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He begins with the inscription and benediction, Php 1:1,2. He gives thanks for the saints at Philippi, Php 1:3-6. He speaks of his great affection and concern for their spiritual welfare (Php 1:7,8), his prayers for them (Php 1:9-11), his care to prevent their offence at his sufferings (Php 1:12-20), his readiness to glorify Christ by life or death (Php 1:21-26), and then concludes with a double exhortation to strictness and constancy, Php 1:27-30.

INTRODUCTION

The INTERNAL EVIDENCE for the authenticity of this Epistle is strong. The style, manner of thought, and doctrine, accord with Paul's. The incidental allusions also establish his authorship. PALEY [Horæ Paulinæ, ch. 7] instances the mention of the object of Epaphroditus' journey to Rome, the Philippian contribution to Paul's wants, Epaphroditus' sickness

(Php 1:7; 2:25-30; 4:10-18),

the fact that Timothy had been long with Paul at Philippi

(Php 1:1; 2:19),

the reference to his being a prisoner at Rome now for a long time

(Php 1:12-14; 2:17-28),

his willingness to die (compare

Php 1:23, with 2Co 5:8),

the reference to the Philippians having seen his maltreatment at Philippi

(Php 1:29, 30; 2:1, 2).

The EXTERNAL EVIDENCE is equally decisive: POLYCARP [Epistle to the Philippians, 3; 11]; IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 4.18.4]; CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA [The Instructor, 1.1, p. 107]; EUSEBIUS [The Epistle of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, in Ecclesiastical History, 5. 2]; TERTULLIAN [On the Resurrection of the Flesh, 23]; ORIGEN [Against Celsus, 1.3, p. 122]; CYPRIAN [Testimonies against the Jews, 3.39].

Philippi was the first (that is, the farthest from Rome, and first which met Paul in entering Macedonia) Macedonian city of the district, called Macedonia Prima (so called as lying farthest eastward). The Greek

(Ac 16:12)

should not be translated "the chief city," as English Version, but as above [ALFORD]. Not it, but Thessalonica, was the chief city of the province, and Amphipolis, of the district called Macedonia Prima. It was a Roman "colony"

(Ac 16:12),

made so by Augustus, to commemorate his famous victory over Brutus and Cassius. A colony was in fact a portion of Rome itself transplanted to the provinces, an offshoot from Rome, and as it were a portrait of the mother city on a small scale [AULUS GELLIUS, Attic Nights, 16.13]. Its inhabitants were Roman citizens, having the right of voting in the Roman tribes, governed by their own senate and magistrates, and not by the governor of the province, with the Roman law and Latin language.

Paul, with Silas and Timothy, planted the Gospel there

(Ac 16:12,

&c.), in his second missionary journey, A.D. 51. Doubtless he visited it again on his journey from Ephesus into Macedonia

(Ac 20:1);

and

Ac 20:3, 6,

expressly mentions his third visit on his return from Greece (Corinth) to Syria by way of Macedonia. His sufferings at Philippi

(Ac 16:19,

&c.) strengthened the Christian bond of union between him and his Philippian converts, who also, like him, were exposed to trials for the Gospel's sake

(1Th 2:2).

They alone sent supplies for his temporal wants, twice shortly after he had left them

(Php 4:15, 16),

and again a third time shortly before writing this Epistle

(Php 4:10, 18; 2Co 11:9).

This fervent attachment on their part was, perhaps, also in part due to the fact that few Jews were in Philippi, as in other scenes of his labors, to sow the seeds of distrust and suspicion. There was no synagogue, but merely a Jewish Proseucha, or oratory, by the riverside. So that there only do we read of his meeting no opposition from Jews, but only from the masters of the divining damsel, whose gains had been put an end to by her being dispossessed.

Though the Philippian Church was as yet free from Judaizing influence, yet it needed to be forewarned of that danger which might at any time assail it from without

(Php 3:2);

even as such evil influences had crept into the Galatian churches. In

Php 4:2, 3

we find a trace of the fact recorded in the history

(Ac 16:13, 14),

that female converts were among the first to receive the Gospel at Philippi.

As to the state of the Church, we gather from

2Co 8:1, 2

that its members were poor, yet most liberal; and from

Php 1:28-30,

that they were undergoing persecution. The only blemish referred to in their character was, on the part of some members, a tendency to dissension. Hence arise his admonitions against disputings

(Php 1:27; 2:1-4, 12, 14; 4:2).

The OBJECT of the Epistle is general: not only to thank the Philippians for their contribution sent by Epaphroditus, who was now in returning to take back the apostle's letter, but to express his Christian love and sympathy, and to exhort them to a life consonant with that of Christ, and to warn them against existing dissensions and future possible assaults of Judaizers from without. It is remarkable in this Epistle alone, as compared with the others, that, amidst many commendations, there are no express censures of those to whom it is addressed. No doctrinal error, or schism, has as yet sprung up; the only blemish hinted at is, that some of the Philippian Church were somewhat wanting in lowliness of mind, the result of which want was disputation. Two women, Euodias and Syntyche, are mentioned as having erred in this respect

(Php 4:2, 3).

The Epistle may be divided into three parts: (1) Affectionate address to the Philippians; reference to his own state as a prisoner at Rome, and to theirs, and to his mission of Epaphroditus to them (the first and second chapters). Epaphroditus probably held a leading office in the Philippian Church, perhaps as a presbyter. After Tychicus and Onesimus had departed (A.D. 62), carrying the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon, Paul was cheered in his imprisonment by the arrival of Epaphroditus with the Philippian contribution. That faithful "brother, companion in labor, and fellow soldier"

(Php 2:25),

had brought on himself by the fatigues of the journey a dangerous sickness

(Php 2:26, 30).

But now that he was recovered, he "longed"

(Php 2:26)

to return to his Philippian flock, and in person to relieve their anxiety on his behalf, in respect to his sickness; and the apostle gladly availed himself of the opportunity of writing to them a letter of grateful acknowledgments and Christian exhortations. (2) Caution against Judaizing teachers, supported by reference to his own former and present feeling towards Jewish legalism

(Php 3:1-21).

(3) Admonitions to individuals, and to the Church in general, thanks for their seasonable aid, and concluding benedictions and salutations

(Php 4:1-23).

This Epistle was written from Rome during the imprisonment, the beginning of which is related in

Ac 28:16, 20, 30, 31.

The reference to "Cæsar's household"

(Php 4:22),

and to the "palace"

(Php 1:13,

Greek, "Prætorium," probably, the barrack of the Prætorian bodyguard, attached to the palace of Nero) confirms this. It must have been during his first imprisonment at Rome, for the mention of the Prætorium agrees with the fact that it was during his first imprisonment he was in the custody of the Prætorian Prefect, and his situation, described in

Php 1:12-14,

agrees with his situation in the first two years of his imprisonment

(Ac 28:30, 31).

