Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible · Matthew Capítulo 1

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Matthew Capítulo 1

서론

Introduction

Abrir pasaje

引言

本福音書的作者是一名稅吏,住在加利利海西岸的迦百農。關於他與第二、第三卷福音書中的"利未"是否同一人,以及其他細節,見

Mt 9:9。

關於他使徒的事工,幾乎一無所知。古證一般說,他在巴勒斯坦向同胞傳道之後,便往東方去;但他事工的確實地點或地區則無從斷定。他乃是善終,這可從最博學的教父們的見解推斷出來——他們認為使徒之中只有雅各(大雅各)、彼得、保羅三人殉道。第一卷福音書為這位使徒所作,乃是全部古證一致的見證。

關於本福音書的日期,我們只有內證,而且遠非決定性。因此意見分歧甚大。它是所有福音書中頭一卷問世的,這是普遍的信念。因此,雖然在福音書的次序上,最古的古拉丁譯本的手抄本,是將兩位使徒所作的列在最前;而在一切希臘文手抄本中,幾乎毫無例外,其次序與我們聖經中的相同,馬太福音在每一處都被列為首位。又因這卷福音書是四卷之中,最明顯地專為猶太人而預備並編寫的——他們無疑最先需要書面的福音書,也必最先使用它——所以毫無疑問,它是在其他幾卷之前發行的。它寫於耶路撒冷被毀之前,也同樣確定;因為正如 HUG 所言 [Introduction to the New Testament, p. 316, FOSDICK 譯],當他記載主對那可怕事件的預言時,一到了他們將要"看見那行毀壞可憎的站在聖地"的警告,他便(與他一貫只記述不評註的作風相反)插入一句要讀者明讀的呼召——"讀的人須要會意"

(Mt 24:15)——

這是呼召人留心那為逃跑而設的神聖信號,只能為活在事件發生之前的人而設。但這卷福音書究竟在那事件之前多久寫成,則不甚清楚。有些內證似乎暗示一個很早的日期。猶太基督徒在五六年間,受同胞的逼迫——直到猶太人自己受羅馬人逼迫,不得不自顧——(據論)他們不太可能在這麼長的時間內沒有一卷書面的福音書來安慰並扶持他們,而馬太福音正最適合此用。但路加在其引言中所提的那些摘述(見

Lu 1:1)

在一段時間內已經夠用,特別是"親眼看見又親手傳給我們之道"的活聲音仍然廣傳之時。其他支持很早日期的考量——例如作者似乎刻意柔和地提到希律安提帕,彷彿他仍在位,並且他提到彼拉多,顯然彷彿他仍在掌權——似乎都沒有事實根據,因此不能作為論斷本福音書日期的理由。其希伯來式的結構與色彩,雖然在我們看來證明本福音書必發行於耶路撒冷被毀之前相當久的時期,卻不能支持像主後 37 或 38 年那樣早的日期——這是一些教父以及現代的 TILLEMONT、TOWNSON、OWEN、BIRKS、TREGELLES 所主張的。另一方面,愛任紐 [Against Heresies, 3.1] 的話所暗示的日期——說馬太在彼得和保羅於羅馬傳道、建立教會之時發表其福音書——即主後 60 年之後——雖然也許多數批評者贊成,卻似乎略嫌太晚,特別是因為第二、第三卷福音書無疑也和本卷一樣發行於耶路撒冷被毀之前,那時仍待發行。誠然,像以下的話:"所以那塊田,直到今日還叫作血田"

(Mt 27:8); "這話就傳說在猶太人中間,直到今日"

(Mt 28:15),

表明其日期遠晚於所記之事。因此,我們偏向於介於本福音書所定的較早與較晚日期之間的日期,不強求精確。

我們已提到本福音書明顯的猶太特色與色彩。它所選的事實、所強調的要點、思路與用語的格調,都表明它是從猶太人的觀點寫成,也是為猶太人而寫。這一點從一開始即被注意到,也為普遍所承認。這對它的正確解釋至關重要;但一些最優秀的德國學者中,有人因第一卷福音書的這一特殊目的,推論出這位福音書作者在處理事實上有若干寬鬆,這種傾向必須防備。

但與本福音書相關最有趣、最重要的一點,是它寫成的語言。有相當多的一批批評者相信,本福音書原本是用鬆散地稱為希伯來文,更準確地說是亞蘭文,或敘利亞─迦勒底文——我主當時該地的母語——寫成的;而我們現今所有的希臘文馬太福音,乃是那著作的翻譯,或為福音書作者本人,或為某不知名者所作。這意見所根據的證據全是外在的,但 GROTIUS、MICHAELIS(及其譯者)、MARSH、TOWNSON、CAMPBELL、OLSHAUSEN、CRESWELL、MEYER、EBRARD、LANGE、DAVIDSON、CURETON、TREGELLES、WEBSTER 與 WILKINSON 等都認為它具有決定性。此處不能引用這些證據,但在我們較大的註釋書前面的福音書引論(頁 28-31)中,可找到這些證據以及對其不能令人滿意之處的評註。

但我們的希臘文福音書的事實如何?我們沒有絲毫歷史證據證明它是翻譯——無論是馬太本人或別人所作。全部古證都指它為稅吏兼使徒馬太的著作,正如其他福音書各被歸於其作者一樣。這卷希臘文福音書從一開始就被教會接受為那合而為一的四重福音書的不可分割的一部分。當教父們常常提到我們所有的兩卷使徒所作的福音書,與兩卷非使徒所作的福音書——為要表明既然馬可的福音書如此完全依賴彼得,路加的如此依賴保羅,這兩卷實在不亞於另外兩卷之具有使徒性——雖然我們對這情形不如他們那樣重視,我們仍不得不覺得,他們這樣說時,從未漏出一點暗示,說希臘文馬太的十足使徒權威曾因其非原作而被質疑過。再者,在這卷福音書本身之中,也找不到一絲它是翻譯的痕跡。MICHAELIS 試圖察出,並自以為已察出了一兩處這樣的痕跡。此後其他德國人,以及我方的 DAVIDSON 與 CURETON,也曾作同樣的嘗試。但這一切嘗試的徹底失敗如今已普遍被承認,而希伯來文原作的坦率擁護者也樂於承認這樣的痕跡找不到,若不是外在見證,沒有人會想到希臘文不是原作。他們認為這正顯出翻譯執行得何等完全;但最懂得從一種語言譯為另一種語言為何事的人,必最樂於承認這等於放棄了這問題。本福音書在許多顯著之處自證其原創性;例如它引用舊約的方式,以及在某些特殊情況下的用語。但我們希臘文馬太與其次兩卷福音書之間密切的字面相符,不可完全略過。解釋這點只有兩個可能的方法。要麼是譯者在翻譯中犧牲字面的忠實,故意將作者著作的某些部分順應第二、第三卷福音書——若是這樣,它就幾乎不能稱為馬太福音了——要麼我們的希臘文馬太本身就是原作。

