の最後のものであったというわけではない。聖書はおそらく、それらの国境襲撃のうち、より注目すべきものだけを記しているのである。悔い改められない罪は、通常、繰り返される。強力なペリシテの要塞たちは、そのような侵入の機会を頻繁に、豊富に与えたに違いない。今日でもアラビヤでは「収穫はより強い者のものだ」と言われる。レバノンやハウランなどの保護された小さな土壌は耕されるが、開けた肥沃な地方はしばしば耕されずに置かれる。耕しても略奪者のためになるだけだからである。アモスはヨエルの宣告を新たにし、それが遅れているように見えても必ず来ることを、彼らにあらかじめ警告するのである。

Original en inglés

Gaza - Was the southernmost city of the Philistines, as it was indeed of Canaan Genesis 10:19 of old, the last inhabited place at the beginning of the desert, on the way from Phoenicia to Egypt . Its situation was wonderfully chosen, so that, often as a Gaza has been destroyed, a new city has, if even after long intervals, risen up again in the same immediate neighborhood . The fragments of the earlier city became materials for the later. It was first Canaanite Genesis 10:19; then Philistine; then, at least after Alexander, Edomite ; after Alexander Janneus, Greek ; conquered by Abubekr the first Khalif, it became Arabian; it was desolated in their civil wars, until the Crusaders rebuilt its fort ; then again, Muslim. In the earliest times, before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Gaza was the south angle of the border of the Canaanites, from where it turned to the south of the Dead Sea. Even then it was known by its name of strength, 'Azzah "the strong," like our "Fort."

For a time, it stood as an island-fort, while the gigantic race of the Avvim wandered, wilder probably than the modern Bedaween, up to its very gates. For since it is said, "the Avvim dwelt in open villages as far as Gaza" Deuteronomy 2:23; plainly they did not dwell in Gaza itself, a fortified town. The description assigns the bound of their habitations, up to the furthest town on the southeast, Gaza. They prowled around it, infested it doubtless, but did not conquer it, and were themselves expelled by the Caphtorim. The fortress of the prince of Gaza is mentioned in the great expedition of Tothmosis III , as the conquest of Ashkelon was counted worthy of mention in the monuments of Raamses II . It was strengthened doubtless by giving refuge to the Anakim, who, after Joshua had expelled them "from Hebron" and neighboring cities, "and the mountains of Judah and Israel, remained in Gaza, in Gath, and in Ashdod" Joshua 11:21-23.

Its situation, as the first station for land-commerce to and from Egypt, whether toward Tyre and Sidon, or Damascus and the upper Euphrates, or toward Petra, probably aggrandized it early. Even when the tide of commerce has been diverted into other channels, its situation has been a source of great profit. A fertile spot, touching upon a track through a desert, it became a mart for caravans, even those which passed, on the pilgrim-route to Mekka, uniting traffic with their religion. Where the five cities are named together as unconquered, Gaza is mentioned first, then Ashdod Joshua 13:3. Samson, after he had betrayed his strength, was "brought down to Gaza" Judges 16:21, probably as being their strongest fortress, although the furthest from "the valley of Sorek ," where he was ensnared.

There too was the vast temple of Dagon, which became the burying-place of so many of his worshipers. In Solomon's reign it was subject to Israel 1 Kings 4:21. After the Philistine inroad in the time of Ahaz 2 Chronicles 28:18, and their capture of towns of Judah in the south and the low country, Shephelah, Hezekiah drove them back as far as Gaza 2 Kings 18:8, without apparently taking it. Its prince was defeated by Sargon , whose victory over Philistia Isaiah foretold Isaiah 14:29. Sennacherib gave to its king, together with those of Ascalon and Ekron , "fortified and other towns which" he "had spoiled," avowedly to weaken Judah; "so as to make his (Hezekiah's) country small;" probably also as a reward for hostility to Judah. Greek authors spcak of it, as "a very large city of Syria" , "a great city" . Like other cities of old, it was, for fear of pirates, built at some distance from the sea (Arrian says "2 12 miles"), but had a port called, like that of Asealea , Maiuma , which itself too in Christian times became a place of importance .

Because they carried away the whole captivity - Literally, "a complete captivity;" complete, but for evil; a captivity in which none were spared, none left behind; old or young, woman or child; but a whole population (whatever its extent) was swept away. Such an inroad of the Philistines is related in the time of Jehoram 2 Chronicles 21:16.

To deliver them up to Edom - Literally, "to shut them up to Edom," in the power of Edom, their bitter enemy, so that they should not be able to escape, nor be restored. The hands, even if not the land, of Edom were already dyed in the blood of Jacob "their brother" Joel 3:19. "Any whither but there," probably would cry the crowd of helpless captives. It was like driving the shrinking flock of sheep to the butcher's shambles, reeking with the gore of their companions. Yet therefore were they driven there to the slaughter. Open markets there were for Jewish slaves in abundance. "Sell us, only not to slaughter." "Spare the greyheaded;" "spare my child," would go up in the ears of those, who, though enemies, understood their speech. But no! Such was the compact of Tyre and Philistia and Edom against the people of God. Not one was to be spared; it was to be "a complete captivity;" and that, to Edom. The bond was fulfilled. "Whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he too shall cry and shall not be heard" Proverbs 21:13. Joel mentions the like sin of the Philistines and Phoenicians, and foretold its punishment Joel 3:4-6. That in the reign of Jehoram is the last which Scripture mentions, but was not therefore, of necessity or probably, the last. Holy Scripture probably relates only the more notable of those border-raids. Unrepented sin is commonly renewed. Those strong Philistine fortresses must have given frequent, abundant opportunity for such inroads; as now too it is said in Arabia, "the harvest is to the stronger;" and while small protected patches of soil in Lebanon, Hauran, etc. are cultivated, the open fertile country often lies uncultivated , since it would be cultivated only for the marauder. Amos renews the sentence of Joel, forewarning them that, though it seemed to tarry, it would come.