The following reasons show, moreover, that it was written towards the close of that imprisonment: (1) He, in it, expresses his expectation of the immediate decision of his cause

(Php 2:23).

(2) Enough time had elapsed for the Philippians to hear of his imprisonment, to send Epaphroditus to him, to hear of Epaphroditus' arrival and sickness, and send back word to Rome of their distress

(Php 2:26).

(3) It must have been written after the three other Epistles sent from Rome, namely, Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon; for Luke is no longer with him

(Php 2:20);

otherwise he would have been specified as saluting them, having formerly labored among them, whereas he is mentioned as with him,

Col 4:14; Phm 24.

Again, in

Eph 6:19, 20,

his freedom to preach is implied: but in

Php 1:13-18,

his bondage is dwelt on, and it is implied that, not himself, but others, preached, and made his imprisonment known. Again, in

Phm 22,

he confidently anticipates his release, which contrasts with the more depressed anticipations of this Epistle. (4) A considerable time had elapsed since the beginning of his imprisonment, for "his bonds" to have become so widely known, and to have produced such good effects for the Gospel

(Php 1:13).

(5) There is evidently an increase in the rigor of his imprisonment implied now, as compared with the early stage of it, as described in

Ac 28:1-31;

compare

Php 1:29, 30; 2:27.

History furnishes a probable clue to account for this increase of vigor. In the second year of Paul's imprisonment (A.D. 62), Burrus, the Prætorian Prefect, to whose custody he had been committed

(Ac 28:16,

"the captain of the guard"), died; and Nero the emperor having divorced Octavia, and married Poppoea, a Jewish proselytess (who then caused her rival, Octavia, to be murdered, and gloated over the head of her victim), exalted Tigellinus, the chief promoter of the marriage, a monster of wickedness, to the Prætorian Prefecture. It was then he seems to have been removed from his own house into the Prætorium, or barrack of the Prætorian guards, attached to the palace, for stricter custody; and hence he writes with less hopeful anticipations as to the result of his trial

(Php 2:17; 3:11).

Some of the Prætorian guards who had the custody of him before, would then naturally make known his "bonds," in accordance with

Php 1:13;

from the smaller Prætorian bodyguard at the palace the report would spread to the general permanent Prætorian camp, which Tiberius had established north of the city, outside of the walls. He had arrived in Rome, February, 61; the "two whole years

(Ac 20:30)

in his own hired house" ended February, 63, so that the date of this Epistle, written shortly after, evidently while the danger was imminent, would be about spring or summer, 63. The providence of God averted the danger. He probably was thought beneath the notice of Tigellinus, who was more intent on court intrigues. The death of Nero's favorite, Pallas, the brother of Felix, this same year, also took out of the way another source of danger.

The STYLE is abrupt and discontinuous, his fervor of affection leading him to pass rapidly from one theme to another

(Php 2:18, 19-24, 25-30; 3:1, 2, 3, 4-14, 15).

In no Epistle does he use so warm expressions of love. In

Php 4:1

he seems at a loss for words sufficient to express all the extent and ardor of his affection for the Philippians: "My brethren dearly beloved and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand fast in the Lord, my dearly beloved." The mention of bishops and deacons in

Php 1:1

is due to the late date of the Epistle, at a time when the Church had begun to assume that order which is laid down in the Pastoral Epistles, and which continued the prevalent one in the first and purest age of the Church.

Introduction to Philippians

Section 1. The Situation of Philippi

Philippi is mentioned in the New Testament only in the following places and connections. In Acts 16:11-12, it is said that Paul and his fellow travelers "loosed from Troas, came with a straight course to Samothracia and Neapolis, and from thence to Philippi." It was at this time that the "Lord opened the heart of Lydia to attend to the things which were spoken by Paul," and that the jailor was converted under such interesting circumstances. In Acts 20:1-6, it appears that Paul again visited Philippi after he had been to Athens and Corinth, and when on his way to Judea. From Philippi he went to Troas. In 1 Thessalonians 2:2, Paul alludes to the shameful treatment which he had received at Philippi, and to the fact, that having been treated in that manner at Philippi, he had passed to Thessalonica, and preached the gospel there.

Philippi received its name from Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. Before his time, its history is unknown. It is said that it was founded on the site of an old Thasian settlement, and that its former name was Crenides from the circumstance of its being surrounded by numerous rivulets and springs descending from the neighboring mountains (from κρήνη krēnē, a spring). The city was also called Dathos, or Datos - Δατος Datos; notes, Acts 16:12. The Thasians, who inhabited the island of Thasus, lying off the coast in the Aegean sea, had been attracted to the place by the valuable mines of gold and silver which were found in that region. It was a city of Macedonia, to the northeast of Amphipolis, and nearly east of Thessalonica. It was not far from the borders of Thrace. It was about 15 or 20 miles from the Aegean sea, in the neighborhood of Mount Pangaeus, and had a small river or stream running near it which emptied into the Aegean sea. We have no information of the size of the city when the gospel was preached there by Paul.

This city was originally within the limits of Thrace. Philip of Macedon having turned his attention to Thrace, the situation of Crenides and Mount Pangaeus naturally attracted his notice. Accordingly, he invaded this country; expelled the feeble Cotys from his throne, and then proceeded to found a new city, on the site of the old Thasian colony, which he called after his own name - Philippi (Anthon, Classical Dictionary). When Macedonia became subject to the Romans, the advantages attending the situation of Philippi induced that people to send a colony there, and it became one of the most flourishing cities of the empire; compare Acts 16:12; Pliny, iv. 10. There is a medal of this city with the following inscription - col. jul. aug. phil. From this it appears that there was a colony sent there by Julius Caesar (Michaelis). The city derived considerable importance from the fact that it was a principal thoroughfare from Asia to Europe, since the great leading road from one continent to the other was in that vicinity. This road is described at length by Appian, De Bell. Civ. L. iv. c. 105, 106.

This city is celebrated in history from the fact that it was here that a great victory - deciding the fate of the Roman empire - was obtained by Octavianus (afterward called Augustus Caesar) and Antony over the forces of Brutus and Cassius, by which the republican party was completely subdued. In this battle, Cassius, who was hard pressed and defeated by Antony, and who supposed that everything was lost, killed himself in despair. Brutus deplored his loss with tears of the sincerest sorrow, calling him, "the last of the Romans." After an interval of 20 days, Brutus hazarded a second battle. Where he himself fought in person he was successful; but the army everywhere else gave way, and the battle terminated in the entire defeat of the republican party. Brutus escaped with a few friends; passed a night in a cave, and seeing that all was irretrievably lost, ordered Strato, one of his attendants, to kill him. Strato for a long time refused; but seeing that Brutus was resolute, he turned away his face, and held his sword, and Brutus fell upon it.