基於這些考量,希伯來文原作的一些擁護者採取了雙重原作的理論;他們認為外在見證要求我們相信希臘文原作之外尚有希伯來文原作,而內證則決定性地支持希臘文的原創性。這理論為 GUERICKS、OLSHAUSEN、THIERSCH、TOWNSON、TREGELLES 等所採。但這除了看來太像為解決困難而杜撰的人為理論之外,它在歷史上毫無支持。基督教古籍之中沒有一絲證據支持它。這應當是決定性地反對它了。

那麼結論是:我們的希臘文馬太就是那卷福音書的原作,並且從來沒有其他原作存在。ALFORD 院長頗值得稱讚的是,他在其希臘文聖經第一版中主張希伯來文原作的理論之後,在第二版及以後各版中如此表達:"總而言之,我發現自己不得不放棄我在第一版中所主張的看法,而採納希臘文原作的看法。"

對方提出了一個論據,頗受倚重;但在我們看來,主要問題的解決並不取決於它所提出的那一點。有人十分肯定地說,當馬太發表其福音書之時,巴勒斯坦的猶太人對希臘文掌握得不足,使他不太可能為他們首先用那語言寫一卷福音書。如今這只是指陳希臘文原作的不可能,與之相對,只要把已提出的證據擺上便夠了,那證據是正面的,支持我們希臘文馬太之唯一原創性。希臘文在當時巴勒斯坦被理解到何程度,誠然是個問題。但我們勸讀者不要被牽入這問題,以為它是解決另一問題所必需。它是其中一個元素,不錯,但不是必要的元素。這問題的兩端都有極端。我主除了敘利亞─迦勒底文之外幾乎不說別的語言,這老看法如今幾乎已被推翻。然而許多人卻不願走到另一端 HUG(在其新約導論頁 326 等)與 ROBERTS("Discussions of the Gospels," 等頁 25)的地步。就我們而言,雖然我們相信我主在事工中一切較公眾的場面都用希臘文講話,我們在此認為必要說的,只是沒有理由相信希臘文在巴勒斯坦被理解得少到使馬太不可能專用那語言寫其福音書——不可能到足以壓倒他確曾如此作的證據。當我們想到我們從路加

(Lu 1:1-4)

知道,在他寫其福音書之前一段時間,有許多關於我主歷史主要事實的摘述或短篇記述流傳著——他對這些毫不輕蔑,而這些幾乎全是母語——我們便毫無疑問,猶太基督徒與巴勒斯坦的猶太人普遍從一開始就有可靠的書面材料,足以供應一切所需,直到這位稅吏使徒從容地用一種對他們並不陌生的語言編寫四卷福音書中的頭一卷,而對其餘世界而言,那正是整部四重福音書將永遠奉於其中的語言。下列諸人(除別人之外)都主張這希臘文馬太唯一原創性的看法:ERASMUS、CALVIN、BEZA、LIGHTFOOT、WETSTEIN、LARDNER、HUG、FRITZSCHE、CREDNER、DE WETTE、STUART、DA COSTA、FAIRBAIRN、ROBERTS。

關於本福音書還有兩個問題,若非篇幅已盡,本宜略述:它在語言與內容上異於其他三卷的特徵,以及它與第二、第三卷福音書的關係。在後者——究竟一位或幾位福音書作者使用了其他福音書的材料,若是,哪位取自哪位——意見之多正如本案的可能情形,每一種可以設想的方式都有人為之辯護。直到最近最流行的意見——也許至今仍最流行——是第二位福音書作者或多或少地使用了第一卷福音書的材料,第三位則使用了第一與第二兩卷的材料。在此我們只能陳明自己的信念:頭三位福音書作者各都獨立於其他二位而寫;而第四位熟悉頭三卷,寫作為其補充,即使沿著同一脈絡行之,也完全獨立於他們。這判斷——對持異見者抱一切敬意——是我們仔細研究每一卷福音書與其他各卷之直接對照比較的結果。在所提及兩個主題的前者上,各卷福音書的語言特性,CREDNER [Einleitung(《新約導論》)] 處理得最為仔細、最能幹;其結果的一個良好摘要可見於 DAVIDSON 的新約導論。各卷福音書的其他特性,則由 DA COSTA 在其四個見證人中最美妙動人地表彰出來,我們只能請讀者參看該書,雖然其中有少數幾點我們不能苟同。

Original en inglés

INTRODUCTION

THE author of this Gospel was a publican or tax gatherer, residing at Capernaum, on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee. As to his identity with the "Levi" of the second and third Gospels, and other particulars, see on

Mt 9:9.

Hardly anything is known of his apostolic labors. That, after preaching to his countrymen in Palestine, he went to the East, is the general testimony of antiquity; but the precise scene or scenes of his ministry cannot be determined. That he died a natural death may be concluded from the belief of the best-informed of the Fathers--that of the apostles only three, James the Greater, Peter, and Paul, suffered martyrdom. That the first Gospel was written by this apostle is the testimony of all antiquity.