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Amos 1:7

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しかし——文字どおりには「そして」である。ガザがこのように行ったのであり、それゆえ神もこのように行われる。「わたしはガザに火を送る」。ガザへの宣告が際立っているのは、おそらく、勢力においても罪においても第一であったからである。ガザは五つの町のうちの商業の町であり、隊商はそこから分岐し、あるいはそこを通過した。それゆえ、ユダヤ人捕虜のこの売買も、結局は彼らを通じて成し遂げられたのである。罪において第一であり、刑罰においても第一であった。ガザは自然によっても技術によっても強固であった。アリアノスも「そこに近づく道も深い砂を通っていた」と記している。神の特別な保護の下にあったイスラエルの初期の時代(Judges 1:1-2, Judges 1:18)か、偉大な征服者たちの場合を除いては、ガザが攻略されたとは聞かない。ペリシテ全体がおそらくダビデに服従したが、その町々の個別の征服については何も聞かされない(2 Samuel 8:1)。アレクサンダーは、ツロを攻略した攻城機械とそこで得た経験のすべての助けを借りて、なお二か月を包囲に費やした。エジプトの記録は、トトメス三世に包囲されたとき降伏したと伝える。それ以後、ガザはエジプトにもアッシリヤにも服従しなかった。それにもかかわらずアモスは、ガザが火によって滅ぼされるであろうと断言して宣言した。そしてそのようになった。まずセナケリブが、次に、エレミヤがガザ、アシュケロン、ペリシテ人の滅亡を新たに預言した後、エジプトの王パロ・ネコが「ガザを打った」(Jeremiah 47:1)。しかし、人間の先見だけをもってしては、だれがこのように強固な町の滅亡を断言しようとするであろうか。

Original en inglés

But - Literally, "and." Thus had Gaza done, and thus would God do; "I will send a fire upon Gaza." The sentence on Gaza stands out, probably in that it was first in power and in sin. It was the merchant-city of the five; the caravans parted from it or passed through it; and so this sale of the Jewish captives was ultimately effected through them. First in sin, first in punishment. Gaza was strong by nature and by art. "The access to it also," Arrian notices , "lay through deep sand." We do not hear of its being taken, except in the first times of Israel under the special protection of God Judges 1:1-2, Judges 1:18, or by great conquerors. All Philistia, probably, submitted to David; we hear of no special conquest of its towns 2 Samuel 8:1. Its siege cost Alexander 2 months , with all the aid of the engines with which he had taken Tyre, and the experience which he had there gained. The Egyptian accounts state, that when besieged by Tothmosis III it capitulated . Thenceforth, it had submitted neither to Egypt nor Assyria. Yet Amos declared absolutely, that Gaza should be destroyed by fire, and it was so. Sennacherib first, then, after Jeremiah had foretold anew the destruction of Gaza, Ashkelon, and the Philistines, Pharaoh Necho "smote Gaza" Jeremiah 47:1. Yet who, with human foresight only, would undertake to pronounce the destruction of a city so strong?

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Amos 1:8

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And I will cut off the inhabitant from Ashdod - Ashdod, as well as Ekron, have their names from their strength; Ashdod, "the mighty," like Valentia; Ekron, "the firm-rooted." The title of Ashdod implied that it was powerful to inflict as to resist. It may have meant, "the waster." It too was eminent in its idolatry. The ark, when taken, was first placed in its Dagon-temple 1 Samuel 5:1-7; and, perhaps, in consequence, its lord is placed first of the five, in recounting the trespass-offerings which they sent to the Lord 1 Samuel 6:17. Ashdod (Azotus in the New Testament now a village, Esdud or Shdood ), lay 34 or 36 miles from Gaza , on the great route from Egypt northward, on that which now too is most used even to Jerusalem. Ashkelon lay to the left of the road, near the sea, rather more than halfway.

Ekron (Akir, now a village of 50 mud-houses ), lay a little to the right of the road northward from Gaza to Lydda (in the same latitude as Jamnia, Jabneel) on the road from Ramleh to Belt Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). Ekron, the furthest from the sea, lay only 15 miles from it. They were then a succession of fortresses, strong from their situation, which could molest any army, which should come along their coast. Transversely, in regard to Judah, they enclosed a space parallel to most of Judah and Benjamin. Ekron, which by God's gift was the northern line of Judah Joshua 15:11, is about the same latitude as Ramah in Benjamin; Gaza, the same as Carmel (Kurmul). From Gaza lay a straight road to Jerusalem; but Ashkelon too, Ashdod, and Ekron lay near the heads of valleys, which ran up to the hill-country near Jerusalem .

This system of rich valleys, in which, either by artificial irrigation or natural absorption, the streams which ran from the mountains of Judah westward fertilized the grainfields of Philistia, aforded equally a ready approach to Philistine marauders into the very heart of Judah. The Crusaders had to crown with castles the heights in a distant circle around Ashkelon , in order to restrain the incursions of the Muslims. (In such occasions doubtless, the same man-stealing was often practiced on lesser scales, which here, on a larger scale, draws down the sentence of God. Gath, much further inland, probably formed a center to which these maritime towns converged, and united their system of inroads on Judah.

These five cities of Philistia had each its own petty king (Seren, our "axle"). But all formed one whole; all debated and acted together on any great occasion; as in the plot against Samson Judges 16:5, Judges 16:8, Judges 16:18, the sacrifice to Dagon in triumph over him, where they perished Judges 16:23, Judges 16:27, Judges 16:30; the inflictions on account of the ark 1 Samuel 5:8, 1 Samuel 5:11; 1 Samuel 6:4, 1 Samuel 6:12, 1 Samuel 6:16, 1 Samuel 6:18; the great attack on Israel 1 Samuel 7:7, which God defeated the Mizpeh; the battle when Saul fell, and the dismissal of David 1 Samuel 31:2, 1 Samuel 31:6-7; 1 Chronicles 12:19. The cities divided their idolatry also, in a manner, between them, Ashdod being the chief seat of the worship of Dagon , Ashkelon, of the corresponding worship of Derceto , the fish-goddess, the symbol of the passive principle in re-production. Ekron was the seat of the worship of Baalzebub and his oracle, from where he is called "the god of Ekron" 2 Kings 1:2-3, 2 Kings 1:16.

Gaza, even after it had become an abode of Greek idolatry and had seven temples of Greek gods, still retained its worship of its god Marna ("our Lord") as the chief . It too was probably "nature" and to its worship they were devoted. All these cities were as one; all formed one state; all were one in their sin; all were to be one in their punishment. So then for greater vividness, one part of the common infliction is related of each, while in fact, according to the custom of prophetic diction, what is said of each is said of all. King and people were to be cut off from all; all were to be consumed with fire in war; on all God would, as it were, "turn" (literally, "bring back") His Hand, visiting them anew, and bringing again the same punishment upon them. In truth these destructions came upon them, again and again, through Sargon, Hezekiah, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander, the Maccabees.