The city of Philippi is often mentioned by the Byzantine writers in history. Its ruins still retain the name of Filibah. Two American missionaries visited these ruins in May, 1834. They saw the remains of what might have been the forum or marketplace, where Paul and Silas were beaten Acts 16:19 and also the fragments of a splendid palace. The road by which Paul went from Neapolis to Philippi, they think is the same that is now traveled, since it is cut through the most difficult passes in the mountains. It is still paved throughout.

Section 2. The Establishment of the Church in Philippi

Philippi was the first place in Europe where the gospel was preached; and this fact invests the place with more interest and importance than it derives from the battle fought there. The gospel was first preached here in very interesting circumstances by Paul and Silas. Paul had been called by a remarkable vision Acts 16:9 to go into Macedonia, and the first place where he preached was Philippi - having made his way, as his custom was, directly to the capital. The first person to whom he preached was Lydia, a seller of purple, from Thyatira, in Asia Minor. She was converted, and received Paul and Silas into her house, and entertained them hospitably. In consequence of Paul's casting out an evil spirit from a "damsel possessed of a spirit of divination," by which the hope of gain by those who kept her in their employ was destroyed, the populace was excited, and Paul and Silas were thrown into the inner prison, and their feet were made fast in the stocks. Here, at midnight, God interposed in a remarkable manner. An earthquake shook the prison; their bonds were loosened; the doors of the prison were thrown open, and their keeper, who before had treated them with special severity, was converted, and all his family were baptized. It was in such solemn circumstances that the gospel was first introduced into Europe. After the tumult, and the conversion of the jailor, Paul was honorably released, and soon left the city; Acts 16:40. He subsequently visited Macedonia before his imprisonment at Rome, and doubtless went to Philippi Acts 20:1-2. It is supposed, that after his first imprisonment at Rome, he was released and again visited the churches which he had founded. In this Epistle Philippians 1:25-26; Philippians 2:24 he expresses a confident hope that he would be released, and would be permitted to see them again; and there is a probability that his wishes in regard to this were accomplished; see the introduction to 2Timothy.

Section 3. The Time When the Epistle Was Written

It is evident that this epistle was written from Rome. This appears:

(1) because it was composed when Paul was in "bonds" Philippians 1:13-14;

(2) because circumstances are suggested, such as to leave no doubt that the imprisonment was at Rome; thus, in Philippians 1:13, he says that his "bonds were manifested in all the palace:" a phrase which would naturally suggest the idea of the Roman capitol; and, in Philippians 4:22, he says, "all the saints salute you, chiefly they that are of Caesar's household."

It is further evident that it was after he had been imprisoned for a considerable time, and, probably, not long before his release. This appears from the following circumstances:

(1) The apostle had been a prisoner so long in Rome, that the character which he had manifested in his trials had contributed considerably to the success of the gospel; Philippians 1:12-14. His bonds, he says, were manifest "in all the palace;" and many of the brethren had become increasingly bold by his "bonds," and had taken occasion to preach the gospel without fear.

(2) the account given of Epaphroditus imports that, when Paul wrote this Epistle, he had been at Rome for a considerable time. He was with Paul in Rome, and had been sick there. The Philippians had received an account of his sickness, and he had again been informed how much they had been affected with the knowledge of his illness; Philippians 2:25-26. The passing and repassing of this knowledge, Dr. Paley remarks, must have occupied considerable time, and must have all taken place during Paul's residence at Rome.

(3) after a residence at Rome, thus proved to have been of considerable duration, Paul, at the time of writing this epistle, regards the decision of his destiny as at hand. He anticipates that the matter would soon be determined; Philippians 2:23.

"Him therefore (Timothy) I hope to send presently, so soon as I see how it will go with me." Paul had some expectation that he might be released, and be permitted to visit them again; Philippians 2:21. "I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly;" compare Philippians 1:25, Philippians 1:27. Yet he was not absolutely certain how it would go with him, and though, in one place, he speaks with great confidence that he would be released Philippians 1:25, yet in another he suggests the possibility that he might be put to death; Philippians 2:17. "Yea, and if I be offered upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy and rejoice with you all." These circumstances concur to fix the time of writing the epistle to the period at which the imprisonment in Rome was about to terminate. From Acts 28:30, we learn that Paul was in Rome "two whole years;" and it was during the latter part of this period that the Epistle was written. It is commonly agreed, therefore, that it was written about 61 or 62 ad. Hug (Introduction) places it at the end of the year 61 a.d., or the beginning of the year 62 a.d.; Lardner, at the close of the year 62 ad. It is evident that it was written before the great conflagration at Rome in the time of Nero (64 a.d.); because it is hardly credible that Paul would have omitted a reference to such an event, if it had occurred. It is certain, from the persecution of the Christians which followed that event, that he would not have been likely to have represented his condition to be so favorable as he has done in this epistle. He could hardly have looked then for a release.

Section 4. The Design and Character of the Epistle

The object of the Epistle is apparent. It was sent by Epaphroditus Philippians 2:25, who appears to have been a resident at Philippi, and a member of the church there, to express the thanks of the apostle for the favors which they had conferred upon him, and to comfort them with the hope that he might be soon set at liberty. Epaphroditus had been sent by the Philippians to convey their benefactions to him in the time of his imprisonment; Philippians 4:18. While at Rome, he had been taken ill; Philippians 2:26-27. Upon his recovery, Paul deemed it proper that Epaphroditus should return to Philippi immediately. It was natural that he should give them some information about his condition and prospects. A considerable part of the Epistle, therefore is occupied in giving an account of the effects of Paul's imprisonment in promoting the spread of the gospel, and of Paul's own feelings in the circumstances in which he was then. He was not yet certain what the result of his imprisonment would be Philippians 1:20; but he was prepared either to live or to die, Philippians 1:23. He wished to live only that he might be useful to others; and, supposing that he might be made useful, he had some expectation that he might be released from his bonds.

There is, perhaps, not one of the epistles of the apostle Paul which is so tender, and which abounds so much with expressions of kindness, as this. In relation to other churches, he was often under the necessity of using the language of reproof. The prevalence of some error, as in the churches of Galatia; the existence of divisions and strifes, or some aggravated case requiring discipline, or some gross irregularity, as in the church at Corinth, frequently demanded the language of severity. But, in the church at Philippi, there was scarcely anything which required rebuke; there was very much that demanded commendation and gratitude. Their conduct toward him, and their general deportment, had been exemplary, generous, and noble. They had evinced for him the tenderest regard in his troubles; providing for his needs, sending a special messenger to supply him when no other opportunity occurred Philippians 4:10, and sympathizing with him in his trials; and they had, in the order, peace, and harmony of the church, eminently adorned the doctrine of the Saviour. The language of the apostle, therefore, throughout the Epistle, is of the most affectionate character - such as a benevolent heart would always choose to employ, and such as must have been exceedingly grateful to them.