For the date of this Gospel we have only internal evidence, and that far from decisive. Accordingly, opinion is much divided. That it was the first issued of all the Gospels was universally believed. Hence, although in the order of the Gospels, those by the two apostles were placed first in the oldest manuscripts of the Old Latin version, while in all the Greek manuscripts, with scarcely an exception, the order is the same as in our Bibles, the Gospel according to Matthew is in every case placed first. And as this Gospel is of all the four the one which bears the most evident marks of having been prepared and constructed with a special view to the Jews--who certainly first required a written Gospel, and would be the first to make use of it--there can be no doubt that it was issued before any of the others. That it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem is equally certain; for as HUG observes [Introduction to the New Testament, p. 316, FOSDICK'S translation], when he reports our Lord's prophecy of that awful event, on coming to the warning about "the abomination of desolation" which they should "see standing in the holy place," he interposes (contrary to his invariable practice, which is to relate without remark) a call to his readers to read intelligently--"Whoso readeth, let him understand"

(Mt 24:15)

--a call to attend to the divine signal for flight which could be intended only for those who lived before the event. But how long before that event this Gospel was written is not so clear. Some internal evidences seem to imply a very early date. Since the Jewish Christians were, for five or six years, exposed to persecution from their own countrymen--until the Jews, being persecuted by the Romans, had to look to themselves--it is not likely (it is argued) that they should be left so long without some written Gospel to reassure and sustain them, and Matthew's Gospel was eminently fitted for that purpose. But the digests to which Luke refers in his Introduction (see on

Lu 1:1)

would be sufficient for a time, especially as the living voice of the "eye-witnesses and ministers of the Word" was yet sounding abroad. Other considerations in favor of a very early date--such as the tender way in which the author seems studiously to speak of Herod Antipas, as if still reigning, and his writing of Pilate apparently as if still in power--seem to have no foundation in fact, and cannot therefore be made the ground of reasoning as to the date of this Gospel. Its Hebraic structure and hue, though they prove, as we think, that this Gospel must have been published at a period considerably anterior to the destruction of Jerusalem, are no evidence in favor of so early a date as A.D. 37 or 38--according to some of the Fathers, and, of the moderns, TILLEMONT, TOWNSON, OWEN, BIRKS, TREGELLES. On the other hand, the date suggested by the statement of IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 3.1], that Matthew put forth his Gospel while Peter and Paul were at Rome preaching and founding the Church--or after A.D. 60--though probably the majority of critics are in favor of it, would seem rather too late, especially as the second and third Gospels, which were doubtless published, as well as this one, before the destruction of Jerusalem, had still to be issued. Certainly, such statements as the following, "Wherefore that field is called the field of blood unto this day"

(Mt 27:8);

"And this saying is commonly reported among the Jews until this day"

(Mt 28:15),

bespeak a date considerably later than the events recorded. We incline, therefore, to a date intermediate between the earlier and the later dates assigned to this Gospel, without pretending to greater precision.

We have adverted to the strikingly Jewish character and coloring of this Gospel. The facts which it selects, the points to which it gives prominence, the cast of thought and phraseology, all bespeak the Jewish point of view from which it was written and to which it was directed. This has been noticed from the beginning, and is universally acknowledged. It is of the greatest consequence to the right interpretation of it; but the tendency among some even of the best of the Germans to infer, from this special design of the first Gospel, a certain laxity on the part of the Evangelist in the treatment of his facts, must be guarded against.

But by far the most interesting and important point connected with this Gospel is the language in which it was written. It is believed by a formidable number of critics that this Gospel was originally written in what is loosely called Hebrew, but more correctly Aramaic, or Syro-Chaldaic, the native tongue of the country at the time of our Lord; and that the Greek Matthew which we now possess is a translation of that work, either by the Evangelist himself or some unknown hand. The evidence on which this opinion is grounded is wholly external, but it has been deemed conclusive by GROTIUS, MICHAELIS (and his translator), MARSH, TOWNSON, CAMPBELL, OLSHAUSEN, CRESWELL, MEYER, EBRARD, LANGE, DAVIDSON, CURETON, TREGELLES, WEBSTER and WILKINSON, &c. The evidence referred to cannot be given here, but will be found, with remarks on its unsatisfactory character, in the Introduction to the Gospels prefixed to our larger Commentary, pp. 28-31.

But how stand the facts as to our Greek Gospel? We have not a tittle of historical evidence that it is a translation, either by Matthew himself or anyone else. All antiquity refers to it as the work of Matthew the publican and apostle, just as the other Gospels are ascribed to their respective authors. This Greek Gospel was from the first received by the Church as an integral part of the one quadriform Gospel. And while the Fathers often advert to the two Gospels which we have from apostles, and the two which we have from men not apostles--in order to show that as that of Mark leans so entirely on Peter, and that of Luke on Paul, these are really no less apostolical than the other two--though we attach less weight to this circumstance than they did, we cannot but think it striking that, in thus speaking, they never drop a hint that the full apostolic authority of the Greek Matthew had ever been questioned on the ground of its not being the original. Further, not a trace can be discovered in this Gospel itself of its being a translation. MICHAELIS tried to detect, and fancied that he had succeeded in detecting, one or two such. Other Germans since, and DAVIDSON and CURETON among ourselves, have made the same attempt. But the entire failure of all such attempts is now generally admitted, and candid advocates of a Hebrew original are quite ready to own that none such are to be found, and that but for external testimony no one would have imagined that the Greek was not the original. This they regard as showing how perfectly the translation has been executed; but those who know best what translating from one language into another is will be the readiest to own that this is tantamount to giving up the question. This Gospel proclaims its own originality in a number of striking points; such as its manner of quoting from the Old Testament, and its phraseology in some peculiar cases. But the close verbal coincidences of our Greek Matthew with the next two Gospels must not be quite passed over. There are but two possible ways of explaining this. Either the translator, sacrificing verbal fidelity in his version, intentionally conformed certain parts of his author's work to the second and third Gospels--in which case it can hardly be called Matthew's Gospel at all--or our Greek Matthew is itself the original.

Moved by these considerations, some advocates of a Hebrew original have adopted the theory of a double original; the external testimony, they think, requiring us to believe in a Hebrew original, while internal evidence is decisive in favor of the originality of the Greek. This theory is espoused by GUERICKS, OLSHAUSEN, THIERSCH, TOWNSON, TREGELLES, &c. But, besides that this looks too like an artificial theory, invented to solve a difficulty, it is utterly void of historical support. There is not a vestige of testimony to support it in Christian antiquity. This ought to be decisive against it.

