Commentario del capitolo
Matthew Capitolo 1
서론
Introduction
简体中文
Originale inglese
INTRODUCTION
THE author of this Gospel was a publican or tax gatherer, residing at Capernaum, on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee. As to his identity with the "Levi" of the second and third Gospels, and other particulars, see on
Mt 9:9.
Hardly anything is known of his apostolic labors. That, after preaching to his countrymen in Palestine, he went to the East, is the general testimony of antiquity; but the precise scene or scenes of his ministry cannot be determined. That he died a natural death may be concluded from the belief of the best-informed of the Fathers--that of the apostles only three, James the Greater, Peter, and Paul, suffered martyrdom. That the first Gospel was written by this apostle is the testimony of all antiquity.
For the date of this Gospel we have only internal evidence, and that far from decisive. Accordingly, opinion is much divided. That it was the first issued of all the Gospels was universally believed. Hence, although in the order of the Gospels, those by the two apostles were placed first in the oldest manuscripts of the Old Latin version, while in all the Greek manuscripts, with scarcely an exception, the order is the same as in our Bibles, the Gospel according to Matthew is in every case placed first. And as this Gospel is of all the four the one which bears the most evident marks of having been prepared and constructed with a special view to the Jews--who certainly first required a written Gospel, and would be the first to make use of it--there can be no doubt that it was issued before any of the others. That it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem is equally certain; for as HUG observes [Introduction to the New Testament, p. 316, FOSDICK'S translation], when he reports our Lord's prophecy of that awful event, on coming to the warning about "the abomination of desolation" which they should "see standing in the holy place," he interposes (contrary to his invariable practice, which is to relate without remark) a call to his readers to read intelligently--"Whoso readeth, let him understand"
(Mt 24:15)
--a call to attend to the divine signal for flight which could be intended only for those who lived before the event. But how long before that event this Gospel was written is not so clear. Some internal evidences seem to imply a very early date. Since the Jewish Christians were, for five or six years, exposed to persecution from their own countrymen--until the Jews, being persecuted by the Romans, had to look to themselves--it is not likely (it is argued) that they should be left so long without some written Gospel to reassure and sustain them, and Matthew's Gospel was eminently fitted for that purpose. But the digests to which Luke refers in his Introduction (see on
Lu 1:1)
would be sufficient for a time, especially as the living voice of the "eye-witnesses and ministers of the Word" was yet sounding abroad. Other considerations in favor of a very early date--such as the tender way in which the author seems studiously to speak of Herod Antipas, as if still reigning, and his writing of Pilate apparently as if still in power--seem to have no foundation in fact, and cannot therefore be made the ground of reasoning as to the date of this Gospel. Its Hebraic structure and hue, though they prove, as we think, that this Gospel must have been published at a period considerably anterior to the destruction of Jerusalem, are no evidence in favor of so early a date as A.D. 37 or 38--according to some of the Fathers, and, of the moderns, TILLEMONT, TOWNSON, OWEN, BIRKS, TREGELLES. On the other hand, the date suggested by the statement of IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 3.1], that Matthew put forth his Gospel while Peter and Paul were at Rome preaching and founding the Church--or after A.D. 60--though probably the majority of critics are in favor of it, would seem rather too late, especially as the second and third Gospels, which were doubtless published, as well as this one, before the destruction of Jerusalem, had still to be issued. Certainly, such statements as the following, "Wherefore that field is called the field of blood unto this day"
(Mt 27:8);
"And this saying is commonly reported among the Jews until this day"
(Mt 28:15),
bespeak a date considerably later than the events recorded. We incline, therefore, to a date intermediate between the earlier and the later dates assigned to this Gospel, without pretending to greater precision.
We have adverted to the strikingly Jewish character and coloring of this Gospel. The facts which it selects, the points to which it gives prominence, the cast of thought and phraseology, all bespeak the Jewish point of view from which it was written and to which it was directed. This has been noticed from the beginning, and is universally acknowledged. It is of the greatest consequence to the right interpretation of it; but the tendency among some even of the best of the Germans to infer, from this special design of the first Gospel, a certain laxity on the part of the Evangelist in the treatment of his facts, must be guarded against.
But by far the most interesting and important point connected with this Gospel is the language in which it was written. It is believed by a formidable number of critics that this Gospel was originally written in what is loosely called Hebrew, but more correctly Aramaic, or Syro-Chaldaic, the native tongue of the country at the time of our Lord; and that the Greek Matthew which we now possess is a translation of that work, either by the Evangelist himself or some unknown hand. The evidence on which this opinion is grounded is wholly external, but it has been deemed conclusive by GROTIUS, MICHAELIS (and his translator), MARSH, TOWNSON, CAMPBELL, OLSHAUSEN, CRESWELL, MEYER, EBRARD, LANGE, DAVIDSON, CURETON, TREGELLES, WEBSTER and WILKINSON, &c. The evidence referred to cannot be given here, but will be found, with remarks on its unsatisfactory character, in the Introduction to the Gospels prefixed to our larger Commentary, pp. 28-31.
But how stand the facts as to our Greek Gospel? We have not a tittle of historical evidence that it is a translation, either by Matthew himself or anyone else. All antiquity refers to it as the work of Matthew the publican and apostle, just as the other Gospels are ascribed to their respective authors. This Greek Gospel was from the first received by the Church as an integral part of the one quadriform Gospel. And while the Fathers often advert to the two Gospels which we have from apostles, and the two which we have from men not apostles--in order to show that as that of Mark leans so entirely on Peter, and that of Luke on Paul, these are really no less apostolical than the other two--though we attach less weight to this circumstance than they did, we cannot but think it striking that, in thus speaking, they never drop a hint that the full apostolic authority of the Greek Matthew had ever been questioned on the ground of its not being the original. Further, not a trace can be discovered in this Gospel itself of its being a translation. MICHAELIS tried to detect, and fancied that he had succeeded in detecting, one or two such. Other Germans since, and DAVIDSON and CURETON among ourselves, have made the same attempt. But the entire failure of all such attempts is now generally admitted, and candid advocates of a Hebrew original are quite ready to own that none such are to be found, and that but for external testimony no one would have imagined that the Greek was not the original. This they regard as showing how perfectly the translation has been executed; but those who know best what translating from one language into another is will be the readiest to own that this is tantamount to giving up the question. This Gospel proclaims its own originality in a number of striking points; such as its manner of quoting from the Old Testament, and its phraseology in some peculiar cases. But the close verbal coincidences of our Greek Matthew with the next two Gospels must not be quite passed over. There are but two possible ways of explaining this. Either the translator, sacrificing verbal fidelity in his version, intentionally conformed certain parts of his author's work to the second and third Gospels--in which case it can hardly be called Matthew's Gospel at all--or our Greek Matthew is itself the original.