Paul never hesitated to use the language of commendation where it was deserved, since he never shrank from reproof where it was merited; and he appears to have regarded the one as a matter of duty as much as the other. We are to remember, too, the circumstances of Paul, and to ask what kind of an Epistle an affectionate and grateful spiritual father would be likely to write to a much-beloved flock, when he felt that he was about to die; and we shall find that this is just such an epistle as we should suppose such a man would write. It breathes the spirit of a ripe Christian, whose piety was mellowing for the harvest; of one who felt that he was not far from heaven, and might soon "be with Christ." Though there was some expectation of a release, yet his situation was such as led him to look death in the face. He was lying under heavy accusations; he had no hope of justice from his own countrymen; the character of the emperor (Nero) was not such as to inspire him with great confidence of having justice done; and it is possible that the fires of persecution had already begun to burn.

At the mercy of such a man as Nero; a prisoner; among strangers, and with death staring him in the face, it is natural to suppose that there would be a special solemnity, tenderness, pathos, and ardor of affection, breathing through the entire Epistle. Such is the fact; and in none of the writings of Paul are these qualities more apparent than in this letter to the Philippians. He expresses his grateful remembrance of all their kindness; he evinces a tender regard for their welfare; and he pours forth the full-flowing language of gratitude, and utters a father's feelings toward them by tender and kind admonitions. It is important to remember these circumstances in the interpretation of this Epistle. It breathes the language of a father, rather than the authority of an apostle; the entreaties of a tender friend, rather than the commands of one in authority. It expresses the affections of a man who felt that he might be near death, and who tenderly loved them; and it will be, to all ages, a model of affectionate counsel and advice.

This chapter embraces the following points:

I. The salutation to the church, Philippians 1:1-2.

II. In Philippians 1:3-8, the apostle expresses his gratitude for the evidence which they had given of love to God, and for their fidelity in the gospel from the time when it was first proclaimed among them. He says that he was confident that this would continue, and that God, who had so mercifully imparted grace to them to be faithful, would do it to the end.

III. He expresses the earnest hope that they might abound more and more in knowledge, and be without offence to the day of Christ; Philippians 1:9-11.

IV. In Philippians 1:12-21, he states to them what had been the effect of his imprisonment in Rome - presuming that in would be grateful intelligence to them that even his imprisonment had been overruled for the spread of the gospel. His trials, he says, had been the means of the extension of the knowledge of Christ even in the palace, and many Christians had been emboldened by his sufferings to increased diligence in making known the truth. Some, indeed, he says, preached Christ from unworthy motives, and with a view to increase his affliction, but in the great fact that Christ was preached, he says, he rejoiced. Forgetting himself and any injury which they might design to do to him, he could sincerely rejoice that the gospel was proclaimed - no matter by whom or with what motives. The whole affair he trusted would be made conducive to his salvation. Christ was the great end and aim of his life; and if he were made known everything else was of minor importance.

V. The mention of the fact Philippians 1:21 that his great aim in living was "Christ." leads him to advert to the probability that he might soon be with him; Philippians 1:22-26. So great was his wish to be with him, that he would hardly know which to choose - whether to die at once, or to live and to make him known to others. Believing, however, that his life might be still useful to them, he had an expectation of considerable confidence that his life would be spared, and that he would be released.

VI. The chapter closes, Philippians 1:27-30, with an earnest exhortation that they would live as became the gospel of Christ. Whatever might befall him - whether he should be permitted to see them, or should hear of them, he entreated that he might know that they were living as became the gospel. They were not to he afraid of their adversaries; and if called to suffer, they were to remember that "it was given" them not only to believe on the Redeemer, but also to suffer in his cause.

Preface to the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Philippians

We have already seen, Acts 16:12, that Philippi was a town of Macedonia, in the territory of the Edones, on the confines of Thrace, and very near the northern extremity of the Aegean Sea. It was a little eastward of Mount Pangaeus, and about midway between Nicopolis on the east, and Thessalonica on the west. It was at first called Crenides, and afterwards Datus; but Philip, king of Macedonia and father of Alexander, having taken possession of it and fortified it, called it Philippi, after his own name. Julius Caesar planted a colony here, which was afterwards enlarged by Augustus; and hence the inhabitants were considered as freemen of Rome. Near this town, it is thought, the famous battle was fought between Brutus and Cassius on the one side, and Augustus and Mark Anthony on the other, in which the former were defeated, and the fate of the empire decided. Others think that this battle was fought at Philippi, a town of Thebes in Thessaly.

The Gospel was preached first here by St. Paul. About the year of our Lord 53, St. Paul had a vision in the night; a man of Macedonia appeared to him and said, Come over to Macedonia and help us. He was then at Troas in Mysia; from thence he immediately sailed to Samothracia, came the next day to Neapolis, and thence to Philippi. There he continued for some time, and converted Lydia, a seller of purple, from Thyatira; and afterwards cast a demon out of a Pythoness, for which he and Silas were persecuted, cast into prison, scourged, and put into the stocks: but the magistrates afterwards finding that they were Romans, took them out of prison and treated them civilly. See the account, Acts 16:9, etc.

The Philippians were greatly attached to their apostle, and testified their affection by sending him supplies, even when he was laboring for other Churches; and they appear to have been the only Church that did so. See Philippians 4:15, Philippians 4:16.

There is not much controversy concerning the date of this epistle; it was probably written in the end of a.d. 62, and about a year after that to the Ephesians. Dr. Paley conjectures the date by various intimations in the epistle itself. "It purports," says he, "to have been written near the conclusion of St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome, and after a residence in that city of considerable duration. These circumstances are made out by different intimations; and the intimations upon the subject preserve among themselves a just consistency, and a consistency certainly unmeditated.

First, the apostle had already been a prisoner at Rome so long, as that the reputation of his bonds, and of his constancy under them, had contributed to advance the success of the Gospel. See Philippians 1:12-14.

Secondly, the account given of Epaphroditus imports that St. Paul, when he wrote the epistle, had been in Rome a considerable time. 'He longed after you all, and was full of heaviness because ye had heard that he had been sick;' Philippians 2:26. Epaphroditus had been with Paul at Rome; he had been sick; the Philippians had heard of his sickness; and he again had received an account how much they had been affected by the intelligence. The passing and repassing of these advices must necessarily have occupied a large portion of time, and must have all taken place during St. Paul's residence at Rome.

Thirdly, after a residence at Rome, this proved to have been of considerable duration, he now regards the decision of his fate as nigh at hand: he contemplates either alternative; that of his deliverance, Philippians 2:23, Philippians 2:24 : 'Him therefore, (Timothy), I hope to send presently, so soon as I shall see how it will go with me; but I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly;' that of his condemnation, Philippians 2:17 : Yea, and if I be offered upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy and rejoice with you all. This consistency is material, if the consideration of it be confined to the epistle. It is farther material, as it agrees, with respect to the duration of St. Paul's first imprisonment at Rome, with the account delivered in the Acts, which, having brought the apostle to Rome, closes the history, by telling us that he dwelt there two whole years in his own hired house." Hor. Paul., page 242.