Ashdod - Uzziah about this time "brake down its walls and built cities about" 2 Chronicles 26:6 it, to protect his people from its inroads. It recovered, and was subsequently besieged and taken by Tartan, the Assyrian General under Sargon Isaiah 20:1 (about 716 b.c.). Somewhat later, it sustained the longest siege in man's knowlege, for 29 years, from Psammetichus king of Egypt (about 635 b.c.). Whence, probably Jeremiah, while he speaks of Ashkelon, Gaza, Ekron, mentions "the remnant of Ashdod" Jeremiah 25:20 only. Yet, after the captivity, it seems to have been the first Philistine city, so that the Philistines were called Ashdodites Nehemiah 4:7, and their dialect Ashdodite Nehemiah 13:24. They were still hostile to the Jews Nehemiah 4:7. The war, in which Judas Maccabaeus spoiled Ashdod and other Philistine cities (1 Macc. 5:68), was a defensive war against a war of extermination. "The nations round about" (1 Macc. 5:1, 2), it is said at the beginning of the account of that year's campaign, "thought to destroy the generation of Jacob that was among them, and thereupon they began to slay and destroy the people." Jonathan, the brother of Judas, "set fire to Azotus and the cities round about it (1 Macc. 10:82, 84), after a battle under its walls, to which his enemies had challenged him. The temple of Dagon in it was a sort of citadel (1 Macc. 10:83).

Ashkelon is mentioned as a place of strength, taken by the great conqueror, Raamses II. Its resolute defense and capture are represented, with its name as a city of Canaanites, on a monument of Karnac . Its name most naturally signifies "hanging." This suits very well with the site of its present ruins, which "hang" on the side of the theater or arc of hills, whose base is the sea. This, however, probably was not its ancient site (see the note at Zephaniah 2:4). Its name occurs in the wars of the Maccabees, but rather as submitting readily (1 Macc. 10:86; 11:60). Perhaps the inhabitants had been changed in the intervening period. Antipater, the Edomite father of Herod, courted, we are told , "the Arabs and the Ascalonites and the Gazites." "Toward the Jews their neighbors, the inhabitants of the Holy land," Philo says to the Roman emperor, "the Ascalonites have an irreconcilable aversion, which will come to no terms." This abiding hatred burst out at the beginning of the war with the Romans, in which Jerusalem perished. The Ascalonites massacred 2500 Jews dwelling among them . The Jews "fired Ascalon and utterly destroyed Gaza" .

Ekron was apparently not important enough in itself to have any separate history. We hear of it only as given by Alexander Bales "with the borders thereof in possession" (1 Macc. 10:89) to Jonathan the Maccabee. The valley of Surar gave the Ekronites a readier entrance into the center of Judaea, than Ascalon or Ashdod had. In Jerome's time, it had sunk to "a very large village."

The residue of the Philistines shall perish - This has been thought to mean "the rest" (as in Jeremiah 39:3; Nehemiah 7:72) that is, Gath, (not mentioned by name anymore as having ceased to be of any account (see the note at Amos 6:3)) and the towns, dependent on those chief cities . The common (and, with a proper name, universal ) meaning of the idiom is, "the remnant," those who remain over after a first destruction. The words then, like those just before, "I will bring again my hand against Ekron," foretell a renewal of those first judgments. The political strength which should survive one desolation should be destroyed in those which should succeed it. In tacit contrast with the promises of mercy to the remnant of Judah (see above the note at Joel 2:32), Amos foretells that judgment after judgment should fall upon Philistia, until the Philistines ceased to be anymore a people; as they did.

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Amos 1:9

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The last crowning sin, for which judgment is pronounced on Tyre, is the same as that of Philistia, and probably was enacted in concert with it. In Tyre, there was this aggravation, that it was a violation of a previous treaty and friendship. It was not a covenant only, nor previous friendliness only; but a specific covenant, founded on friendship which they forgat and brake. If they retained the memory of Hiram's contact with David and Solomon, it was a sin against light too. After David had expelled the Jebusites from Jerusalem, "Hiram King of Tyre sent messengers to David, and cedar trees and carpenters and masons; and they built David a house" 2 Samuel 5:11. The Philistines contrariwise invaded him 2 Samuel 5:17. This recognition of him by Hiram was to David a proof, "that the Lord had established him king over Israel, and that He had exalted his kingdom for His people, Israel's sake" 2 Samuel 5:12.

Hiram seems, then, to have recognized something super-human in the exaltation of David. "Hiram was ever a lover of David" 1 Kings 5:1. This friendship he continued to Solomon, and recognized his God as "the" God. Scripture embodies the letter of Hiram; "Because the Lord hath loved his people, He hath made thee king over them. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, that made heaven and earth, who hath given to David a wise son - that he might build are house for the Lord" . He must have known then the value which the pious Israelites attached to the going up to that temple. A later treaty, offered by Demetrius Nicator to Jonathan, makes detailed provision that the Jews should have "the feasts and sabbaths and new moons and the solemn days and the three days before the feast and the three days after the feast, as days of immunity and freedom."

The three days before the feast were given, that they might go up to the feast. Other treaties guarantee to the Jews religious privileges . A treaty between Solomon and Hiram, which should not secure any religious privileges needed by Jews in Hiram's dominion, is inconceivable. But Jews were living among the Zidonians (see the note at Joel 3:6). The treaty also, made between Hiram and Solomon, was subsequent to the arrangement by which Hiram was to supply cedars to Solomon, and Solomon to furnish the grain of which Hiram stood in need 1 Kings 5:7-11. "The Lord gave Solomon wisdom, as He promised him" 1 Kings 5:12; and, as a fruit of that wisdom, "there was peace between Hiram and Solomon; and they two made a covenant." The terms of that covenant are not there mentioned; but a covenant involves conditions. it was not a mere peace; but a distinct covenant, sanctioned by religious rites and by sacrifice.

"This brotherly covenant Tyre remembered not," when they delivered up to Edom "a complete captivity," all the Jews who came into their hands. It seems then, that that covenant had an special provision against selling them away from their own land. This same provision other people made for love of their country or their homes; the Jews, for love of their religion. This covenant Tyre remembered not, but brake. They knew doubtless why Edom sought to possess the Israelites; but the covetousness of Tyre fed the cruelty of Edom, and God punished the broken appeal to Himself.