Moved by these considerations, some advocates of a Hebrew original have adopted the theory of a double original; the external testimony, they think, requiring us to believe in a Hebrew original, while internal evidence is decisive in favor of the originality of the Greek. This theory is espoused by GUERICKS, OLSHAUSEN, THIERSCH, TOWNSON, TREGELLES, &c. But, besides that this looks too like an artificial theory, invented to solve a difficulty, it is utterly void of historical support. There is not a vestige of testimony to support it in Christian antiquity. This ought to be decisive against it.
It remains, then, that our Greek Matthew is the original of that Gospel, and that no other original ever existed. It is greatly to the credit of Dean ALFORD, that after maintaining, in the first edition of his Greek Testament the theory of a Hebrew original, he thus expresses himself in the second and subsequent editions: "On the whole, then, I find myself constrained to abandon the view maintained in my first edition, and to adopt that of a Greek original."
One argument has been adduced on the other side, on which not a little reliance has been placed; but the determination of the main question does not, in our opinion, depend upon the point which it raises. It has been very confidently affirmed that the Greek language was not sufficiently understood by the Jews of Palestine when Matthew published his Gospel to make it at all probable that he would write a Gospel, for their benefit in the first instance, in that language. Now, as this merely alleges the improbability of a Greek original, it is enough to place against it the evidence already adduced, which is positive, in favor of the sole originality of our Greek Matthew. It is indeed a question how far the Greek language was understood in Palestine at the time referred to. But we advise the reader not to be drawn into that question as essential to the settlement of the other one. It is an element in it, no doubt, but not an essential element. There are extremes on both sides of it. The old idea, that our Lord hardly ever spoke anything but Syro-Chaldaic, is now pretty nearly exploded. Many, however, will not go the length, on the other side, of HUG (in his Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 326, &c.) and ROBERTS ("Discussions of the Gospels," &c., pp. 25, &c.). For ourselves, though we believe that our Lord, in all the more public scenes of His ministry, spoke in Greek, all we think it necessary here to say is that there is no ground to believe that Greek was so little understood in Palestine as to make it improbable that Matthew would write his Gospel exclusively in that language--so improbable as to outweigh the evidence that he did so. And when we think of the number of digests or short narratives of the principal facts of our Lord's history which we know from Luke
(Lu 1:1-4)
were floating about for some time before he wrote his Gospel, of which he speaks by no means disrespectfully, and nearly all of which would be in the mother tongue, we can have no doubt that the Jewish Christians and the Jews of Palestine generally would have from the first reliable written matter sufficient to supply every necessary requirement until the publican-apostle should leisurely draw up the first of the four Gospels in a language to them not a strange tongue, while to the rest of the world it was the language in which the entire quadriform Gospel was to be for all time enshrined. The following among others hold to this view of the sole originality of the Greek Matthew: ERASMUS, CALVIN, BEZA, LIGHTFOOT, WETSTEIN, LARDNER, HUG, FRITZSCHE, CREDNER, DE WETTE, STUART, DA COSTA, FAIRBAIRN, ROBERTS.
On two other questions regarding this Gospel it would have been desirable to say something, had not our available space been already exhausted: The characteristics, both in language and matter, by which it is distinguished from the other three, and its relation to the second and third Gospels. On the latter of these topics--whether one or more of the Evangelists made use of the materials of the other Gospels, and, if so, which of the Evangelists drew from which--the opinions are just as numerous as the possibilities of the case, every conceivable way of it having one or more who plead for it. The most popular opinion until recently--and perhaps the most popular still--is that the second Evangelist availed himself more or less of the materials of the first Gospel, and the third of the materials of both the first and second Gospels. Here we can but state our own belief, that each of the first three Evangelists wrote independently of both the others; while the fourth, familiar with the first three, wrote to supplement them, and, even where he travels along the same line, wrote quite independently of them. This judgment we express, with all deference for those who think otherwise, as the result of a close study of each of the Gospels in immediate juxtaposition and comparison with the others. On the former of the two topics noticed, the linguistic peculiarities of each of the Gospels have been handled most closely and ably by CREDNER [Einleitung (Introduction to the New Testament)], of whose results a good summary will be found in DAVIDSON'S Introduction to the New Testament. The other peculiarities of the Gospels have been most felicitously and beautifully brought out by DA COSTA in his Four Witnesses, to which we must simply refer the reader, though it contains a few things in which we cannot concur.
1
Mt 1:1-17.