On the agreement between the epistle and the history, as given in the Acts, Dr. Paley makes many judicious remarks, which I cannot insert here, but must refer to the work itself; and I wish all my readers to get and peruse the whole work as an inestimable treasure of sacred criticism on the authenticity of Paul's epistles.

The Epistle to the Philippians is written in a very pleasing and easy style; every where bearing evidence of that contented state of mind in which the apostle then was, and of his great affection for the people. It appears that there were false apostles, or Judaizing teachers, at Philippi, who had disturbed the peace of the Church; against these he warns them, exhorts them to concord, comforts them in their afflictions for the Gospel, returns them thanks for their kindness to him, tells them of his state, and shows a great willingness to be a sacrifice for the faith he had preached to them. There is a Divine unction in this epistle which every serious reader will perceive.

Paul, in conjunction with Timothy, addresses himself to the saints at Philippi, and gives them his apostolical benediction, Philippians 1:1, Philippians 1:2. Thanks God for their conversion and union, and expresses his persuasion that God will continue his work among them, Philippians 1:3-6. Tells them of his strong affection for them, and prays that they may be filed with the salvation of God, Philippians 1:7-11. Shows them how much his persecution had contributed to the success of the Gospel, Philippians 1:12-14. Informs that there were some at Rome who preached the Gospel from unworthy motives; yet he was convinced that this, which was designed to injure him, should turn to his advantage, Philippians 1:15-19. Mentions his uncertainty whether he should be liberated or martyred, and his perfect readiness to meet either; yet, on the whole, expresses a hope that he should again visit them, Philippians 1:20-26. Exhorts them to a holy life, and comforts them under their tribulations, Philippians 1:27-30.

INTRODUCTION TO PHILIPPIANS

Philippi was a Roman colony, and the chief city of one part of Macedonia, Acts 16:12, it is by Appianus called Datos which was its original name; and by Diodorus Siculus it is called Crenidae (a), from, the fountains about it; and it took its name Philippi, from Philip king of Macedon, father of Alexander the great, who rebuilt and fortified it; near this place a famous battle was fought, and a victory obtained by Augustus Caesar and Mark Antony, over Brutus and Cassius; it is now called Chrixopolis, properly Chrysopolis, from the plenty of golden mines near it: here the apostle was directed by a vision, to go and preach the Gospel; and which was succeeded, to the conversion of Lydia, and the jailer, and their families; which laid the foundation of a Gospel church in this place, to whom this epistle is written; and which was written by the apostle when he was a prisoner at Rome, as many things in it show; for he more than once makes mention of his bonds, and of these being made manifest in Caesar's palace, and of some of Caesar's household sending their Christian salutations to this church: Dr. Hammond makes the date of this epistle to be the year 59, and Dr. Lightfoot places it in the year 60, and the sixth of Nero; the occasion of it was this, the Philippians, to whom the apostle was very dear, he being the first preacher of the Gospel to them, and the instrument of their conversion, hearing that he was a prisoner at Rome, send their minister and pastor Epaphroditus to him, to visit him, and by him a present to support him under his afflicted circumstances, and who related to him the case of this church; and at his departure he sent by him this letter; the design of which is, to express his love and affection to them; to give them an account of his bonds, and the usefulness of them, and how he was supported under them; to encourage them under all the afflictions and persecutions, they endured for the sake of Christ; to excite them to love, unity, and peace, among themselves; to caution them against false teachers, judaizing Christians, that were for joining Moses and Christ, law and Gospel, works and grace together, in the business of salvation; to exhort them to a holy life and conversation, and to return them thanks for their kind present.

(a) Vid. Ptolom. Geograph. l. 3. c. 13.

INTRODUCTION TO Philippians 1

This chapter contains the inscription of the epistle; the apostle's salutation of the Philippians; an account of his thanksgivings, prayers, and affection for them, and confidence of them; a narrative of his sufferings, and the use of them; and an exhortation to a conversation becoming the Gospel, to abide by it, and suffer cheerfully for it. The inscription is in Philippians 1:1, in which are mentioned by name the persons that subscribed the epistle, Paul and Timothy; and who are described by their character, servants of Jesus Christ; and also the persons to whom the epistle was sent, by the place of their abode, Philippi; the members of the church by their general character, saints in Christ Jesus; and the officers of it, by those that are peculiar to them as such, bishops and deacons: the salutation is in Philippians 1:2, and then follows a thanksgiving for them to God, which was made in prayer, and upon every remembrance of them at the throne of grace, and that for their constant fellowship in the Gospel, Philippians 1:3, and the apostle expresses his strong confidence of the good work of grace being begun in them, and of the performance of it, until the day of Christ; grounded upon a judgment of charity, and a belief of their being partakers of the same grace with himself, Philippians 1:6, and declares the most tender and affectionate love to them, for the truth of which he calls God to witness, Philippians 1:8, and as a proof of it, puts up several petitions for them; that they might have an increase of love, and spiritual knowledge, judgment, and sense, that so they might be capable of trying and approving things that differ, and which are the most excellent of them; that they might be sincere and harmless in their lives, and always doing good works in the strength of Christ, and to the glory of God, Philippians 1:9, next follows an account of his bonds and imprisonment, and the usefulness of them, as that they were for the further spread of the Gospel in many places, and even in Caesar's palace, Philippians 1:12, yea, by means of them several of the ministering brethren were the more emboldened to preach the Gospel without fear of men; though there was a difference among them, some preached Christ of envy, strife, and contention, thinking to add to the apostle's troubles, and others, of good will, and of love to the apostle, who they knew was set for the defence of the Gospel, Philippians 1:14, upon all which the apostle gives his sentiments, and makes his reflections, that whatever were the views of some men in preaching, it was, and ever would be, constant matter of joy to him that Christ was preached, Philippians 1:18, yea, he was satisfied, that the ill designed by some to him would be overruled for his good, by means of the prayers of the saints, and the supply of the Spirit; for he had a pure and well grounded hope and expectation, that he should never be brought to shame and confusion, but that Christ would be magnified in him living and dying; for he knew that both his life, and his death, would be gain to Christ, or that it would be for the glory of Christ for him to live, and his own gain should he die, Philippians 1:19, which put him in a strait what was most eligible in this case, whether, to live in the flesh, or depart out of the world; seeing to live in the flesh, and labour in the ministry, were fruitful and profitable, and more necessary and useful for the churches of Christ, and to die, and be with Christ, were better for himself, Philippians 1:22, but upon maturely weighing things on both sides, like one of a truly noble public spirit, he inclines to the former; nay, is persuaded, that he should continue longer to be an instrument of increasing the faith and joy of the Lord's people, which he knew would abound in Christ on his account, should he be restored again, Philippians 1:25, and then he concludes the chapter with an exhortation to the Philippians, to order their conversation agreeably to the Gospel of Christ, and to continue firm and unanimous in it, and use their utmost endeavours to keep it themselves, and spread it among others, Philippians 1:27, being not daunted and intimidated by the persecutions of men, which to the persecutors was a sign of perdition, looked darkly, and with an ill aspect upon them, but to the persecuted was a token that they had an interest in that salvation which is of God, Philippians 1:28, for as it is a gift of grace to believe in Christ, so likewise to suffer for him, Philippians 1:29, to which the apostle animates them by his own example, that which they were called unto being no other than what they had seen endured by him, and had heard concerning high, Philippians 1:30.