It remains, then, that our Greek Matthew is the original of that Gospel, and that no other original ever existed. It is greatly to the credit of Dean ALFORD, that after maintaining, in the first edition of his Greek Testament the theory of a Hebrew original, he thus expresses himself in the second and subsequent editions: "On the whole, then, I find myself constrained to abandon the view maintained in my first edition, and to adopt that of a Greek original."

One argument has been adduced on the other side, on which not a little reliance has been placed; but the determination of the main question does not, in our opinion, depend upon the point which it raises. It has been very confidently affirmed that the Greek language was not sufficiently understood by the Jews of Palestine when Matthew published his Gospel to make it at all probable that he would write a Gospel, for their benefit in the first instance, in that language. Now, as this merely alleges the improbability of a Greek original, it is enough to place against it the evidence already adduced, which is positive, in favor of the sole originality of our Greek Matthew. It is indeed a question how far the Greek language was understood in Palestine at the time referred to. But we advise the reader not to be drawn into that question as essential to the settlement of the other one. It is an element in it, no doubt, but not an essential element. There are extremes on both sides of it. The old idea, that our Lord hardly ever spoke anything but Syro-Chaldaic, is now pretty nearly exploded. Many, however, will not go the length, on the other side, of HUG (in his Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 326, &c.) and ROBERTS ("Discussions of the Gospels," &c., pp. 25, &c.). For ourselves, though we believe that our Lord, in all the more public scenes of His ministry, spoke in Greek, all we think it necessary here to say is that there is no ground to believe that Greek was so little understood in Palestine as to make it improbable that Matthew would write his Gospel exclusively in that language--so improbable as to outweigh the evidence that he did so. And when we think of the number of digests or short narratives of the principal facts of our Lord's history which we know from Luke

(Lu 1:1-4)

were floating about for some time before he wrote his Gospel, of which he speaks by no means disrespectfully, and nearly all of which would be in the mother tongue, we can have no doubt that the Jewish Christians and the Jews of Palestine generally would have from the first reliable written matter sufficient to supply every necessary requirement until the publican-apostle should leisurely draw up the first of the four Gospels in a language to them not a strange tongue, while to the rest of the world it was the language in which the entire quadriform Gospel was to be for all time enshrined. The following among others hold to this view of the sole originality of the Greek Matthew: ERASMUS, CALVIN, BEZA, LIGHTFOOT, WETSTEIN, LARDNER, HUG, FRITZSCHE, CREDNER, DE WETTE, STUART, DA COSTA, FAIRBAIRN, ROBERTS.

On two other questions regarding this Gospel it would have been desirable to say something, had not our available space been already exhausted: The characteristics, both in language and matter, by which it is distinguished from the other three, and its relation to the second and third Gospels. On the latter of these topics--whether one or more of the Evangelists made use of the materials of the other Gospels, and, if so, which of the Evangelists drew from which--the opinions are just as numerous as the possibilities of the case, every conceivable way of it having one or more who plead for it. The most popular opinion until recently--and perhaps the most popular still--is that the second Evangelist availed himself more or less of the materials of the first Gospel, and the third of the materials of both the first and second Gospels. Here we can but state our own belief, that each of the first three Evangelists wrote independently of both the others; while the fourth, familiar with the first three, wrote to supplement them, and, even where he travels along the same line, wrote quite independently of them. This judgment we express, with all deference for those who think otherwise, as the result of a close study of each of the Gospels in immediate juxtaposition and comparison with the others. On the former of the two topics noticed, the linguistic peculiarities of each of the Gospels have been handled most closely and ably by CREDNER [Einleitung (Introduction to the New Testament)], of whose results a good summary will be found in DAVIDSON'S Introduction to the New Testament. The other peculiarities of the Gospels have been most felicitously and beautifully brought out by DA COSTA in his Four Witnesses, to which we must simply refer the reader, though it contains a few things in which we cannot concur.

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Mt 1:1-17.

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Mt 1:1-17.

基督的 家譜。 ( =

Lu 3:23-38).

1. 亞伯拉罕的後裔——這是純猶太的說法;意為"家譜表"。

Ge 5:1

也有同一說法,意義相同。所以這裡我們有的是標題,不是整卷馬太福音的標題,而只是頭十七節的標題。

耶穌基督的家譜——關於這些榮耀之詞的意義,見

Mt 1:16;

Mt 1:21。

"耶穌"是我主受割禮時所賜的名

(Lu 2:21),

也是他在地上時為人所熟知的名字。"基督"一詞——雖然那位向他報信給牧羊人的天使把它當作專名用在他身上

(Lu 2:11),

並且我主自己也曾一兩次這樣使用

(Mt 23:8, 10; Mr 9:41)——

直到他地上事工接近末了之時,別人才開始這樣用

(Mt 26:68; 27:17)。

全稱"耶穌基督",雖然他在大祭司的禱告中用過一次

(Joh 17:3),

卻是直到他升天之後、奉他名建立教會之後,別人才這樣用。所以它在本福音書開場的話語中(以及在

Mt 1:17, 18)

的使用,是我們這位福音書作者寫作之晚期風格,而非他所要記之事的風格。

大衛的子孫,亞伯拉罕的子孫——亞伯拉罕是頭一位從其家族預言彌賽亞要出的

(Ge 22:18),

大衛是末一位。所以對猶太讀者而言,這兩個必須是任何真正應許彌賽亞家譜的兩大起點;因此這開場的一節,既然將第一卷福音書蓋印為特別猶太的一卷,也就會立即取得作者本國之人的好感。從這兩位父親中較近的一位,來了那應許彌賽亞熟悉的稱呼"大衛的子孫"

(Lu 20:41),

它被用於耶穌,或是出於對他那正當權利的虔誠承認

(Mt 9:27; 20:31),

或是在試探性的查問中,查問是否如此(見

Joh 4:29;

Mt 12:23)。

Original en inglés

Mt 1:1-17.

GENEALOGY OF CHRIST. ( =

Lu 3:23-38).