简体中文
Mt 1:1-17。
基督的家谱。 ( =
Lu 3:23-38)。
1. 家谱——这是一个纯粹的犹太用语,意为“家谱表”。在
Ge 5:1
中,同一说法即作此义。因此我们这里所见,并不是整卷马太福音的标题,而仅是前十七节的标题。
耶稣基督——关于这荣耀之名的含义,请参见
Mt 1:16;
Mt 1:21。
“耶稣”是主在受割礼时所得的名字
(Lu 2:21),
也是祂在地上为人所熟知的称呼。“基督”一词——虽在天使向牧羊人报喜信时已被作为专有名词应用在祂身上
(Lu 2:11),
主自己也曾一两次如此使用
(Mt 23:8, 10;Mr 9:41)——
却直到祂地上事工将终之时
(Mt 26:68; 27:17),
才被旁人如此使用。完整的“耶稣基督”形式,虽曾一次为主在其大祭司祷告中所用
(Joh 17:3),
却直到祂升天、以祂的名建立教会之后,才被旁人使用。因此,这一形式在本福音书开篇(以及在
Mt 1:17, 18)
的使用,乃是我们的福音书作者成书的较晚时期的笔法,而非他所要记述之事件当时的笔法。
大卫的子孙,亚伯拉罕的子孙——亚伯拉罕是预言中弥赛亚将由其家族而出的第一位
(Ge 22:18),
大卫则是最后一位。因此,对犹太读者而言,任何真正属于应许之弥赛亚的家谱,都必须以这两人为两大起点;故此这一开篇之句,既为第一福音书打上了独特的犹太印记,也就立刻能博得作者同胞的善意。由那两位先祖中较近的一位,产生了那为人熟知的应许之弥赛亚的名号——“大卫的子孙”
(Lu 20:41),
这名字被用在耶稣身上,或出自信徒对祂合法名分的虔诚承认
(Mt 9:27; 20:31),
或出于一种含蓄的探问,想知道是否果真如此(参见
Joh 4:29;
Mt 12:23)。
Originale inglese
Mt 1:1-17.
GENEALOGY OF CHRIST. ( =
Lu 3:23-38).
1. The book of the generation--an expression purely Jewish; meaning, "table of the genealogy." In
Ge 5:1
the same expression occurs in this sense. We have here, then, the title, not of this whole Gospel of Matthew, but only of the first seventeen verses.
of Jesus Christ--For the meaning of these glorious words, see on
Mt 1:16;
Mt 1:21.
"Jesus," the name given to our Lord at His circumcision
(Lu 2:21),
was that by which He was familiarly known while on earth. The word "Christ"--though applied to Him as a proper name by the angel who announced His birth to the shepherds
(Lu 2:11),
and once or twice used in this sense by our Lord Himself
(Mt 23:8, 10; Mr 9:41)
--only began to be so used by others about the very close of His earthly career
(Mt 26:68; 27:17).
The full form, "Jesus Christ," though once used by Himself in His Intercessory Prayer
(Joh 17:3),
was never used by others till after His ascension and the formation of churches in His name. Its use, then, in the opening words of this Gospel (and in
Mt 1:17, 18)
is in the style of the late period when our Evangelist wrote, rather than of the events he was going to record.
the son of David, the son of Abraham--As Abraham was the first from whose family it was predicted that Messiah should spring
(Ge 22:18),
so David was the last. To a Jewish reader, accordingly, these behooved to be the two great starting-points of any true genealogy of the promised Messiah; and thus this opening verse, as it stamps the first Gospel as one peculiarly Jewish, would at once tend to conciliate the writer's people. From the nearest of those two fathers came that familiar name of the promised Messiah, "the son of David"
(Lu 20:41),
which was applied to Jesus, either in devout acknowledgment of His rightful claim to it
(Mt 9:27; 20:31),
or in the way of insinuating inquiry whether such were the case (see on
Joh 4:29;
Mt 12:23).
2
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简体中文
2. 亚伯拉罕生以撒,以撒生雅各,雅各生犹大和他的弟兄——此处只提雅各的第四子,因为弥赛亚将从他的后裔而出
(Ge 49:10)。
Originale inglese
2. Abraham begat Isaac; and Isaac begat Jacob; and Jacob begat Judas and his brethren--Only the fourth son of Jacob is here named, as it was from his loins that Messiah was to spring
(Ge 49:10).
3
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简体中文
3-6. 犹大从他玛氏生法勒斯和谢拉,法勒斯生希斯仑,希斯仑生亚兰,4. 亚兰生亚米拿达,亚米拿达生拿顺,拿顺生撒门,5. 撒门从喇合氏生波阿斯,波阿斯从路得氏生俄备得,俄备得生耶西,6. 耶西生大卫王。大卫王从乌利亚的妻子生所罗门——此处提到了四个女人;其中两个生来就是外邦人——喇合与路得;而她们中有三个在旧约中其名皆带有污点——他玛、喇合与拔示巴。这一家谱中的特色——与路加所记的家谱不同——正出自那一位在十二使徒名单中自称(其他名单均无此称)“税吏马太”的人之手;仿佛一开始就要彰显那无法测透之丰富的恩典——这恩典不仅能招聚“远处的人”,甚至能教化“税吏和娼妓”,并将他们提升至“与本国的君王同坐”。大卫在此两度被郑重地称为“大卫王”,因为他不仅是弥赛亚将要从其而出的王室之始祖,更是那一系列君王中唯一一位——弥赛亚所要坐的宝座正是从其得名——“大卫的宝座”。天使加百列向童贞女宣告祂时,称之为“祂祖大卫的宝座”,将那一脉中间的诸王一概略去,因为它们的重要性不过在于作为连接以色列头一位君王与末后一位君王的父子之链。要注意:此处喇合被列为大卫的曾祖母(见
Ru 4:20-22;1Ch 2:11-15)——
这并非绝无可能,却极不可能,因为其间相隔约四个世纪。几乎无可怀疑,其中有一两个中间环节被省略了。
Originale inglese
3-6. And Judas begat Phares and Zara of Thamar; and Phares begat Esrom; and Esrom begat Aram; 4. And Aram begat Aminadab; and Aminadab begat Naasson; and Naasson begat Salmon; 5. And Salmon begat Booz of Rachab; and Booz begat Obed of Ruth; and Obed begat Jesse; 6. And Jesse begat David the king; and David the king begat Solomon of her of Urias--Four women are here introduced; two of them Gentiles by birth--Rachab and Ruth; and three of them with a blot at their names in the Old Testament--Thamar, Rachab, and Bath-sheba. This feature in the present genealogy--herein differing from that given by Luke--comes well from him who styles himself in his list of the Twelve, what none of the other lists do, "Matthew the publican"; as if thereby to hold forth, at the very outset, the unsearchable riches of that grace which could not only fetch in "them that are afar off," but teach down even to "publicans and harlots," and raise them to "sit with the princes of his people." David is here twice emphatically styled "David the king," as not only the first of that royal line from which Messiah was to descend, but the one king of all that line from which the throne that Messiah was to occupy took its name--"the throne of David." The angel Gabriel, in announcing Him to His virgin-mother, calls it "the throne of David His father," sinking all the intermediate kings of that line, as having no importance save as links to connect the first and the last king of Israel as father and son. It will be observed that Rachab is here represented as the great-grandmother of David (see
Ru 4:20-22; 1Ch 2:11-15)
--a thing not beyond possibility indeed, but extremely improbable, there being about four centuries between them. There can hardly be a doubt that one or two intermediate links are omitted.