THE EPISTLES TO THE EPHESIANS, PHILIPPIANS, AND COLOSSIANS.

BY

THE RIGHT REV. ALFRED BARRY, D.D.

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS.

I. Time, Place, and Occasion of the Epistle.—The indications of the time and place of this Epistle are unusually clear. It is written by St. Paul “in bonds” (Philippians 1:7-13); in the Prætorium (Philippians 1:13), that is, under the charge of the Prætorian guard; it sends greeting from the “saints of Caesar’s household” (Philippians 4:21); it expresses an expectation of some crisis in his imprisonment (Philippians 1:20-26), and a confident hope of re-visiting Philippi (Philippians 1:26; Philippians 2:24). All these indications place it in the Roman imprisonment of St. Paul—which we know (Acts 28:30) to have lasted without trial or release for “two whole years,” and which certainly began about A.D. 61. The date of the Epistle must therefore be fixed about the year A.D. 62 or 63.

Nor is the occasion of the Epistle less obvious. The Church at Philippi now, as at an earlier time (Philippians 4:10-19), had sent contributions to St. Paul’s necessities, under the distress and destitution of imprisonment, when he was unable to maintain himself by the labour of his own hands, as he had formerly done at Thessalonica, Corinth, and Ephesus. Epaphroditus, their messenger, through his affectionate exertions on St. Paul’s behalf, had fallen into dangerous illness, and on his convalescence had been seized with home-sickness, aggravated by the uneasiness of knowing that his danger had been reported to his friends at home (Philippians 2:25-30). St. Paul, therefore, sent him back with this Letter, the immediate object of which was to convey his thanks and blessing for the generosity of the Philippians, and to commend warmly the devotion of Epaphroditus, which had been in great degree the cause of his illness.

II. The Church to which it was written.—Of the first preaching at Philippi we have a full and graphic account in Acts 16, where a description of the history and character of the city itself will be found in the Notes. The preaching began, as usual, from a Jewish centre, but this was only a proseuche, or oratory (Acts 16:13)—not, as at Thessalonica, a synagogue (Acts 17:1); and the whole history shows no indication of any strong Jewish influence. The first convert named is Lydia, an Asiatic of Thyatira, not a Jewess, but “one who worshipped God”—a “proselyte of the gate.” The first opposition came not from the Jews, as at Thessalonica (Acts 17:5-6; Acts 17:13), but from the masters of the “damsel possessed with a spirit of divination,” simply because by the exorcism of the Apostle the “hope of their gain was gone.” The accusation levelled against St. Paul and his companion was one which was intimately connected with the peculiar position of Philippi as a Roman colony—a fragment (as it were) of the imperial city itself. We note, indeed, that at this very time (Acts 18:2) “Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart from Rome,” and it is at least probable that this decree of banishment might extend to the Roman colonies, as distinguished from the ordinary provincial cities. Accordingly, in the accusation itself stress was laid on the fact that the accused were “Jews,” and the charge was that they preached a religio illicita, involving customs which it was “not lawful for the Philippians to receive, being Romans” (Acts 16:21). The Church was therefore, mainly a Gentile Church—the firstfruits of European Christianity—and its attachment to the Apostle of the Gentiles was especially strong and fervent. The Philippians alone, it appears, offered—certainly from them alone St. Paul consented to receive—those contributions to his necessities, which elsewhere (see Acts 20:33-35; 2Corinthians 11:7-12; 1Thessalonians 2:9; 2Thessalonians 3:8) he thought it best to refuse for the gospel’s sake.

The foundation of the Church had been laid amidst a persecution, in which the Roman magistrates, with a characteristic dislike of all foreign superstitions likely to lead to uproar, and a characteristic disregard of justice towards two or three obscure Jews, simply played into the hands of mob violence. The step which St. Paul afterwards took of asserting his citizenship and forcing the magistrates to confess their wrong-doing (Acts 16:37-38) looks like a precaution to render the recurrence of arbitrary persecution less likely after his departure. But we gather from this Epistle (Philippians 1:27-30) that the Church had still, like the sister Church at Thessalonica (1Thessalonians 1:6; 1Thessalonians 2:14) and the other Macedonian churches (2Corinthians 8:2), to undergo “the same conflict” of suffering from “their adversaries,” “which they had seen in him.” It grew up under the bracing air of trial, with a peculiar steadfastness, warm-heartedness, and simplicity, apparently unvexed by the speculative waywardness of Corinth or the wild heresies of Ephesus or Colossæ. Again like the Thessalonian Church, its dangers were mainly practical (see Philippians 3); the Judaising influence was probably foreign and not very formidable; the tendencies to Antinomian profligacy (Philippians 3:17-21), to some division by party spirit (Philippians 2:1-4; Philippians 4:2-3), to occasional despondency under trial (Philippians 1:28), hardly appear to have affected the Church widely or seriously. In its condition, accordingly, St. Paul could rejoice almost without reserve, of sorrow or anxiety.

Of St. Paul’s subsequent visits to Philippi we have no full record. We cannot doubt that he visited the city on his way from Ephesus to Macedonia and Greece, on the third missionary circuit (Acts 20:3). The common tradition, exceedingly probable in itself, dates the Second Epistle to the Corinthians from Philippi on that occasion. We know (Acts 20:6) that it was from Philippi that he started, some months after, on his last journey to Jerusalem. At a period subsequent to this Epistle, we learn (1Timothy 1:3) that St. Paul, apparently after a visit to Ephesus, “went into Macedonia” after his first captivity, and so, no doubt, fulfilled his hope of re-visiting this well-loved Church. After this we have no notice of the Church in history till we read of their kindly reception of Ignatius on his way to martyrdom, and study the Epistle of Polycarp to them, written shortly after, mainly practical and hortatory, and implying, with but slight reservation, a still strong and vigorous Christianity, and a constant grateful memory of the great Apostle. (See, for example, Philippians 1—“I rejoiced greatly with you in our Lord Jesus Christ, because ye have adopted the imitation of true love. . . . because the firm root of your faith, celebrated from ancient times, remains even until now, and bears fruit unto the Lord Jesus Christ;” Philippians 3—“Neither I nor any like me can follow out fully the wisdom of the blessed and glorious Paul, who, when he came among you, taught accurately and durably the word of truth.”) Tertullian also alludes to it (de Præscr. xxxvi.) as one of the churches where the “authentic letters of the Apostles”—no doubt, this Epistle itself—were read. Afterwards we have little reference to it in Church history. Like Colossæ, it sank into insignificance.