1. The book of the generation--an expression purely Jewish; meaning, "table of the genealogy." In

Ge 5:1

the same expression occurs in this sense. We have here, then, the title, not of this whole Gospel of Matthew, but only of the first seventeen verses.

of Jesus Christ--For the meaning of these glorious words, see on

Mt 1:16;

Mt 1:21.

"Jesus," the name given to our Lord at His circumcision

(Lu 2:21),

was that by which He was familiarly known while on earth. The word "Christ"--though applied to Him as a proper name by the angel who announced His birth to the shepherds

(Lu 2:11),

and once or twice used in this sense by our Lord Himself

(Mt 23:8, 10; Mr 9:41)

--only began to be so used by others about the very close of His earthly career

(Mt 26:68; 27:17).

The full form, "Jesus Christ," though once used by Himself in His Intercessory Prayer

(Joh 17:3),

was never used by others till after His ascension and the formation of churches in His name. Its use, then, in the opening words of this Gospel (and in

Mt 1:17, 18)

is in the style of the late period when our Evangelist wrote, rather than of the events he was going to record.

the son of David, the son of Abraham--As Abraham was the first from whose family it was predicted that Messiah should spring

(Ge 22:18),

so David was the last. To a Jewish reader, accordingly, these behooved to be the two great starting-points of any true genealogy of the promised Messiah; and thus this opening verse, as it stamps the first Gospel as one peculiarly Jewish, would at once tend to conciliate the writer's people. From the nearest of those two fathers came that familiar name of the promised Messiah, "the son of David"

(Lu 20:41),

which was applied to Jesus, either in devout acknowledgment of His rightful claim to it

(Mt 9:27; 20:31),

or in the way of insinuating inquiry whether such were the case (see on

Joh 4:29;

Mt 12:23).

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2. 亞伯拉罕生以撒,以撒生雅各,雅各生猶大和他的弟兄——此處只提雅各的第四個兒子,因為彌賽亞要從他的後裔而出

(Ge 49:10)。

Original en inglés

2. Abraham begat Isaac; and Isaac begat Jacob; and Jacob begat Judas and his brethren--Only the fourth son of Jacob is here named, as it was from his loins that Messiah was to spring

(Ge 49:10).

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3-6. 猶大從他瑪氏生法勒斯和謝拉,法勒斯生希斯崙,希斯崙生亞蘭,4. 亞蘭生亞米拿達,亞米拿達生拿順,拿順生撒門,5. 撒門從喇合氏生波阿斯,波阿斯從路得氏生俄備得,俄備得生耶西,6. 耶西生大衛王。大衛從烏利亞的妻子生所羅門——此處引入了四個女人;其中兩個生為外邦——喇合和路得;三個在舊約中有污點——他瑪、喇合和拔示巴。這個家譜中的這一特點——因此與路加所給的不同——出自那位在十二門徒清單中自稱(別的清單所沒有的)"稅吏馬太"的那位之手;彷彿要在一開始就擺出那不能測度之豐富的恩典,這恩典不僅能招來"遠方的人",更能自"稅吏和娼妓"中教导他們,並將他們提升到"與他百姓的首領同坐"。大衛在此兩次被強調地稱為"大衛王",不僅因為他是彌賽亞所要降生的王室之首,也因為他是那一系中唯一一位——彌賽亞所要坐的寶座以他得名——"大衛的寶座"。天使加百列向他的童貞母親報信時,稱之為"他祖大衛的寶座",將那一系中間的諸王略過,視為無關緊要,只作為連接以色列頭一位與末一位王如父子關係的環節。當注意喇合在此被表為大衛的曾祖母(見

Ru 4:20-22; 1Ch 2:11-15)——

這誠非不可能,但極其不可能,因為二者之間相隔約四個世紀。幾乎無疑有一兩個中間的環節被略去。

Original en inglés

3-6. And Judas begat Phares and Zara of Thamar; and Phares begat Esrom; and Esrom begat Aram; 4. And Aram begat Aminadab; and Aminadab begat Naasson; and Naasson begat Salmon; 5. And Salmon begat Booz of Rachab; and Booz begat Obed of Ruth; and Obed begat Jesse; 6. And Jesse begat David the king; and David the king begat Solomon of her of Urias--Four women are here introduced; two of them Gentiles by birth--Rachab and Ruth; and three of them with a blot at their names in the Old Testament--Thamar, Rachab, and Bath-sheba. This feature in the present genealogy--herein differing from that given by Luke--comes well from him who styles himself in his list of the Twelve, what none of the other lists do, "Matthew the publican"; as if thereby to hold forth, at the very outset, the unsearchable riches of that grace which could not only fetch in "them that are afar off," but teach down even to "publicans and harlots," and raise them to "sit with the princes of his people." David is here twice emphatically styled "David the king," as not only the first of that royal line from which Messiah was to descend, but the one king of all that line from which the throne that Messiah was to occupy took its name--"the throne of David." The angel Gabriel, in announcing Him to His virgin-mother, calls it "the throne of David His father," sinking all the intermediate kings of that line, as having no importance save as links to connect the first and the last king of Israel as father and son. It will be observed that Rachab is here represented as the great-grandmother of David (see

Ru 4:20-22; 1Ch 2:11-15)

--a thing not beyond possibility indeed, but extremely improbable, there being about four centuries between them. There can hardly be a doubt that one or two intermediate links are omitted.

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7-8. 所羅門生羅波安;羅波安生亞比雅;亞比雅生亞撒;8. 亞撒生約沙法;約沙法生約蘭;約蘭生烏西亞——或作烏西亞。這裡省略了三個王——亞哈謝、約阿施和亞瑪謝(見

1Ch 3:11, 12)。

為要將全部壓縮為三個十四代(見

Mt 1:17),

某些省略是必要的。至於為何省略這些名字而非其他,必須從宗教考量中尋找原因——或因這些王與亞哈家的關聯(如萊特福特、埃布拉德和阿爾福德所主張);或因他們作為神治鏈條中真正環節的資格微薄(如朗格所主張);或其他類似的不合格原因。

Original en inglés

7-8. And Solomon begat Roboam; and Roboam begat Abia; and Abia begat Asa; 8. And Asa begat Josaphat; and Josaphat begat Joram; and Joram begat Ozias--or Uzziah. Three kings are here omitted--Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah

(1Ch 3:11, 12).