7
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简体中文
7-8. 所罗门生罗波安,罗波安生亚比雅,亚比雅生亚撒,8. 亚撒生约沙法,约沙法生约兰,约兰生乌西亚——或作乌西雅。这里省略了三个王——亚哈谢、约阿施和亚玛谢
(1Ch 3:11, 12)。
为要把全部压缩为三个十四代
(Mt 1:17),
总得有所省略。何以省略的恰是这几个而非别的名字,当从宗教性的考虑中去寻找——或在于这些王与亚哈家的关联(如 LIGHTFOOT、EBRARD、ALFORD 的看法);或在于他们作为神治链条上真正一环的资格甚为薄弱(如 LANGE 的看法);或在于某种类似的不合资格。
Originale inglese
7-8. And Solomon begat Roboam; and Roboam begat Abia; and Abia begat Asa; 8. And Asa begat Josaphat; and Josaphat begat Joram; and Joram begat Ozias--or Uzziah. Three kings are here omitted--Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah
(1Ch 3:11, 12).
Some omissions behooved to be made, to compress the whole into three fourteens
(Mt 1:17).
The reason why these, rather than other names, are omitted, must be sought in religious considerations--either in the connection of those kings with the house of Ahab (as LIGHTFOOT, EBRARD, and ALFORD view it); in their slender right to be regarded as true links in the theocratic chain (as LANGE takes it); or in some similar disqualification.
11
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简体中文
11. 约西亚生耶哥尼雅和他的弟兄——耶哥尼雅是约西亚的孙子,是约西亚次子约雅敬的儿子
(1Ch 3:15);
但在这样的谱系中,约雅敬大可被略去,因为他不过是埃及王手中的傀儡
(2Ch 36:4)。
此处耶哥尼雅的“弟兄”显然指他的叔伯——其中最显要的玛探雅(即西底家)登了王位
(2Ki 24:17),
在
2Ch 36:10
及此处都被称为“他的兄弟”。
百姓被迁到巴比伦的时候——直译作“迁移的时候”,因为犹太人避免用“被掳”一词,以其为太痛苦的回忆;我们的福音书作者也谨慎地尊重这种民族感情。
Originale inglese
11. And Josias begat Jechonias and his brethren--Jeconiah was Josiah's grandson, being the son of Jehoiakim, Josiah's second son
(1Ch 3:15);
but Jehoiakim might well be sunk in such a catalogue, being a mere puppet in the hands of the king of Egypt
(2Ch 36:4).
The "brethren" of Jechonias here evidently mean his uncles--the chief of whom, Mattaniah or Zedekiah, who came to the throne
(2Ki 24:17),
is, in
2Ch 36:10,
as well as here, called "his brother."
about the time they were carried away to Babylon--literally, "of their migration," for the Jews avoided the word "captivity" as too bitter a recollection, and our Evangelist studiously respects the national feeling.
12
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简体中文
12. 迁到巴比伦之后——即巴比伦迁移之后。
耶哥尼雅生撒拉铁——
1Ch 3:17
亦如此记。这与
Jer 22:30
“耶和华如此说:要写明这人(哥尼雅,即耶哥尼雅)算为无子”并不矛盾;因为下文解释了这话的意义——“因为他后裔中再无一人得亨通,能坐在大卫的宝座上”。他会有后裔,却不会有作王的儿子。
撒拉铁——或作设巴萨。
生所罗巴伯——
Ezr 3:2;Ne 12:1;Hag 1:1
亦如此记。但从
1Ch 3:19
可见,所罗巴伯是撒拉铁的孙子,是毗大雅的儿子;毗大雅的名字因某种未知的原因被略去。
Originale inglese
12. And after they were brought to Babylon--after the migration of Babylon.
Jechonias begat Salathiel--So
1Ch 3:17.
Nor does this contradict
Jer 22:30,
"Thus saith the Lord, Write ye this man (Coniah, or Jeconiah) childless"; for what follows explains in what sense this was meant--"for no man of his seed shall prosper, sitting upon the throne of David." He was to have seed, but no reigning child.
and Salathiel--or Shealtiel.
begat Zorobabel--So
Ezr 3:2; Ne 12:1; Hag 1:1.
But it would appear from
1Ch 3:19
that Zerubbabel was Salathiel's grandson, being the son of Pedaiah, whose name, for some reason unknown, is omitted.
13
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简体中文
13-15. 所罗巴伯生亚比玉等等——这些名字无一见于旧约;但无疑取自公共或家族的谱系记录,犹太人对此谨慎保存,其准确性从未受到质疑。
Originale inglese
13-15. And Zorobabel begat Abiud, &c.--None of these names are found in the Old Testament; but they were doubtless taken from the public or family registers, which the Jews carefully kept, and their accuracy was never challenged.