III. The Genuineness of the Epistle.—External Evidence.—The evidence for the genuineness of the Epistle is very strong. In all ancient catalogues, from the Muratorian Fragment (A.D. 170) downwards, in all ancient versions, beginning with the Peschito and the old Latin, it is placed among the undoubted Epistles of St. Paul. In Christian writings, before the end of the second century, knowledge of it may be distinctly traced; after that time it is quoted continually.

Thus, in the Apostolic Fathers, to say nothing of slighter indications which have been noted (as by Dr. Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, Philippians 1, and Dr. Lightfoot, in his Introduction to this Epistle), St. Polycarp, in his Epistle to the Philippians (Philippians 3), expressly declares that St. Paul, “when absent, wrote letters to them, by searching into which they can still be built up in the faith,” and speaks of them as “praised in the beginning of his Epistle” (chap. 11). Nor are there wanting expressions in his letter (such as the “using our citizenship worthily of Christ,” “the enemies of the cross,” the “rejoicing with them in the Lord,” the “not running in vain,” &c.) which not obscurely indicate reference to the text of our Epistle itself. Again, Dr. Lightfoot quotes from the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, a Judæo-Christian work, dating early in the second century, certain expressions—“the form of God” and the “fashion of men” (see Philippians 2:6), the “luminaries” of heaven (see Philippians 2:15), and, above all, the unique phrase “the bowels (heart) of the Son of God” (see Philippians 1:8)—which indicate unmistakably knowledge of this Epistle.

Perhaps the earliest direct quotation of it is in the celebrated Epistles of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne (A.D. 177), on the martyrdoms in the persecution of Marcus Aurelius (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, v. 2)—where we find the great passage: “He being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God,” &c. Then, as in other cases, the habit of quotation begins in Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian, and continues afterwards unbroken. Tertullian, as we have already seen, apparently speaks of the Letter as being read as an Apostolic letter in the Philippian Church; and in his controversy with Marcion (v. 20) so quotes it as to show that it had escaped the destructive criticism and arbitrary mutilation in which Marcion so constantly anticipated the critical scepticism of later times.

Internal Evidence.—But, strong as external evidence is, it is in this case far weaker than the internal, which may be said to rise almost to demonstration. The strong marks of personality which we trace in every line, the unstudied frequency of historical allusion and of undesigned coincidences with historical records, the simple and natural occasion of writing, in the reception of the offerings and the illness of Epaphroditus, the absence of all formal doctrinal or ecclesiastical purpose, the fulness and warmth of personal affection,—all are unmistakable marks of genuineness, all are fairly inconceivable on the supposition of imitation or forgery. The character of St. Paul, as unconsciously drawn in it, is unquestionably the same character which lives and glows in the Corinthian and Galatian Epistles; and yet there is in it an indescribable growth into greater calmness and gentleness, which corresponds remarkably with advance of age and change of circumstances. There are also marked similarities, both of style and expression, with the earlier Epistles, and, above all, with the Epistle to the Romans, the last of the earlier group, which will be found noted in detail on the various passages.[1] There is also that mingling of identity and development of idea which is notable in all the Epistles of the Captivity. But in this case, perhaps, the similarity is greater, and the diversity less, than in the other Epistles of the same period.

[1] Perhaps the most notable are:—

(a) Philippians 2:10-11, compared with Romans 14:11.

(b) Philippians 3:10-11, compared with Romans 6:5.

(c) Philippians 3:19, compared with Romans 16:18.

(d) Philippians 4:18, compared with Romans 12:1.

(e) Philippians 3:5-6, compared with 2Corinthians 11:22, Romans 11:1. It may be noted that in all these cases there is similarity with difference—the characteristic of independent coincidence not of imitation.

It is, therefore, not surprising that, even in the freest speculation of the higher criticism, there are but few examples of scepticism as to the genuineness of this Epistle.

IV. The main Substance of the Epistle.—(1) The Picture of the Writer and the Receivers.—The first and simplest impression made by this Epistle is the vivid portraiture which it gives us of St. Paul himself—especially in the conflict of desire for the death which is the entrance to the nearer presence of Christ, and for the longer life, which will enable him to gather a fuller harvest for Christ—in the striking union of affection and thankfulness towards the Philippians, with a dignified independence and a tone of plenary authority—in the sensitiveness to the sorrow and inactivity of imprisonment, overcome and finally absorbed into an almost unequalled fulness of joy in the Lord. Side by side with this, we are next struck with the picture which it gives us of the Macedonian Christianity at Philippi—not unlike that of Thessalonica, though, it would seem, less chequered by fanaticism or disorder, and certainly singularly accordant with the Macedonian character, as it paints itself at once speculatively inferior and practically superior to the Greek, in the pages of history. The Philippian Christianity is pre-eminently vigorous, loyal, and warm-hearted, courageous and patient, little disturbed either by speculative refinements or speculative inventions, hardly needing any warning, except against the self-assertion which is the natural excrescence of earnestness, or any exhortation, except to a deeper thoughtfulness, which might “overflow into knowledge,” and prove “the things which are really excellent.” There is no letter of St. Paul’s so absolutely free from the necessity of rebuke, and, accordingly; there is none so full of joy, in spite of all the circumstances of suffering and anxiety under which it was written.

(2) The Condition of the Church at Rome.—The next great subject of interest is the light thrown by this Epistle on the progress of the Church at Rome during St. Paul’s imprisonment. Of his preaching to the Jews, the Asiatic Gentiles, and the Greeks, we have plain historical record in the Acts of the Apostles. That record fails us at the moment when he reaches the great centre of heathen civilisation at Rome, simply telling us that his imprisonment was not allowed to be a hindrance to his preaching, first (as always) with the Jews, then, on their rejection of the gospel, to the Gentiles who were “willing to hear it.” Now, we know by the history of the Neronian persecution in Tacitus that, less than ten years after St. Paul’s arrival in Rome, the Christians were already “a vast multitude,” not only in the Eastern home of their religion, but in the metropolis itself. While we perceive from St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans that, before that arrival Christianity was firmly established in Rome, and suspect that the ignorance of the Jewish leaders concerning “the sect everywhere spoken against” (Acts 28:22) was in great degree affected, yet we cannot but see that these ten years must have been years of rapid progress, in order to justify, even approximately, the description of the Roman historian. Naturally, we conclude that St. Paul’s presence, even in his prison, must have given the chief new impulse to such progress, and inquire eagerly for any indications of his actual discharge to the Romans of the debt of gospel preaching which he had long ago acknowledged as due to them (Romans 1:14-15). To this inquiry almost the only answer is found in the Epistle to the Philippians.