Some omissions behooved to be made, to compress the whole into three fourteens

(Mt 1:17).

The reason why these, rather than other names, are omitted, must be sought in religious considerations--either in the connection of those kings with the house of Ahab (as LIGHTFOOT, EBRARD, and ALFORD view it); in their slender right to be regarded as true links in the theocratic chain (as LANGE takes it); or in some similar disqualification.

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11. 百姓被遷到巴比倫的時候,約西亞生耶哥尼雅和他的弟兄——耶哥尼雅是約西亞的孫子,是約西亞次子約雅敬的兒子(見

1Ch 3:15);

但約雅敬在這樣的家譜中可以被省略,因為他不過是埃及王手中的一個傀儡(見

2Ch 36:4)。

耶哥尼雅的「弟兄」在這裡顯然指他的叔伯——其中最主要的是瑪探雅即西底家,他登了王位(見

2Ki 24:17),

在

2Ch 36:10

以及這裡都被稱為「他的兄弟」。

about the time they were carried away to Babylon——原文是「他們的遷徙」,因為猶太人避免使用「被擄」這個過於痛苦的回憶詞,而我們的福音書作者謹慎地尊重民族感情。

Original en inglés

11. And Josias begat Jechonias and his brethren--Jeconiah was Josiah's grandson, being the son of Jehoiakim, Josiah's second son

(1Ch 3:15);

but Jehoiakim might well be sunk in such a catalogue, being a mere puppet in the hands of the king of Egypt

(2Ch 36:4).

The "brethren" of Jechonias here evidently mean his uncles--the chief of whom, Mattaniah or Zedekiah, who came to the throne

(2Ki 24:17),

is, in

2Ch 36:10,

as well as here, called "his brother."

about the time they were carried away to Babylon--literally, "of their migration," for the Jews avoided the word "captivity" as too bitter a recollection, and our Evangelist studiously respects the national feeling.

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12. 遷到巴比倫之後——即巴比倫遷徙之後。

耶哥尼雅生撒拉鐵——如

1Ch 3:17

所載。

這也不與

Jer 22:30

矛盾:「耶和華如此說:要寫明這人(哥尼雅,即耶哥尼雅)算為無子」;因為接下來的話解釋了這是在何種意義上說的——「因為他後裔中再無一人得亨通,能坐在大衛的寶座上。」他將會有後裔,但不會有坐王位的兒子。

撒拉鐵——或作沙得鐵。

生所羅巴伯——如

Ezr 3:2; Ne 12:1; Hag 1:1

所載。

但從

1Ch 3:19

看來,所羅巴伯似乎是撒拉鐵的孫子,是毘大雅的兒子,毘大雅的名字因某種不詳的原因被省略了。

Original en inglés

12. And after they were brought to Babylon--after the migration of Babylon.

Jechonias begat Salathiel--So

1Ch 3:17.

Nor does this contradict

Jer 22:30,

"Thus saith the Lord, Write ye this man (Coniah, or Jeconiah) childless"; for what follows explains in what sense this was meant--"for no man of his seed shall prosper, sitting upon the throne of David." He was to have seed, but no reigning child.

and Salathiel--or Shealtiel.

begat Zorobabel--So

Ezr 3:2; Ne 12:1; Hag 1:1.

But it would appear from

1Ch 3:19

that Zerubbabel was Salathiel's grandson, being the son of Pedaiah, whose name, for some reason unknown, is omitted.

13

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13-15. 所羅巴伯生亞比玉等——這些名字在舊約中都找不到;但無疑是取自猶太人精心保存的公共或家族譜系,其準確性從未受到質疑。

Original en inglés

13-15. And Zorobabel begat Abiud, &c.--None of these names are found in the Old Testament; but they were doubtless taken from the public or family registers, which the Jews carefully kept, and their accuracy was never challenged.

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16. 雅各生約瑟,就是馬利亞的丈夫;那稱為基督的耶穌,是從馬利亞生的——由此可知,此處所給的家譜不是馬利亞的家譜,而是約瑟的家譜;這一點也從未受到質疑。

然而此處卻刻意宣告:約瑟並非我們主親生的父親,只是法律上的父親。祂由童女而生一事,只有少數人知道;但祂法律上的父親公認是大衛的後裔,便確保了耶穌自己為大衛後裔這一事實永不被質疑。見 Mt 1:20 註釋。

那稱為基督的——意即「受膏者」。舊約以此詞用於君王(1Sa 24:6, 10);用於祭司(Le 4:5, 16 等);並用於先知(1Ki 19:16)——他們都受膏抹油,油是履行各自職任所需屬靈恩賜的象徵;而此詞以其最崇高、最全面的意義,應用於應許的救主,因為祂要藉著聖靈無限的膏抹,被分別為聖擔任涵蓋這三者合一的職任(Isa 61:1;比較 Joh 3:34)。

Original en inglés

16. And Jacob begat Joseph, the husband of Mary, of whom was born Jesus--From this it is clear that the genealogy here given is not that of Mary, but of Joseph; nor has this ever been questioned. And yet it is here studiously proclaimed that Joseph was not the natural, but only the legal father of our Lord. His birth of a virgin was known only to a few; but the acknowledged descent of his legal father from David secured that the descent of Jesus Himself from David should never be questioned. See on

Mt 1:20.

who is called Christ--signifying "anointed." It is applied in the Old Testament to the kings

(1Sa 24:6, 10);

to the priests

(Le 4:5, 16,

&c.); and to the prophets

(1Ki 19:16)

--these all being anointed with oil, the symbol of the needful spiritual gifts to consecrate them to their respective offices; and it was applied, in its most sublime and comprehensive sense, to the promised Deliverer, inasmuch as He was to be consecrated to an office embracing all three by the immeasurable anointing of the Holy Ghost

(Isa 61:1;

compare

Joh 3:34).