16
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简体中文
16. 雅各生约瑟,就是马利亚的丈夫;那称为基督的耶稣,是从马利亚生的——由此可知此处所记的家谱不是马利亚的,而是约瑟的;这一点从未受到质疑。然而此处特意宣告约瑟不是我们主肉身的、而只是法律上的父亲。祂由童女所生一事只有少数人知道;但祂法律上的父亲公认出于大卫的后裔,保证了耶稣本身出于大卫的后裔这一点永远不被质疑。见
太1:20的注释。
称为基督——意即「受膏者」。旧约将其用于君王
(撒上24:6, 10);
用于祭司
(利4:5, 16,
等等);用于先知
(王上19:16)
——这些人都受膏抹油,象征其分别为圣担任各职所需属灵恩赐;它也在其最崇高而丰富的意义上,被用于那应许的拯救者,因为祂将以圣灵无可测度的受膏被分别为圣,担任涵盖三职的职事
(赛61:1;
参
约3:34)。
Originale inglese
16. And Jacob begat Joseph, the husband of Mary, of whom was born Jesus--From this it is clear that the genealogy here given is not that of Mary, but of Joseph; nor has this ever been questioned. And yet it is here studiously proclaimed that Joseph was not the natural, but only the legal father of our Lord. His birth of a virgin was known only to a few; but the acknowledged descent of his legal father from David secured that the descent of Jesus Himself from David should never be questioned. See on
Mt 1:20.
who is called Christ--signifying "anointed." It is applied in the Old Testament to the kings
(1Sa 24:6, 10);
to the priests
(Le 4:5, 16,
&c.); and to the prophets
(1Ki 19:16)
--these all being anointed with oil, the symbol of the needful spiritual gifts to consecrate them to their respective offices; and it was applied, in its most sublime and comprehensive sense, to the promised Deliverer, inasmuch as He was to be consecrated to an office embracing all three by the immeasurable anointing of the Holy Ghost
(Isa 61:1;
compare
Joh 3:34).
17
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简体中文
17. 这样,从亚伯拉罕到大卫共有十四代;从大卫到迁至——或迁徙。
巴比伦的时候也有十四代;从迁至巴比伦——巴比伦的迁徙。
的时候到基督又有十四代——意即全部可方便地分为三个十四代,各涵盖一个显著的时代,各以以色列史册中一个显著的事件作结。这种人为的记忆辅助对犹太人并不陌生,某些旧约家谱中存在的跳代比这里还大得多。在
拉7:1-5
中,祭司谱系省略了不下六代,与
代上6:3-15
一比较便可看出。
应当留意,三个十四代的最后一个似乎只含十三个独特的名字(包括耶稣为末后一位)。朗格认为这是暗示马利亚当被补入,作为末后链环的第十三环,因为我们不能设想福音书作者在此事上会犯错。但有一个更简单的解释。正如福音书作者自己
(太1:17)
将大卫数了两次——作为头一个十四代的末后一位与第二个十四代的首位——同样,我们若将第二个十四代算到约西亚为止(约西亚与「被掳到巴比伦」同时代
〔太1:11〕),
而第三个十四代从耶哥尼雅开始,就会发现末后这一代也与其他两代一样,包含十四个名字,包括我们主的名字。
Originale inglese
17. So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen generations; and from David until the carrying away--or migration.
into Babylon are fourteen generations; and from the carrying away into Babylon--the migration of Babylon.
unto Christ are fourteen generations--that is, the whole may be conveniently divided into three fourteens, each embracing one marked era, and each ending with a notable event, in the Israelitish annals. Such artificial aids to memory were familiar to the Jews, and much larger gaps than those here are found in some of the Old Testament genealogies. In
Ezr 7:1-5
no fewer than six generations of the priesthood are omitted, as will appear by comparing it with
1Ch 6:3-15.
It will be observed that the last of the three divisions of fourteen appears to contain only thirteen distinct names, including Jesus as the last. LANGE thinks that this was meant as a tacit hint that Mary was to be supplied, as the thirteenth link of the last chain, as it is impossible to conceive that the Evangelist could have made any mistake in the matter. But there is a simpler way of accounting for it. As the Evangelist himself
(Mt 1:17)
reckons David twice--as the last of the first fourteen and the first of the second--so, if we reckon the second fourteen to end with Josiah, who was coeval with the "carrying away into captivity"
(Mt 1:11),
and third to begin with Jeconiah, it will be found that the last division, as well as the other two, embraces fourteen names, including that of our Lord.
18
Mt 1:18-25.
简体中文
太1:18-25.
基督的降生。
18. 耶稣基督降生的事记在下面——或作「如此」。
他母亲马利亚已经许配了——宁可说「订了婚」。
约瑟,还没有迎娶,马利亚就被发现——被发现是。
圣灵怀了孕——当然,被发现的只是事实;此处对事实的解释是福音书作者自己的。圣灵是一位有生命、有意识的位格,在此明显蕴含,在别处也清楚教导
(徒5:3, 4,
等等):而在神格的合一中,祂既与父也与子有别,同样清楚地被教导
(太28:19;林后13:14)。
关于我们主奇妙成孕,见
路1:35的注释。
Originale inglese
Mt 1:18-25.
BIRTH OF CHRIST.
18. Now the birth of Jesus Christ was on this wise--or, "thus."
When as his mother Mary was espoused--rather, "betrothed."
to Joseph, before they came together, she was found--discovered to be.
with child of the Holy Ghost--It was, of course, the fact only that was discovered; the explanation of the fact here given is the Evangelist's own. That the Holy Ghost is a living conscious Person is plainly implied here, and is elsewhere clearly taught
(Ac 5:3, 4,
&c.): and that, in the unity of the Godhead, He is distinct both from the Father and the Son, is taught with equal distinctness
(Mt 28:19; 2Co 13:14).
On the miraculous conception of our Lord, see on
Lu 1:35.