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Amos 1:10

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I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre - Tyre had long ere this become tributary to Assyria. Asshur-ban-ipal (about 930 b.c.,) records his "taking tribute from the kings of all the chief Phoenician cities as Tyre, Sidon, Biblus and Aradus" . His son Shalmanubar records his taking tribute from them in his 21st year about 880, b.c.), as did Ivalush III , and after this time Tiglath-pileser II , the same who took Damascus and carried off its people, as also the east and north of Israel. The Phoenicians had aided Benhadad, in his unsuccessful war or rebellion against Shalmanubar , but their city had received no hurt. There was nothing, in the time of Amos, to indicate any change of policy in the Assyrian conquerors.

They had been content hitherto with tribute from their distant dependencies; they had spared them, even when in arms against them. Yet Amos says absolutely in the name of God, "I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre," and the fire did fall, first from Shalamaneser or Sargon his successor, and then from Nebuchadnezzar. The Tyrians (as is men's custom) inserted in their annals their successes, or the successful resistance which they made for a time. They relate that , "Elulaeus, king of Tyre, reduced the Kittiaeans (Cypriotes) who had revolted. The king of Assyria invaded all Phoenicia, and returned, having made peace with all. Sidon and Ace and old Tyre, and many other cities revolted from the Tyrians, and surrendered to the king of Assyria. Tyre then not obeying, the king returned against them, the Phoenicians manning 60 ships for him." These, he says, were dispersed, 500 prisoners taken; the honor of Tyre intensified. "The king of Assyria, removing, set guards at the river and aqueducts, to hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This they endured for 5 years, drinking from the wells sunk."

The Tyrian annalist does not relate the sequel. He does not venture to say that the Assyrian King gave up the siege, but, having made the most of their resistance, breaks off the account. The Assyrian inscriptions say, that Sargon took Tyre , and received tribute from Cyprus, where a monument has been found, bearing the name of Sargon . It is not probable that a monarch who took Samaria and Ashdod, received tribute from Egypt, the "Chief of Saba," and "Queen of the Arabs," overran Hamath, Tubal, Cilicia, Armenia, reduced Media, should have returned baffled, because Tyre stood out a blockade for 5 years. Since Sargon wrested from Tyre its newly-recovered Cyprus, its insular situation would not have protected itself. Nebuchadnezzar took it after a 13 years' siege (Ezekiel 26:7-12, see the notes at Isaiah 23).

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Amos 1:11

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Edom - God had impressed on Israel its relation of brotherhood to Edom. Moses expressed it to Edom himself , and, after the suspicious refusal of Edom to allow Israel to march on the highway through his territory, he speaks as kindly of him, as before; "And when we passed by from our brethren, the children of Esau" Deuteronomy 2:8. It was the unkindness of worldly politics, and was forgiven. The religious love of the Egyptian and the Edomite was, on distinct grounds, made part of the law. "Thou shalt not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother: thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian; because thou wast a stranger in his land" Deuteronomy 23:7. The grandchild of an Egyptian or of an Edomite was religiously to become as an Israelite Deuteronomy 23:8. Not a foot of Edomite territory was Israel to appropriate, however provoked. It was God's gift to Edom, as much as Canaan to Israel. "They shall be afraid of you, and ye shall take exceeding heed to yourselves. Quarrel not with them, for I will give you, of their land, no, not so much as the treading of the sole of the foot, for I have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:4-5.

From this time until that of Saul, there is no mention of Edom; only that the Maonites and the Amalekites, who oppressed Israel Judges 6:3; Judges 10:12, were kindred tribes with Edom. The increasing strength of Israel in the early days of Saul seems to have occasioned a conspiracy against him, such as Asaph afterward complains of; "They have said, come and let us cut them off from being a nation, that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance. For they have consulted together with one consent, they are confederate against Thee; the tabernacles of Edom and the Ishmaelites; of Moab and the Hagarenes; Gebal and Ammon and Amalek; the Philistines with the inhabitants of Tyre; Assur also is joined with them; they have been an arm to the children of Lot" Psalm 83:4-8. Such a combination began probably in the time of Saul. "He fought against all his enemies on every side; against Moab, and against the children of Ammon, and against the king of Edom, and against the Philistines" 1 Samuel 14:47.

They were "his enemies," and that, round about, encircling Israel, as hunters did their prey. "Edom," on the south and southeast; "Moab" and "Ammon" on the east; the Syrians of "Zobah" on the north; the Philistines on the west enclosed him as in a net, and he repulsed them one by one. "Whichever why he turned, he worsted" them. It follows "he delivered Israel out of the hands of them that spoiled them" 1 Samuel 14:48. The aggression was from Edom, and that in combination with old oppressors of Israel, not from Saul . The wars of Saul and of David were defensive wars. Israel was recovering from a state of depression, not oppressing. "The valley of salt" 2 Samuel 8:13, where David defeated the Edomites, was also doubtless within the borders of Judah, since "the city of salt" was Joshua 15:62; and the valley of salt was probably near the remarkable "mountain of salt," 5 56 miles long, near the end of the Dead Sea , which, as being Canaanite, belonged to Israel. It was also far north of Kadesh, which was "the utmost boundary" of Edom Numbers 20:16.

From that Psalm too of mingled thanksgiving and prayer which David composed after the victory, "in the valley of salt" (Psalm 60:1-12 title), it appears that, even after that victory, David's army had not yet entered Edom. "Who will bring me into the strong city? who will lead me into Edom?" Psalm 60:9. That same Psalm speaks of grievous suffering before, "in" which God had "cast" them "off" and "scattered" them; "made the earth tremble and cleft it;" so that "it reeled" Psalm 60:1-3, Psalm 60:10. Joab too had "returned" from the war in the north against the Syrians of Mesopotamia, to meet the Edomites. Whether in alliance with the Syrians, or taking advantage of the absence of the main army there, the Edomites had inflicted some heavy blow on Israel; a battle in which Abishai killed 18,000 men 1 Chronicles 18:12 had been indecisive. The Edomites were relpalsed by the rapid counter-march of Joab. The victory, according to the Psalm, was still incomplete 1 Chronicles 18:1, 1 Chronicles 18:5, 1 Chronicles 18:9-12. David put "garrisons in Edom" 2 Samuel 8:14, to restrain them from further outbreaks. Joab avenged the wrong of the Edomites, conformably to his character 1 Kings 11:16; but the fact that "the captain of the host" had "to go up to bury the slain" (1 Kings 11:15. It should be rendered, not, after he had slain, but, and he killed, etc.), shows the extent of the deadly blow, which he so fearfully avenged.