There we learn that, as we might have expected, St. Paul’s bonds “turned out” to the great “furtherance of the gospel.” Wherever his prison actually was, it gave him opportunity of influence over the Prætorian guards, and all the rest of the world, civilian or military, who frequented their quarters; it gave him access, moreover, to those of Caesar’s household—that large community of the domus Augusta which included all varieties of occupation, character, and rank. That the earlier Christianity of Rome was largely under Jewish influence we learn from the whole argument of the Epistle to the Romans; and it has been often remarked that the names included in the long list of salutations in the last chapter show a preponderance of Greek nationality in the converts themselves. But of those who came under the spell of St. Paul’s presence, probably comparatively few would be Jews, although indeed at this time, through the influence of Poppæa, the Jewish element might be more than usually prominent in Caesar’s household; and while the greater number of that household who came in contact with him would be slaves of various nationalities, still, in the higher officers and among the Praetorian soldiery, many would be of true Roman origin. Remembering the friendship of Seneca for Burrhus, the Prætorian Prefect at the time of St. Paul’s arrival, and the former conduct of Gallio, Seneca’s brother, towards the Apostle at Corinth, many have delighted to speculate on the probability of some direct intercourse between the Apostle of the Gentiles and the philosopher of the later and more religious Stoicism, who was then the leader of higher Roman thought. But, however this may be, and whatever may be the real weight of the apparent similarities to familiar Stoic phraseology traceable in the Epistle (see Philippians 4:11-13, and Notes thereon), those who remember the eagerness of Roman society at this time for new religions, new mysteries, and even new superstitions, from the East, will find no difficulty in believing that one who was placed, by the circumstance of his imprisonment, in the imperial court itself, might easily have produced a deep impression on men of Roman birth, perhaps of high Roman rank.

This new Christianity would therefore probably be of a type, more purely Gentile, less predominantly Oriental, than the Christianity to which the Epistle to the Romans was addressed. Of the division between the old and the new the Epistle shows traces, in the description of those who preached Christ “of good will” to St. Paul, and those who preached in “factiousness and vain-glory;” for it seems clear, from his rejoicing that “every way Christ was preached,” that the division was as yet one of mere faction and party, not of the contrast of false with true doctrine, which we know that he treated with stern, uncompromising severity. (See 2Corinthians 11:1-4; Galatians 1:6-9.) Like all such divisions, it probably marked and justified itself by some differences in religious teaching and religious life: but if these existed, they did not go down to the foundation. The time, indeed, was not far distant, when the fall of Jerusalem, and the obvious passing away of the whole Jewish dispensation, struck the final blow to the existence of Judaism in the Christian Church. In spite, therefore, of this division, it seems clear that at the time of the Philippian Epistle Christianity had advanced, and was advancing, with rapid strides. “The city which is in heaven” was already beginning to rise from its foundations in the “great Babylon of the Seven Hills,” now the very type of the kingdom of the earth, destined hereafter to be, even visibly, the metropolis of Western Christianity.

(3) The main Subjects of the Epistle.—Turning to the teaching of the Epistle itself, the main interest centres round the great passage in the second chapter (Philippians 2:5-11), which is the very creed of the Incarnation, Passion, and Exaltation of our Lord Jesus Christ. This has been noticed already in the General Introduction to the Epistles of the Captivity, and is dealt with in detail in the Notes on the passage. Here it need only be remarked that its advanced Christology is made the more striking by the occasion of its occurrence, which is, in point of form, simply incidental, in enforcement of the familiar exhortation to follow the mind of Christ Jesus in humility and self-sacrifice; and that the singular simplicity and clearness of its enunciation of truth stand to the profounder and more mysterious teaching on the same subject in the Epistle to the Colossians, much as, in later times, the simplicity of a Western creed stands to the greater subtlety of an Eastern. Next in interest, though after a long interval, is the light thrown (in Philippians 3) on the obstinate persistence in Macedonia of the old Judaising influence, elsewhere decaying or passing into new forms; and the appearance both of the pretensions to perfection (Philippians 3:12-16) and of the Antinomian recklessness (Philippians 3:17-21)—sometimes associated with these pretensions, sometimes in revolt against them—with which we are but too familiar in subsequent Church history.

(4) Analysis of the Epistle.—A full analysis will be found in each chapter. A shortened general sketch of these analyses we have subjoined as usual.

1.The First Section (original Letter?).

(1)INTRODUCTION.

(a)Salutation (Philippians 1:1-2);

(b)Thanksgiving for their “fellowship” in the work of the gospel, specially shown towards himself (Philippians 1:3-8);

(c)Prayer for their fuller knowledge and increase of fruitfulness to the end (Philippians 1:9-11).

(2)DECLARATION OF THE POSITION AT ROME.

(a)The progress of the gospel through his bonds, stimulating preaching of the gospel, partly in good will, partly in strife, but in any case a cause of joy (Philippians 1:12-18);

(b)His own division of feeling, between desire to depart, and a willingness to remain for their sakes, which he knows will be realised (Philippians 1:19-26).

(3)EXHORTATION:

(a)To steadfast boldness under persecution, now present or imminent (Philippians 1:27-30);

(b)To unity of spirit in the humility and self-sacrifice of “the mind of Christ Jesus” (Philippians 2:1-4).

(4)THE DOCTRINE OF CHRIST.

(a)His humility in the Incarnation: stooping from the form of God to the form of man (Philippians 2:5-7);

(b)His second humility in the Passion (Philippians 2:8);

(c)His exaltation above all created being (Philippians 2:9-11).

(5)ORIGINAL CONCLUSION OF THE EPISTLE.

(a)Final exhortation to obedience, quietness, purity, joy with him in sacrifice (Philippians 2:12-18);

(b)Mission and commendation of Timotheus as St Paul’s forerunner (Philippians 2:19-24);

(c)Mission and commendation of Epaphroditus (Philippians 2:25-30);

(d)Final “farewell in the Lord” (Philippians 3:1).

2.The Second Section (Postscript?).

(1)PRACTICAL WARNINGS:

(a)Against Judaism, by the example of his own renunciation of all Jewish privilege (Philippians 3:2-10);

(b)Against claim of perfection, again enforced by his own example (Philippians 3:11-16);

(c)Against Antinomian profligacy, as unworthy of the “citizens of heaven” (Philippians 3:17-21).

(2)EXHORTATIONS RENEWED:

(a)To unity (Philippians 4:1-3);

(b)To joy, thankfulness, and peace (Philippians 4:4-7);

(c)To following of all good, in the fulness in which he had taught it (Philippians 4:8-9).

(3)ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF OFFERINGS.

(a)Rejoicing in their renewed care for him (Philippians 4:10-14);

(b)Remembrance of their’ former liberality (Philippians 4:15-17);

(c)Thanks and blessing (Philippians 4:18-20).

(4)CONCLUDING SALUTATION AND BLESSING.

Title

The oldest known form is the briefest, To the Philippians, or, exactly, To the philippesians (see on Php 4:15). So in the “Subscription” to the Epistle, which see. The title as in the Authorized Version agrees with that adopted in the Elzevir editions of 1624, 1633.