19
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19. 她丈夫约瑟——参
太1:20,
「你的妻子马利亚。」按犹太律法,订婚便是有效的婚姻。因此约瑟若要放弃马利亚,必须采取法律程序才能达成分离。
是个义人,不愿意明明地羞辱她——暴露她(见
申22:23, 24),
想要暗暗地把她休了——即私下给她所需的休书
(申24:1),
只有两三个见证人在场,不说明理由,而不是把她带到官长面前。约瑟与他未婚妻之间——直接或间接地——在她从以利沙伯那里三个月访问归来之后,就这主题有过某种交通,几乎无可置疑。而他打算休她,也不必意味着他不相信她给他的解释。即使假设他对那解释给予了某种敬虔的赞同——福音书作者似乎也暗示了这一点,将掩护她的提议归因于他品格的公义——他可能认为在这种情况下完成婚事完全不合适、不相称。
Originale inglese
19. Then Joseph her husband--Compare
Mt 1:20,
"Mary, thy wife." Betrothal was, in Jewish law, valid marriage. In giving Mary up, therefore, Joseph had to take legal steps to effect the separation.
being a just man, and not willing to make her a public example--to expose her (see
De 22:23, 24)
was minded to put her away privily--that is, privately by giving her the required writing of divorcement
(De 24:1),
in presence of only two or three witnesses, and without cause assigned, instead of having her before a magistrate. That some communication had passed between him and his betrothed, directly or indirectly, on the subject, after she returned from her three months' visit to Elizabeth, can hardly be doubted. Nor does the purpose to divorce her necessarily imply disbelief, on Joseph's part, of the explanation given him. Even supposing him to have yielded to it some reverential assent--and the Evangelist seems to convey as much, by ascribing the proposal to screen her to the justice of his character--he might think it altogether unsuitable and incongruous in such circumstances to follow out the marriage.
20
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简体中文
20. 正思念这事的时候——谁不为他在收到这样的消息之后、又尚未从天上得着任何光照之时,感到怜惵?当他独自在夜的寂静中沉思此事,他家庭的前景黑暗,一生的幸福破灭,他的心慢慢打定主意采取痛苦的步骤,却在盘算如何以最少冒犯的方式行之——在最后的绝境中,主亲自介入。
有主的使者向他梦中显现,说:大卫的子孙约瑟——这种称呼方式无疑是有意选择的,为要提醒他记起大卫家族早早切切求的事,从而为他将要听见的那奇妙宣告预备。
不要怕,只管娶过你的妻子马利亚来,因她所怀的孕是从圣灵来的——虽然如今有乌云笼罩这关系,它却仍是毫无玷污的。
Originale inglese
20. But while he thought on these things--Who would not feel for him after receiving such intelligence, and before receiving any light from above? As he brooded over the matter alone, in the stillness of the night, his domestic prospects darkened and his happiness blasted for life, his mind slowly making itself up to the painful step, yet planning how to do it in the way least offensive--at the last extremity the Lord Himself interposes.
behold, the angel of the Lord appeared to him in a dream, saying, Joseph thou son of David--This style of address was doubtless advisedly chosen to remind him of what all the families of David's line so early coveted, and thus it would prepare him for the marvellous announcement which was to follow.
fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife, for that which is conceived in her is of the Holy Ghost--Though a dark cloud now overhangs this relationship, it is unsullied still.
21
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简体中文
21. 她将要生一个儿子——请注意,并未说「她必给你生一个儿子」,如对撒迦利亚论其妻以利沙伯所说
(路1:13)。
你要——作为他的法律上的父亲。
给他起名叫耶稣——源自希伯来文,意为「耶和华拯救」;希腊文作耶稣——对已觉醒、焦虑的罪人而言,是一切名中最甘甜、最芳香的,如此悦耳而简洁地表达了他整个拯救的职分与工作!
因他要将自己的百姓——「他」在此是强调性的——救他们的是他;他亲自,并以亲自的作为(如韦伯斯特与威尔金森所言)。
从罪恶里救出来——他的百姓——首要是以色列家迷失的羊;因为那是他那时仅有的百姓。但当中间隔断的墙拆毁之后,得救的百姓便括及「用自己的血从各族、各民、各方、各国买了人来归于神」的。
从罪恶里救出来——在最全面的意义上,指从罪中得救
(启1:5;弗5:25-27)。
Originale inglese
21. And she shall bring forth a son--Observe, it is not said, "she shall bear thee a son," as was said to Zacharias of his wife Elizabeth
(Lu 1:13).
and thou--as his legal father.
shalt call his name JESUS--from the Hebrew meaning "Jehovah the Saviour"; in Greek JESUS--to the awakened and anxious sinner sweetest and most fragrant of all names, expressing so melodiously and briefly His whole saving office and work!
for he shall save--The "He" is here emphatic--He it is that shall save; He personally, and by personal acts (as WEBSTER and WILKINSON express it).
his people--the lost sheep of the house of Israel, in the first instance; for they were the only people He then had. But, on the breaking down of the middle wall of partition, the saved people embraced the "redeemed unto God by His blood out of every kindred and people and tongue and nation."
from their sins--in the most comprehensive sense of salvation from sin
(Re 1:5; Eph 5:25-27).
22
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简体中文
22. 这一切的事成就,是要应验主藉先知所说的话——
(赛7:14)。
说——如下。
Originale inglese
22. Now all this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet--
(Isa 7:14).
saying--as follows.
23
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简体中文
23. 说:必有童女——应作「那童女」,意指那位注定得此无与伦比之尊荣的特定童女。
怀孕生子;人要称他的名为以马内利。(以马内利番出来,就是「神与我们同在」。)——不是说这是他固有的名字(如「耶稣」),而是说他将以此身份为人所知——作为在肉身中显现的神,以及从此以后直到永远,神与人之间圣洁而最亲密之相交的活纽带。
Originale inglese
23. Behold, a virgin--It should be "the virgin" meaning that particular virgin destined to this unparalleled distinction.
shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which, being interpreted, is, God with us--Not that He was to have this for a proper name (like "Jesus"), but that He should come to be known in this character, as God manifested in the flesh, and the living bond of holy and most intimate fellowship between God and men from henceforth and for ever.
24
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简体中文
24. 约瑟醒了,起来——他的一切难处如今都解除了。
遵照主使者的吩咐,把妻子迎娶过来——他现在要以何等深刻而敬虔的喜乐来行这事;这又要给他未婚妻多少安慰——她直到如今都活在一切怀疑之下,这对一个贞洁圣洁的女子是最难堪的——何况这些怀疑源于一件在她虽是举世无双的尊荣、在她周围所有人却是全然不知的事!