The store set by the king of Egypt on Hadad, the Edomite prince who fled to him 1 Kings 11:14-20, shows how gladly Egypt employed Edom as an enemy to Israel. It has been said that he rebelled and failed . Else it remained under a dependent king appointed by Judah, for 1 12 century (1 Kings 22:47; 2 Kings 3:9 ff). One attempt against Judah is recorded 2 Chronicles 20:10, when those of Mount Seir combined with Moab and Ammon against Jehoshaphat after his defeat at Ramoth-gilead. They had penetrated beyond Engedi 2 Chronicles 20:2, 2 Chronicles 20:16, 2 Chronicles 20:20, on the road which Arab marauders take now , toward the wilderness of Tekoa, when God set them against one another, and they fell by each other's hands 2 Chronicles 20:22-24. But Jehoshaphat's prayer at this time evinces that Israel's had been a defensive warfare. Otherwise, he could not have appealed to God, "the children of Ammon and Moab and mount Seir, whom Thou wouldest not let Israel invade when they came out of the land of Egypt, but they turned from them, and destroyed them not, behold, they reward us, to come to cast us out of Thy possession, which Thou hast given us to inherit" 2 Chronicles 20:10-11.

Judah held Edom by aid of garrisons, as a wild beast is held in a cage, that they might not injure them, but had taken no land from them, nor expelled them. Edom sought to cast Israel out of God's land. Revolts cannot be without bloodshed; and so it is perhaps the more probable, that the words of Joel, "for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land" Joel 3:19, relate to a massacre of the Jews, when Esau revolted from Jehoram 2 Kings 8:20-22. We have seen, in the Indian Massacres, how every living being of the ruling power may, on such occasions, be sought out for destruction. Edom gained its independence, and Jehoram, who sought to recover his authority, escaped with his life by cutting through the Edomite army by night 2 Kings 8:21. Yet in Amaziha's time they were still on the offensive, since the battle wherein he defeated them, was again "in the valley of salt" 2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chronicles 25:11, 2 Chronicles 25:14.

Azariah, in whose reign Amos prophesied, regained Elath from them, the port for the Indian trade 2 Chronicles 26:2. Of the origin of that war, we know nothing; only the brief words as to the Edomite invasion against Ahaz, "and yet again had the Edomites come, and smitten in Judah, and carried captive a captivity" 2 Chronicles 28:17, attest previous and, it may be, habitual invasions. For no one such invasion had been named. It may probably mean, "they did yet again, what they had been in the habit of doing." But in matter of history, the prophets, in declaring the grounds of God's judgments, supply much which it was not the object of the historical books to relate. "They" are histories of God's dealings with His people, His chastisements of them or of His sinful instruments in chastising them. Rarely, except when His supremacy was directly challenged, do they record the ground of the chastisements of pagan nations. Hence, to those who look on the surface only, the wars of the neighboring nations against Israel look but like the alternations of peace and war, victory and defeat, in modern times. The prophets draw up the veil, and show us the secret grounds of man's misdeeds and God's judgments.

Because he did pursue his brother - The characteristic sin of Edom, and its punishment are one main subject of the prophecy of Obadiah, inveterate malice contrary to the law of kindred. Eleven hundred years had passed since the birth of their forefathers, Jacob and Esan. But, with God, eleven hundred years had not worn out kindred. He who willed to knit together all creation, human beings and angels, in one in Christ Ephesians 1:10, and, as a means of union, "made of one blood all nations of people for to dwell on all the face of the earth" Acts 17:26, used all sorts of ways to impress this idea of brotherhood. "We" forget relationship mostly in the third generation, often sooner; and we think it strange when a nation long retains the memories of those relationships . God, in His law, stamped on His people's minds those wider meanings. To slay a man was to slay a "brother" Genesis 9:5.

Even the outcast Canaan was a brother Genesis 9:25 to Shem and Ham. Lot speaks to the men of Sodom amidst their iniquities, "my brethren" Genesis 19:7; Jacob so salutes those unknown to him Genesis 29:4. The descendants of Ishmael and Isaac were to be brethren; so were those of Esau and Jacob Genesis 16:12; Genesis 25:18. The brotherhood of blood was not to wear out, and there was to be a brotherhood of love also Genesis 27:29, Genesis 27:37. Every Israelite was a brother ; each tribe was a brother to every other Deuteronomy 10:9; Deuteronomy 18:2; Judges 20:23, Judges 20:28; the force of the appeal was remembered, even when passion ran high 2 Samuel 2:26. It enters habitually into the divine legislation. "Thou shall open thy hand wide unto thy brother Deuteronomy 15:11; if thy brother, a" Hebrew, sell himself to thee Deuteronomy 15:12; thou shalt not see thy brother's ox or his sheep go astray and hide thyself from them Deuteronomy 22:1-4; if thy brother be waxen poor, then shalt thou relieve him, though a stranger and a sojourner, that he may live with thee" (Leviticus 25:35-39; add Leviticus 19:17; Deuteronomy 24:7, Deuteronomy 24:10, Deuteronomy 24:14).

In that same law, Edom's relationship as a brother was acknowledged. It was an abiding law that Israel was not to take land, nor to refuse to admit him into the congregation of the Lord. Edom too remembered the relation, but to hate him. The nations around Israel seem to have been little at war with one another, bound together by common hatred against God's people. Of their wars indeed we should not hear, for they had no religious interest. They would be but the natural results of the passions of unregenerate nature. Feuds there doubtless were and forays, but no attempts at permanent conquest or subdual. Their towns remain in their own possession . Tyre does not invade Philistia; nor Philistia, Tyre or Edom. But all combine against Israel. The words, "did pursue his brother with the sword," express more than is mentioned in the historical books.