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17. 這樣,從亞伯拉罕到大衛共有十四代;從大衛到遷至——或作遷徙。

巴比倫的時候也有十四代;從遷至巴比倫——即巴比倫的遷徙。

的時候到基督又有十四代——意即全段可以方便地分為三個十四代,每段各涵蓋一個顯著的時代,每段都以以色列史上一件重要事件為結束。

這種幫助記憶的技巧為猶太人所熟悉;舊約某些家譜中,所遺漏的世代遠比這裏的空隙更大。在 Ezr 7:1-5 中,至少有六代祭司的世代被省略,只要與 1Ch 6:3-15 比較便可看出。

當注意,最後一段十四代似乎只包含十三個不同的名字,以耶穌為最末一位。LANGE 認為這是有意隱含的暗示,意指馬利亞應被補上,作為末段鏈條的第十三環;因為不可能設想福音書作者在這事上會有任何失誤。但有一個更簡單的解釋。正如福音書作者自己(Mt 1:17)將大衛計算兩次——既作頭一個十四代的最末一位,又作第二個十四代的第一位——照樣,我們若算第二個十四代以約西亞為末(他與「遷至巴比倫」(Mt 1:11)同期),第三個以耶哥尼雅為始,便會發現末段如同其他兩段一樣,包含十四個名字,連我們主的名字在內。

Original en inglés

17. So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen generations; and from David until the carrying away--or migration.

into Babylon are fourteen generations; and from the carrying away into Babylon--the migration of Babylon.

unto Christ are fourteen generations--that is, the whole may be conveniently divided into three fourteens, each embracing one marked era, and each ending with a notable event, in the Israelitish annals. Such artificial aids to memory were familiar to the Jews, and much larger gaps than those here are found in some of the Old Testament genealogies. In

Ezr 7:1-5

no fewer than six generations of the priesthood are omitted, as will appear by comparing it with

1Ch 6:3-15.

It will be observed that the last of the three divisions of fourteen appears to contain only thirteen distinct names, including Jesus as the last. LANGE thinks that this was meant as a tacit hint that Mary was to be supplied, as the thirteenth link of the last chain, as it is impossible to conceive that the Evangelist could have made any mistake in the matter. But there is a simpler way of accounting for it. As the Evangelist himself

(Mt 1:17)

reckons David twice--as the last of the first fourteen and the first of the second--so, if we reckon the second fourteen to end with Josiah, who was coeval with the "carrying away into captivity"

(Mt 1:11),

and third to begin with Jeconiah, it will be found that the last division, as well as the other two, embraces fourteen names, including that of our Lord.

18

Mt 1:18-25.

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Mt 1:18-25。

基督降生

18. 耶穌基督降生的事,記在下面——或作「是這樣」。

祂母親馬利亞已經許配了——更恰當作「已經許配」。

給約瑟,還沒有迎娶,馬利亞就——被發現。

從聖靈懷了孕——當然被發現的只是事實本身;此處對事實的解釋是福音書作者自己的。聖靈乃是有意識的活位格,在此處已被清楚暗示,別處亦有明確教導(Ac 5:3-4 等):而在神格的合一中,祂既與父有別、也與子有別,這同樣被清楚教導(Mt 28:19;2Co 13:14)。

關於我們主奇妙成孕,見 Lu 1:35 註釋。

Original en inglés

Mt 1:18-25.

BIRTH OF CHRIST.

18. Now the birth of Jesus Christ was on this wise--or, "thus."

When as his mother Mary was espoused--rather, "betrothed."

to Joseph, before they came together, she was found--discovered to be.

with child of the Holy Ghost--It was, of course, the fact only that was discovered; the explanation of the fact here given is the Evangelist's own. That the Holy Ghost is a living conscious Person is plainly implied here, and is elsewhere clearly taught

(Ac 5:3, 4,

&c.): and that, in the unity of the Godhead, He is distinct both from the Father and the Son, is taught with equal distinctness

(Mt 28:19; 2Co 13:14).

On the miraculous conception of our Lord, see on

Lu 1:35.

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19. 她丈夫約瑟——比較 Mt 1:20「你的妻子馬利亞」。在猶太律法中,訂配便是有效的婚姻。因此約瑟若要放棄馬利亞,必須循法律途徑辦理分離手續。

是個義人,不願意明明的羞辱她——即不願將她公開揭發(見 De 22:23-24)。

想要暗暗的把她休了——即只在一兩個見證人面前,給她所需的休書(De 24:1),不說明理由,而非把她帶到官長面前,私下將她休了。

她從探望以利沙伯三個月回來之後,他與他未婚妻之間或多或少直接或間接地就此有過一些交通,這幾乎不容置疑。

約瑟有意休她,也不一定意味著他不相信所得的解釋。即使假設他對那解釋已作了某種敬虔的認同——而福音書作者似乎也暗示了這一點,因為他將掩護她的建議歸因於他品格中的公義——他也可能認為在這樣的情形下繼續進行婚事是完全不適當、不相配的。

Original en inglés

19. Then Joseph her husband--Compare

Mt 1:20,

"Mary, thy wife." Betrothal was, in Jewish law, valid marriage. In giving Mary up, therefore, Joseph had to take legal steps to effect the separation.

being a just man, and not willing to make her a public example--to expose her (see

De 22:23, 24)

was minded to put her away privily--that is, privately by giving her the required writing of divorcement

(De 24:1),

in presence of only two or three witnesses, and without cause assigned, instead of having her before a magistrate. That some communication had passed between him and his betrothed, directly or indirectly, on the subject, after she returned from her three months' visit to Elizabeth, can hardly be doubted. Nor does the purpose to divorce her necessarily imply disbelief, on Joseph's part, of the explanation given him. Even supposing him to have yielded to it some reverential assent--and the Evangelist seems to convey as much, by ascribing the proposal to screen her to the justice of his character--he might think it altogether unsuitable and incongruous in such circumstances to follow out the marriage.