Originale inglese
24. Then Joseph, being raised from sleep--and all his difficulties now removed.
did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him, and took unto him his wife--With what deep and reverential joy would this now be done on his part; and what balm would this minister to his betrothed one, who had till now lain under suspicions of all others the most trying to a chaste and holy woman--suspicions, too, arising from what, though to her an honor unparalleled, was to all around her wholly unknown!
25
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简体中文
25. 只是没有和她同房,等她生了儿子,就给他起名叫耶稣——「等」字不必意味着他们之后以不同的方式生活(从同一字在
撒上15:35;撒下6:23;太12:20
的用法可见);
「头胎」一词也不能决定这多有争议的问题——马利亚在基督诞生后是否为约瑟生了任何儿女;因为,正如莱特富特所言:「律法论到头胎时,不问之后是否有再生的,只问之前没有。」(见
太13:55, 56的注释)。
Originale inglese
25. And knew her not till she had brought forth her first-born son: and he called his name JESUS--The word "till" does not necessarily imply that they lived on a different footing afterwards (as will be evident from the use of the same word in
1Sa 15:35; 2Sa 6:23; Mt 12:20);
nor does the word "first-born" decide the much-disputed question, whether Mary had any children to Joseph after the birth of Christ; for, as LIGHTFOOT says, "The law, in speaking of the first-born, regarded not whether any were born after or no, but only that none were born before." (See on
Mt 13:55, 56).
引言
本福音书的作者是一名税吏,居住在加利利海西岸的迦百农。关于他与第二、第三卷福音书中的“利未”同为一人,以及其他相关细节,请参见
Mt 9:9。
关于他使徒时期的事工,几乎一无所知。古代教父普遍的见证是:他在巴勒斯坦向同胞传道之后,前往东方;但其事工的确切地点则无法确定。据最有见识的教父们所言,使徒之中只有雅各(西庇太的儿子)、彼得、保罗三人殉道,由此可推知他乃是安然去世。本福音书系由这位使徒所写,乃是一切古代教会的共同见证。
关于本福音书的成书日期,我们仅有内在证据,且远非决定性的。因此,意见分歧甚大。所有人都相信它是诸福音书中最早成书的。因此,虽然在《古拉丁译本》(Old Latin version)的最古老抄本中,两位使徒所写的福音书被置于最前,而在所有《希腊文》抄本中,几乎没有例外,其排列次序与我们今日的圣经相同——马太福音总是无一例外地被置于首位。又因本福音书在四福音书中,最为明显地显示出是特别为犹太人而预备并编纂的(他们无疑最先需要一部成文的福音书,也必最先使用它),故可断定它早于其他福音书发行。同样可以确定的是,它写于耶路撒冷被毁之前;因为正如 HUG 所指出的 [Introduction to the New Testament, p. 316, FOSDICK'S translation],当作者记述主对那可怕事件的预言,提到“那行毁坏可憎的”他们要“看见站在圣地”这一警告时,他(与作者一贯“只叙述不加评注”的做法相反)插入了一段对读者的提示,要他们明智地阅读——“读的人须要会意”
(Mt 24:15)
——这一呼吁,是要人留意那为逃难而设的神圣信号,而这只能是为事件发生之前还活着的人而设的。但本书写于该事件之前多久,则不那么清楚。有些内在证据似乎暗示成书日期很早。由于犹太基督徒在五、六年间受同胞的逼迫——直到犹太人自己被罗马人逼迫,不得不自顾——此时(有人如此论证)他们不太可能被如此长久地搁置,而没有一部成文的福音书来安慰并扶持他们;而马太福音最适合此用。但路加在其引言中所提到的那些摘录(参见
Lu 1:1)
在一段时期内已经足够,尤其因为“亲眼见过又传给我们的”“见证人和道的事奉者”的活泼声音仍在四方传扬。其他支持极早成书日期的理由——例如作者似乎刻意以温和的口吻提及希律·安提帕,仿佛他仍在位;论及彼拉多也仿佛他仍然掌权——看来并无事实根据,因此不能作为推断本书成书日期的依据。本书的希伯来式结构与色调,虽(我们认为)足以证明本福音书必定是在耶路撒冷被毁之前相当早的时期出版的,却不能证明它早到主后 37 或 38 年——这是一些教父以及现代学者如 TILLEMONT、TOWNSON、OWEN、BIRKS、TREGELLES 等人所主张的。另一方面,IRENÆUS [Against Heresies, 3.1] 说,马太在彼得和保罗于罗马传道并建立教会期间发布其福音书——即主后 60 年之后——这一日期虽可能为多数批评家所赞同,但似乎稍嫌太晚;因为第二、第三卷福音书无疑也和本福音书一样,是在耶路撒冷被毁之前出版的,而它们仍在此后才发行。诚然,下列经文如:“所以那块田直到今日还叫作血田”
(Mt 27:8);
“这话就传说在犹太人中间,直到今日”
(Mt 28:15),