To "pursue" is more than to fight. They followed after, in order to destroy a remnant, "and cast off all pity:" literally, and more strongly, "corrupted his compassions, tendernesses." Edom did violence to his natural feelings, as Ezekiel, using the same word, says of Tyre, "corrupting Ezekiel 28:17 his wisdom," that is, perverting it from the end for which God gave it, and so destroying it. Edom "steeled himself," as we say, against his better feelings," his better nature," "deadened" them. But so they do not live again. Man is not master of the life and death of his feelings, anymore than of his natural existence. He can destroy; he cannot re-create. And he does, so far, "corrupt," decay, do to death, his own feelings, whenever, in any signal instance, he acts against them. Edom was not simply unfeeling. He destroyed all "his tender yearnings" over suffering, such as God has put into every human heart, until it destroys them. Ordinary anger is satisfied and slaked by its indulgence; malice is fomented and fed and invigorated by it. Edom ever, as occasion gratified his anger; "his anger did tear continually;" yet, though raging as some wild ravening animal, without control, "he kept his wrath for ever," not within bounds, but to let it loose anew. He retained it when he ought to have parted with it, and let it loose when he ought to have restrained it.

"What is best, when spoiled, becomes the worst," is proverbial truth. : "As no love wellnigh is more faithful than that of brothers, so no hatred, when it hath once begun, is more unjust, no odium fiercer. Equality stirs up and inflames the mind; the shame of giving way and the love of preeminence is the more inflamed, in that the memory of infancy and whatever else would seem to gender good will, when once they are turned aside from the right path, produce hatred and contempt." They were proverbial sayings of paganism, "fierce are the wars of brethren" , and "they who have loved exceedingly, they too hate exceedingly." : "The Antiochi, the Seleuci, the Gryphi, the Cyziceni, when they learned not to be all but brothers, but craved the purple and diadems, overwhelmed themselves and Asia too with many calamities."

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Amos 1:12

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But - (And I, in My turn and as a consequence of these sins) will send a fire upon Teman "Teman," say Eusebius and Jerome , "was a country of the princes of Edom, which had its name from Teman son of Eliphaz, son of Esau Genesis 36:11, Genesis 36:15. But even to this day there is a village, called Teman, about 5 (Eusebius says 15) miles from Petra, where there is also a Roman garrison, from which place was Eliphaz, king of the Themanites." It is, however, probably the district which is meant, of which Bozra was then the capital. For Amos when speaking of cities, uses some word to express this, as "the palaces of Benhadad, the wall of Gaza, of Tyrus, of Rabbah;" here he simply uses the name Teman, as he does those of Moab and Judah. Amos does not mention Petra, or Selah, for Amaziah had taken it, and called it Joktheel, "which God subdued," which name it for some time retained 2 Kings 14:7.

Bozrah - (Literally, which cuts off approach) is mentioned, as early as Genesis Gen 36:33, as the seat of one of the elective kings who, in times before Moses, reigned over Edom. It lay then doubtless in Idumea itself, and is quite distinct from the Bozrah of Hauran or Auranitis, from which Jerome also distinguishes it. : "There is another Bosor also, a city of Esau, in the mountains of Idumea, of which Isaiah speaks." There is yet a small village of the like name (Busaira "the little Bozrah") which "appears," it is said , "to have been in ancient times a considerable city, if we may judge from the ruins which surround the village." It has now "some 50 houses, and stands on an elevation, on the summit of which a small castle has been built." The name however, "little Bozrah," indicates the existence of a "great Bozrah," with which its name is contrasted, and is not likely to have been the place itself . Probably the name was a common one, "the strong place" of its neighborhood . The Bozrah of Edom is either that little vilage, or is wholly blotted out.

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Amos 1:13

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Ammon - These who receive their existence under circumstances, in any way like those of the first forefathers of Moab and Ammon, are known to be under physical as well as intellectual and moral disadvantages. Apart from the worst horrors, on the one side reason was stupefied, on the other it was active in sin. He who imprinted His laws on nature, has annexed the penalty to the infraction of those laws. It is known also how, even under the Gospel, the main character of a nation remains unchanged. The basis of natural character, upon which grace has to act, remains, under certain limits, the same. Still more in the unchanging east. Slave-dealers know of certain hereditary good or evil qualities in non-Christian nations in whom they traffic. What marvel then that Ammon and Moab retained the stamp of their origin, in a sensual or passionate nature? Their choice of their idols grew out of this original character and aggravated it.

They chose them gods like themselves, and worsened themselves by copying these idols of their sinful nature. The chief god of the fierce Ammon was Milehem or Molech, the principle of destruction, who was appeased with sacrifices of living children, given to the fire to devour. Moab, beside its idol Chemosh, had the degrading worship of Baal Peor Numbers 25:1-3, reproductiveness the counterpart of destruction. And, so. in fierce or degrading rites, they worshiped the power which belongs to God, to create, or to destroy. Moab was the seducer of Israel at Shittim Numbers 25:1-3. Ammon, it has been noticed, showed at different times a special wanton ferocity . Such was the proposal of Nahash to the men of Jabesh-Gilead, when offering to surrender, "that I may thrust out all your right eyes and lay it for a reproach unto all Israel" 1 Samuel 11:1-3.

Such was the insult to David's messengers of peace, and the hiring of the Syrians in an aggressive war against David 2 Samuel 10:1-6. Such, again, was this war of extermination against the Gileadites. On Israel's side, the relation to Moab and Ammon had been altogether friendly. God recalled to Israel the memory of their common descent, and forbade them to war against either. He speaks of them by the name of kindness, "the children of Lot," the companion and friend of Abraham. "I will not give thee of their land for a possession, because I have given it unto the children of Lot for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:9, Deuteronomy 2:19. Akin by descent, their history had been alike. Each had driven out a giant tribe; Moab, the Emim; Ammon, the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:10-11, Deuteronomy 2:20-21. They had thus possessed themselves of the tract from the Arnon, not quite half way down the Dead Sea on its east side, to the Jabbok, about half-way between the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee . Both had been expelled by the Amorites, and had been driven, Moab, behind the Arnon, Ammon, behind the "strong border" Numbers 21:24 of the upper part of the Jabbok, what is now the Nahr Amman, "the river of Ammon," eastward.

