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Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Heinrich A.W. Meyer · 1880

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Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Heinrich A.W. Meyer · 1880

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Matthew Kabanata 27 14 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:14

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Matthew 27:14 Πρὸς οὐδὲ ἓν ῥῆμα] intensifying the force of the expression: to not even a single word, i.e. to not even a single inquisitorial interrogative. The silence mentioned in Matthew 27:12; Matthew 27:14 comes in after the examination reported in John 18:37.

ὥστε θαυμάζειν] convinced as he was of the innocence of Jesus, he was all the more at a loss to understand the forbearance with which He maintained such sublime silence.

Matthew Kabanata 27 15 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:15

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Matthew 27:15 Κατὰ ἑορτήν] on the occasion of the feast, i.e. during the feast-time (Kühner, II. 1, p. 412; Winer, p. 374 [E. T. 500]); that the Passover is here meant is evident from the context.

As there is no allusion to this custom anywhere else (for an account of which, however, see Bynaeus, de morte Chr. III. p. 97 ff.), nothing whatever is known as to when it originated. But whether we date the custom back to the Maccabaean age or to an earlier period still (Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 570), or regard it as having been introduced[33] for the first time by the Romans (Grotius, Schleiermacher, Friedlieb) for the purpose of conciliating the Jews, we cannot fail to see in it a reference to that which is intended to be set forth by the Passover (sparing mercy), and applicable most probably to the 14th of Nisan (comp. on John 18:24; John 18:39).

[33] It may be mentioned as tending to favour this supposition, that while no trace of such a custom is met with in the Talmud, there is something to a certain modified extent analogous to it in the practice observed by the Romans at the feast of the lectisternia (Liv. Matthew 5:14). Schoettgen detects an allusion to some such origin in Pesachim f. 91, 1, though this is very doubtful. Then, as for the statement of Josephus, Antt. xx. 9. 3, which is quoted by Keim, it cannot be said to imply the existence of any practice, and it refers besides to a case in which ten persons were liberated.

Matthew Kabanata 27 16 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:16

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Matthew 27:16 Εἶχον] The subject is to be found in ὁ ἡγεμών, Matthew 27:15, that is to say: the procurator and his soldiers; for, like Jesus, Barabbas had also to be examined before Pilate before his case could be finally disposed of. He was lying in the prison in the praetorium awaiting execution, after having received sentence of death.

Concerning this robber and murderer Jesus Barabbas (see the critical remarks), nothing further is known. The name Barabbas occurs very frequently even in the Talmud; Lightfoot, p. 489. There is the less reason, therefore, for thinking, with Olshausen, that the characteristic significance of the name בַּר אַבָּא, father’s son (i.e. probably the son of a Rabbi, Matthew 23:9), in close proximity with the person of Jesus, is an illustration of the saying: “Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus.” Still it is possible that the accidental similarity in the name Jesus (see the critical remarks) may have helped to suggest to Pilate the release of Barabbas as an alternative, though, after all, the circumstance that the latter was a most notorious criminal undoubtedly swayed him most. For the baser the criminal, the less would Pilate expect them to demand his release. “But they would sooner have asked the devil himself to be liberated,” Luther’s gloss.

Matthew Kabanata 27 17 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:17

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Matthew 27:17 Οὖν] In accordance with the custom referred to, and as it so happened that at that moment there lay under sentence of death (Matthew 27:15-16) a noted criminal called Jesus Barabbas, Pilate got the multitude that was collected outside gathered together, and then asked them to choose between Jesus Barabbas and Jesus who was called the Messiah.

αὐτῶν] refers not to the members of the Sanhedrim, but to the ὄχλος, Matthew 27:15. See Matthew 27:20.

Matthew Kabanata 27 18 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:18

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Matthew 27:18 Γάρ] Had he not been aware, etc., he would not have thus attempted to effect the release of Jesus.

παρέδωκαν] The subject of the verb is, of course, the members of the Sanhedrim (Matthew 27:2), whose dominant selfishness was too conspicuous in itself, as well as from the animus that characterized their behaviour, to escape his notice. They were jealous of the importance and influence of Jesus; διά denotes the motive which animated them: because of envy; see Winer, p. 372 [E. T. 497]. This was the causa remotior.

Matthew Kabanata 27 19 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:19

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Matthew 27:19 Before, Pilate had submitted the question of Matthew 27:17 to the consideration of the people by way of sounding them. Now, he seats himself upon the tribunal (upon the λιθόστρωτον, John 19:13) for the purpose of hearing the decision of the multitude, and of thereafter pronouncing sentence. But while he is sitting on the tribunal, and before he had time again to address his question to the multitude, his wife sends, etc. This particular is peculiar to Matthew; whereas the sending to Herod, and that before the proposal about the release, occurs only in Luke (Matthew 23:6 ff.); and as for John, he omits both those circumstances altogether, though, on the whole, his account of the trial before Pilate is much more detailed than the concise narrative of Matthew, and that without any want of harmony being found between the two evangelists.

ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ] for since the time of Augustus it was customary for Roman governors to take their wives with them into the provinces Tacit. Ann. iii. 33 f. According to tradition, the name of Pilate’s wife was Procla, or Claudia Procula (see Evang. Nicod. ii., and thereon Thilo, p. 522 ff.). In the Greek church she has been canonised.

λέγουσα] through her messengers, Matthew 22:16, Matthew 11:2.

μηδέν σοι κ. τ. δικ. ἐκ.] comp. Matthew 8:29; John 2:4. She was afraid that a judgment from the gods would be the consequence if he had anything to do with the death of Jesu.

πολλὰ γὰρ ἔπαθον, κ.τ.λ.] This alarming dream is to be accounted for on the understanding that the governor’s wife, who in the Evang. Nicod. is described, and it may be correctly, as θεοσεβής and ἰουδαΐζουσα (see Tischendorf, Pilati circa Christum judic. etc. ex actis Pilat. 1855, p. 16 f.), may have heard of Jesus, may even have seen Him and felt a lively interest in Him, and may have been informed of His arrest as well as of the jeopardy in which His life was placed. There is nothing to show that Matthew intended us to regard this incident as a special divine interposition. There is the less reason for relegating it to the domain of legend (Strauss, Ewald, Scholten, Volkmar, Keim).

σήμερον] during the part of the night belonging to the current day.

κατʼ ὄναρ] see on Matthew 1:20. It was a terrible morning-dream.

Matthew Kabanata 27 20 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:20

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Matthew 27:20 The question of Matthew 27:17 is still under the consideration of the assembled crowd; and while Pilate, who had mounted the tribunal for the purpose of hearing their decision, is occupied with the messengers from his wife, the members of the Sanhedrim take advantage of this interruption to persuade the people, etc.

ἵνα] purpose of ἔπεισαν. Ὅπως is likewise used with πείθειν by Greek authors. See Schoem. ad Plut. Cleom. p. 192.

Matthew Kabanata 27 21 Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament

Matthew 27:21

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Matthew 27:21 Ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ, κ.τ.λ.] The governor, having from his tribunal overheard this parleying of the members of the Sanhedrim with the people, now replies to it by once more demanding of the latter, with a view to a final decision: which of the two, etc. He thus puts a stop to the officious conduct of the hierarchs, and resumes his attitude of waiting for the answer of the crowd.