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20. 正思念這事的時候——在接獲這樣的消息之後、又在未得從上頭來的光照之前,誰能不為他設身處地?當他在夜的靜謐中獨自反覆思量這事,他的家庭前景變得黯淡,一生的幸福化為烏有,他的心慢慢地定意要走那痛苦的一步,卻又在盤算如何以最不傷人的方式去行——就在最後的絕境,主自己親自介入了。

有主的使者向他夢中顯現,說:大衛的子孫約瑟——這種稱呼方式無疑是經過深思熟慮的選擇,為要提醒他記念大衛家所有家族早早便切慕的事,從而為隨後那奇妙的宣告作好準備。

不要怕,只管娶過你的妻子馬利亞來;因她所懷的孕,是從聖靈來的——雖然如今有烏雲籠罩這層關係,它卻依然毫無玷污。

Original en inglés

20. But while he thought on these things--Who would not feel for him after receiving such intelligence, and before receiving any light from above? As he brooded over the matter alone, in the stillness of the night, his domestic prospects darkened and his happiness blasted for life, his mind slowly making itself up to the painful step, yet planning how to do it in the way least offensive--at the last extremity the Lord Himself interposes.

behold, the angel of the Lord appeared to him in a dream, saying, Joseph thou son of David--This style of address was doubtless advisedly chosen to remind him of what all the families of David's line so early coveted, and thus it would prepare him for the marvellous announcement which was to follow.

fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife, for that which is conceived in her is of the Holy Ghost--Though a dark cloud now overhangs this relationship, it is unsullied still.

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21. 她將要生一個兒子——注意,這裏沒有說「她必給你生一個兒子」,如同對撒迦利亞論其妻以利沙伯所說的(Lu 1:13)。

你要——作為祂法律上的父親。

給祂起名叫耶穌——源於希伯來文,意為「耶和華是拯救」;希臘文作耶穌——對已甦醒、憂慮的罪人而言,這是一切名中最甘甜、最芬芳的,何等悠揚而簡短地表達了祂整個拯救的職任和工作!

因祂要——此處的「祂」是強調的——正是祂要拯救;祂親自、並藉親自的作為拯救(正如 WEBSTER 和 WILKINSON 所表達的)。

將自己的百姓——首先是以色列家迷失的羊;因為那是祂當時惟一所有的百姓。但當那隔斷的牆拆毀之後,蒙拯救的百姓便包括「用自己的血從各族、各民、各方、各國中買了來,歸於神」的。

從罪惡裏救出來——取拯救脫離罪的最廣泛意義(Re 1:5;Eph 5:25-27)。

Original en inglés

21. And she shall bring forth a son--Observe, it is not said, "she shall bear thee a son," as was said to Zacharias of his wife Elizabeth

(Lu 1:13).

and thou--as his legal father.

shalt call his name JESUS--from the Hebrew meaning "Jehovah the Saviour"; in Greek JESUS--to the awakened and anxious sinner sweetest and most fragrant of all names, expressing so melodiously and briefly His whole saving office and work!

for he shall save--The "He" is here emphatic--He it is that shall save; He personally, and by personal acts (as WEBSTER and WILKINSON express it).

his people--the lost sheep of the house of Israel, in the first instance; for they were the only people He then had. But, on the breaking down of the middle wall of partition, the saved people embraced the "redeemed unto God by His blood out of every kindred and people and tongue and nation."

from their sins--in the most comprehensive sense of salvation from sin

(Re 1:5; Eph 5:25-27).

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22. 這一切的事成就是要應驗主藉先知所說的話——(Isa 7:14)。

說——如下。

Original en inglés

22. Now all this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet--

(Isa 7:14).

saying--as follows.

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23. 必有童女——應作「那童女」,意指注定要得這無與倫比之尊榮的那位特定童女。

懷孕生子,人要稱祂的名為以馬內利。(以馬內利翻出來,就是神與我們同在)——這並非說祂要以這為正式名字(如「耶穌」),而是說祂將以這身分為人所知——作為在肉身中顯現的神,並作為從今以後直到永遠、神與人之間聖潔而最親密之交誼的活潑紐帶。

Original en inglés

23. Behold, a virgin--It should be "the virgin" meaning that particular virgin destined to this unparalleled distinction.

shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which, being interpreted, is, God with us--Not that He was to have this for a proper name (like "Jesus"), but that He should come to be known in this character, as God manifested in the flesh, and the living bond of holy and most intimate fellowship between God and men from henceforth and for ever.

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24. 約瑟醒了——他一切的難處如今都解決了。

起來,遵著主使者的吩咐,把妻子娶過來——他如今要存何等深而敬虔的喜樂來作這事;這又要給他那未婚妻何等的安慰——她直到如今一直在眾人中最難堪的猜疑之下——而這猜疑又源於一件事,這事對她而言是無與倫比的尊榮,但對周圍所有的人而言卻完全無從知曉!

Original en inglés

24. Then Joseph, being raised from sleep--and all his difficulties now removed.

did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him, and took unto him his wife--With what deep and reverential joy would this now be done on his part; and what balm would this minister to his betrothed one, who had till now lain under suspicions of all others the most trying to a chaste and holy woman--suspicions, too, arising from what, though to her an honor unparalleled, was to all around her wholly unknown!

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25. 等她生了兒子,就沒有和她同房;就給祂起名叫耶穌——「等」字並不一定暗示此後他們便在不同的基礎上生活(從 1Sa 15:35;2Sa 6:23;Mt 12:20 中同一詞的用法便可看出);「頭胎」一詞也不能決定那備受爭論的問題——馬利亞在基督降生之後是否曾為約瑟生下任何兒女;因為如 LIGHTFOOT 所說:「律法論到頭胎時,並不考究以後是否還有後來出生的,只在乎之前沒有先出生的。」(見 Mt 13:55-56 註釋)。

Original en inglés

25. And knew her not till she had brought forth her first-born son: and he called his name JESUS--The word "till" does not necessarily imply that they lived on a different footing afterwards (as will be evident from the use of the same word in

1Sa 15:35; 2Sa 6:23; Mt 12:20);

nor does the word "first-born" decide the much-disputed question, whether Mary had any children to Joseph after the birth of Christ; for, as LIGHTFOOT says, "The law, in speaking of the first-born, regarded not whether any were born after or no, but only that none were born before." (See on

Mt 13:55, 56).