The whole of what became the inheritance of the 2 12 tribes, was in the hands of the Amorites, and threatened very nearly their remaining possessions; since, at "Aroer that is before Rabbah" Joshua 13:25, the Amorites were already over against the capital of Ammon; at the Arnon they were but 2 12 hours from Ar-Moab, the remaining capital of Moab. Israel then, in destroying the Amorites, had been at once avenging and rescuing Moab and Ammon; and it is so far a token of friendliness at this time, that, after the victory at Edrei, the great "iron bedstead" of Og was placed in "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11. Envy, jealousy, and fear, united them to "hire Balaam to curse Israel" Deuteronomy 23:4, although the king of Moab was the chief actor in this Numbers 22-24, as he was in the seduction of Israel to idoltary Numbers 25:1-3. Probably Moab was then, and continued to be, the more influential or the more powerful, since in their first invasion of Israel, the Ammonites came as the allies of Eglon king of Moab. "He gathered unto him the children of Ammon and Amalek Judges 3:13. And" they "served Eglon." Yet Ammon's subsequent oppression must have been yet more grievous, since God reminds Israel of His delivering them from the Ammonites Judges 10:11, not from Moab. There we find Ammon under a king, and in league with the Philistines Judges 10:7, "crashing and crushing for 18 years all the children of Israel in Gilead." The Ammonites carried a wide invasion across the Jordan against Judah, Benjamin and Ephraim Judges 10:9, until they were subdued by Jephthah. Moab is not named; but the king of Ammon claims as my land Judges 11:13, the whole which Moab and Ammon had lost to the Amorites and they to Israel, "from Arnon unto Jabbok and unto Jordan" Judges 11:13.

The range also of Jephthah's victories included probably all that same country from the Arnon to the neighborhood of Rabbah of Ammon . The Ammonites, subdued then, were again on the offensive in the fierce siege of Jabesh-Gilead and against Saul (see above the note at Amos 1:11). Yet it seems that they had already taken from Israel what they had lost to the Amorites, for Jabesh-Gilead was beyond the Jabbok ; and "Mizpeh of Moab," where David went to seek the king of Moab 1 Samuel 22:3, was probably no other than the Ramoth-Mizpeh Joshua 13:26 of Gad, the Mizpeh Judges 11:29 from where Jephthah went over to fight the Ammonites. With Hanan, king of Ammon, David sought to remain at peace, on account of some kindness, interested as it probably was, which his father Nahash had shown him, when persecuted by Saul 2 Samuel 10:2.

It was only after repeated attempts to bring an overwhelming force of the Syriains against David, that Rabbah was besieged and taken, and that awful punishment inflicted. The severity of the punishment inflicted on Moab and Ammon, in that two-thirds of the fighting men of Moab were put to death 2 Samuel 8:2, and fighting men of "the cities of Ammon" 2 Samuel 12:31 were destroyed by a ghastly death, so different from David's treatment of the Philistines or the various Syrians, implies some extreme hostility on their part, from which there was no safety except in their destruction. Moab and Ammon were still united against Jehoshaphat 2 Chronicles 20, and with Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoiakim 2 Kings 24:2, whom they had before sought to stir up against the king of Babylon Jeremiah 27:3. Both profited for a time by the distresses of Israel, "magnifying" themselves "against her border" Zephaniah 2:8, and taking possession of her cities after the 2 12 tribes has been carried away by Tiglath-pileser. Both united in insulting Judah, and (as it appears from Ezekiel EZechariah 25:2-8), out of jealousy against its religious distinction.

When some of the scattered Jews were reunited under Gedaliah, after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, it was a king of Ammon, Baalis, who instigated Johanan to murder him Jeremiah 40:11-14; Jeremiah 41:10. When Jerusalem was to be rebuilt after the return from the captivity, Ammonites and Moabites Nehemiah 2:10, Nehemiah 2:19; Nehemiah 4:1-3, "Sanballat the Horonite" (that is, out of Horonaim, which Moab had taken to itself Isaiah 15:5; Jeremiah 48:3, Jeremiah 48:5, Jeremiah 48:34.) "and Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite," were chief in the opposition to it. They helped on the persecution by Antiochus (1 Macc. 5:6). Their anti-religious character, which showed itself in the hatred of Israel and the hire of Balaam, was the ground of the exclusion of both from admission "into the congregation of the Lord forever" Deuteronomy 23:3. The seduction of Solomon by his Ammonite and Moabite wives illustrates the infectiousness of their idolatry. While he made private chapels "for all his strange wives, to burn incense and sacrifice to their gods" 1 Kings 11:8, the most stately idolatry was that of Chemosh and Molech, the abomination of Moab and Ammon . For Ashtoreth alone, besides these, did Solomon build high places in sight of the temple of God, on a lower part of the Mount of Olives 2 Kings 23:13.

They have ripped up the women with child in Gilead - Since Elisha prophesied that Hazael would be guilty of this same atrocity, and since Gilead was the scene of his chief atrocities , probably Syria and Ammon were, as of old, united against Israel in a war of extermination. It was a conspiracy to displace God's people from the land which He had given them, and themselves to replace them. The plan was effective; it was, Amos says, executed. They expelled and "inherited Gad" Jeremiah 49:1. Gilead was desolated for the sins for which Hosea rebuked it; "blood had blood." It had been "tracked with blood" (see the note at Hosea 6:8); now life was sought out for destruction, even in the mother's womb. But, in the end, Israel, whose extermination Ammon devised and in part effected, survived. Ammon perished and left no memorial.

That they might enlarge their border - It was a horror, then, exercised, not incidentally here and there, or upon a few, or in sudden stress of passion, but upon system and in cold blood. We have seen lately, in the massacres near Lebanon, where male children were murdered on system, how methodically such savageness goes to work. A massacre, here and there, would not have "enlarged their border." They must haw carried on these horrors then, throughout all the lands which they wished to possess, making place for themselves by annihilating Israel, that there might be none to rise up and thrust them from their conquests, and claim their old inheritance. Such was the fruit of habitually indulged covetousness. Yet who beforehand would have thought it possible?

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Amos 1:14

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I will kindle afire in the wall of Rabbah - Rabbah, literally, "the great," called by Moses "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11, and by later Greeks, "Rabathammana" , was a strong city with a yet stronger citadel. Ruins still exist, some of which probably date back to these times. The lower city "lay in a valley bordered on both sides by barren hills of flint," at 12 an hour from its entrance. It lay on a stream, still called by its name Moyet or Nahr Amman, "waters" or "river of Ammon," which ultimately falls into the Zurka (the Jabbok) . "On the top of the highest of the northern hills," where at the divergence of two valleys it abuts upon the ruins of the town, "stands the castle of Ammon, a very extensive rectangular building," following the shape of the hill and wholly occupying its crest. "Its walls are thick, and denote a remote antiquity; large blocks of stone are piled up without cement, and still hold together as well as if they had been recently placed; the greater part of the wall is entire. Within the castle are several deep cisterns."

There are remains of foundations of a wall of the lower city at its eastern extremity . This lower city, as lying on a river in a waterless district, was called the "city of waters" 2 Samuel 12:27, which Joab had taken when he sent to David to come and besiege the Upper City. In later times, that Upper City was resolutely defended against Antiochus the Great, and taken, not by force but by thirst . On a conspicuous place on this castle-hill, stood a large temple, some of its broken columns 3 12 feet in diameter , probably the Grecian successor of the temple of its idol Milchom. Rabbah, the capital of Ammon, cannot have escaped, when Nebuchadnezzar , "in the 5th year of his reign, led an army against Coele-Syria, and, having possessed himself of it, warred against the Ammonites and Moabites, and having made all these nations subject to him, invaded Egypt, to subdue it."

Afterward, it was tossed to and fro in the desolating wars between Syria and Egypt. Ptolemy II called it from his own surname Philadelphia , and so probably had had to restore it. It brought upon itself the attack of Antiochus III and its own capture, by its old habit of marauding against the Arabs in alliance with him. At the time of our Lord, it, with "Samaria, Galilee and Jericho," is said by a pagan to be "inhabited by a mingled race of Egyptians, Arabians and Phoenicians." It had probably already been given over to "the children of the East," the Arabs, as Ezekiel had foretold Ezekiel 25:4. In early Christian times Milchom was still worshiped there under its Greek name of Hercules . Trajan recovered it to the Roman empire , and in the 4th century it, with Bostra , was still accounted a "vast town most secured by strong walls," as a frontier fortress "to repel the incursions of neighboring nations." It was counted to belong to Arabia . An Arabic writer says that it perished before the times of Muhammed, and covered a large tract with its ruins . It became a station of pilgrims to Mecca, and then, until now, as Ezekiel foretold , a stable for camels and a couching place.

I will kindle a fire in the wall - It may be that the prophet means to speak of some conflagration from within, in that he says not, as elsewhere, "I will send afire upon," but, "I will kindle a fire in" Amos 1:4, Amos 1:7, Amos 1:10, Amos 1:12; Amos 2:2, Amos 2:5. But "the shouting" is the battle-cry (Job 39:25; Jeremiah 20:16; Zephaniah 1:16, etc.) of the victorious enemy, the cheer of exultation, anticipating its capture. That onslaught was to be resistless, sweeping, like a whirlwind, all before it. The fortress and walls of Rabbah were to yield before the onset of the enemy, as the tents of their caravans were whirled flat on the ground before the eddying of the whirlwinds from the desert, burying all beneath them.

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Amos 1:15

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And their king - The king was commonly, in those nations, the center of their energy. When "he and his princes" were "gone into captivity," there was no one to make head against the conqueror, and renew revolts. Hence, as a first step in the subdual, the reigning head and those who shared his counsels were removed. Ammon then, savage as it was in act, was no ill-organized horde. On the contrary, barren and waste as all that country now is, it must once have been highly cultivated by a settled and laborious people. The abundance of its ruins attests the industry and habits of the population. "The whole of the country," says Burckhardt , "must have been extremely well cultivated, to have afforded subsistence to the inhabitants of so many towns." "The low hills are, for the most part, crowned with ruins." Of the "thirty ruined or deserted places, which including Amman," have been even lately "counted east of Assalt" (the village which probably represents Ramoth-Gilead, "about 16 miles west of Philadelphia that is, Amman) several are in Ammonitis. Little as the country has been explored, ruins of large and important towns have been found south-southeast. and south of Amman .

Two hours southeast of Amman, Buckingham relates , "an elevation opened a new view before us, in the same direction. On a little lower level, was a still more extensive track of cultivated plain than that even which we had already passed - Throughout its whole extent were seen ruined towns in every direction, both before, behind, and on each side of us; generally seated on small eminences; all at a short distance from each other; and all, as far as we had yet seen, bearing evident marks of former opulency and consideration. There was not a tree in sight as far as the eye could reach; but my guide, who had been over every part of it, assured me that the whole of the plain was covered with the finest soil, and capable of being made the most productive grain-land in the world - For a space of more than thirty miles there did not appear to me a single interruption of hill, rock or wood, to impede immediate tillage.

The great plain of Esdraelon, so justly celebrated for its extent and fertility, is inferior in both to this plain of Belkah. Like Esdraelon, it appears to have been once the seat of an active and numerous population; but in the former the monuments of the dead only remain, while here the habitations of the living are equally mingled with the tombs of the departed, all thickly strewn over every part of the soil from which they drew their sustenance." Nor does the crown, of a "talent of gold weight, with precious stones" 2 Samuel 12:30, belong to an uncivilized people. Such hordes too depend on the will and guidance of their single Skeikh or head. This was a hereditary kingdom 2 Samuel 10:1. The kings of Ammon had their constitutional advisers. These were they who gave the evil and destructive counsel to insult the ambassadors of David. Evil kings have evermore evil counselors. It is ever the curse of such kings to have their own evil, reflected, anticipated, fomented, enacted by bad advisers around them. "Hand in hand the wicked shall not be unpunished" Proverbs 11:21. They link together, but to drag one another into a common destruction. Together they had counseled against God; "king and princes together," they should go into captivity.

There is also doubtless, in the word Malcham, a subordinate allusion to the god whom they worshiped under the title Molech or Malchom. Certainly Jeremiah "seems" so to have understood it. For, having said of Moab, "Chemosh shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together" Jeremiah 48:7, he says as to Ammon, in the self-same formula and almost in the words of Amos ; "Malcham shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together." Zephaniah ZEphesians 1:5 also speaks of the idol under the same name Malcham, "their king." Yet since Ammon had kings before this time, and just before their subdual by Nebuchadnezzar, and king Baalis Jeremiah 40:14 was a murderer, it is hardly likely that Jeremiah too should not have included him in the sentence of his people, of whose sins he was a mainspring. Probably, then, Amos and Jeremiah foretell, in a comprehensive way, the powerlessness of all their stays, human and idolatrous. All in which they trusted should not only fail them, but should be carried captive from them.