都表明成书日期比所记事件要晚得多。因此我们倾向于在所定各日期之间的一个居中日期,不敢妄称更为精确。
我们已经提到本福音书显著的犹太特征与色彩。它所选取的事实、所突出的重点、思想与措辞的格调,都表明它是从犹太人的观点写出,也是面向犹太人的。这一点从起初就被人注意到,并得到普遍承认。这对本书的正确解释至关重要;但部分极优秀的德国学者却从第一福音书的这一特殊目的,推断出这位福音书作者在处理事实时有一定的随意性,这种倾向必须加以防范。
但与本书相关最有趣且最重要的一点,乃是它写成的语言。有一派数目可观的批评家相信,本福音书原本是用一种宽泛地称为希伯来文、更准确地称为亚兰文(Aramaic)或叙利亚-迦勒底文(Syro-Chaldaic)——即主在世时那地方的本地语言——写成的;而我们今日拥有的希腊文马太福音,乃是那部作品的译本,或为作者本人所译,或为某位不知名者所译。这一见解所依据的证据全属外在证据,但 GROTIUS、MICHAELIS(及其译者)、MARSH、TOWNSON、CAMPBELL、OLSHAUSEN、CRESWELL、MEYER、EBRARD、LANGE、DAVIDSON、CURETON、TREGELLES、WEBSTER 与 WILKINSON 等人却认为它是决定性的。此处无法详列那些证据,但可在我们较大部之注释(Commentary)前面所附《福音书引言》(Introduction to the Gospels)pp. 28-31 中找到,并附有关于其不足之处的评论。
但就我们现有的希腊文福音书而言,事实究竟如何?我们没有丝毫历史证据表明它是一部译本——无论是马太本人所译还是别人所译。一切古代教会都把它视为税吏、使徒马太的著作,正如其他福音书各归于其作者名下一样。这部希腊文福音书从一开始就被教会接纳为那独一、四重形式之福音(Gospel)的组成部分。教父们常常提到:我们有出自使徒的福音书两卷,有出自非使徒之人的两卷——为要表明马可福音全然倚重彼得,路加福音全然倚重保罗,因此这两卷也与其他两卷一样具有使徒的权威——虽然我们不像他们那样重视这一情形,但仍觉得值得注意:他们在这样论说时,从未透露半点暗示说,希腊文马太福音的完全使徒权威曾因其非原文而受到质疑。再者,在本福音书本身之中,找不到丝毫它是译本的痕迹。MICHAELIS 曾试图发现,并自以为发现了一两处。此后其他德国学者,以及我国的 DAVIDSON 与 CURETON,也曾作同样尝试。但这类尝试的彻底失败如今已获普遍承认,连希伯来文原本的坦诚拥护者也乐于承认,在这部书中找不到这种痕迹;若非外在证据,没有人会想到希腊文竟不是原文。他们认为这正显示译文是何等完美;然而最了解从一种语言译为另一种语言是何事的人,最容易承认这其实就等于放弃这一论点。本福音书在许多显著之处宣告其本身的原创性,例如它引用旧约的方式,以及在某些特殊情形下的用语。但我们希腊文马太福音与其次两卷福音书之间紧密的字面吻合(verbal coincidences),也不应略而不谈。解释这一点只有两种可能。要么是译者在其译本中牺牲了字面上的忠实,故意将其作者著作的若干部分调整为与第二、第三福音书一致——若如此,它几乎不能称为马太福音——要么我们的希腊文马太福音本身就是原文。
受这些考虑所推动,一些希伯来文原本的拥护者采纳了双重原本(a double original)之说:他们认为外在证据要求我们相信有一部希伯来文原本,而内在证据却决定性地支持希腊文的原创性。此说为 GUERICKS、OLSHAUSEN、THIERSCH、TOWNSON、TREGELLES 等人所赞同。但此说除了看起来太像一个为解决困难而杜撰的人为理论之外,它在历史上完全没有依据。在古代基督教会中,没有丝毫证据支持它。这本身就应当成为反对它的决定性理由。
那么结论是:我们的希腊文马太福音就是那卷福音书的原本,此外并无其他原本存在。Dean ALFORD 值得大加称赞:他在其希腊文新约(Greek Testament)第一版中曾主张希伯来文原本之说,却在第二版及以后各版中如此表达自己的立场:“综上所述,我不得不放弃第一版中所持的观点,转而采纳希腊文原本之说。”
另一方面曾提出一个论据,颇有人寄以重望;但据我们看来,主要问题的解决并不取决于它所提出的论点。有人十分自信地断言,当马太发布其福音书时,巴勒斯坦的犹太人对希腊文并不十分通晓,因此他不太可能首先为他们的益处而以那种语言撰写一部福音书。既然这一说法只是断言希腊文原文之不可能,那么将上文已经提出的、为希腊文马太福音的独一原创性所作的正面证据与之相对,就足够了。诚然,在所论及的时期,希腊文在巴勒斯坦究竟普及到何种程度,仍是个问题。但我们劝读者不要把这一问题视为解决另一问题的必要条件而被牵涉其中。它是其中一项要素,但不是必要要素。在此问题上有两个极端。过去那种认为我们的主几乎只说叙利亚-迦勒底文的旧见解,如今已几乎被推翻。然而另一方面,许多人也不愿走到 HUG(在其Introduction to the New Testament pp. 326 等)和 ROBERTS(“Discussions of the Gospels”等 pp. 25 等)那样远的地步。就我们自己而言,我们虽然相信主在一切较为公开的事奉场合中说的是希腊文,但在此只需说:没有理由相信希腊文在巴勒斯坦是如此不通晓,以至于马太不太可能专以那种语言撰写其福音书——其可能性小到足以推翻他确曾如此作的证据。当我们想到我们从路加
(Lu 1:1-4)
得知,在路加撰写其福音书之前一段时间,已有许多关于主事略要点的摘录或简短记述流传——他对这些并不轻蔑,且其中几乎全用母语写成——我们就不会怀疑,犹太基督徒及巴勒斯坦的犹太人从起初就有可靠成文的材料,足以满足一切需要,直到这位税吏使徒从容地以四福音中为首的一卷,用一种对他们来说并非陌生的语言写成;而对全世界而言,那正是四重福音将永远铭刻其中的语言。下列等人赞同希腊文马太福音独一原创之说:ERASMUS、CALVIN、BEZA、LIGHTFOOT、WETSTEIN、LARDNER、HUG、FRITZSCHE、CREDNER、DE WETTE、STUART、DA COSTA、FAIRBAIRN、ROBERTS。
关于本福音书还有两个问题,本应有所论述,但篇幅已不容再加:本福音书与其他三卷在语言和内容上的特征,以及它与第二、第三福音书之关系。后一题目——是否某位或某几位福音书作者采用了其他福音书的材料,若是,则谁取自谁——其意见之多恰如其可能性之多,每一种可设想的方式都有一人或多人拥护。直到最近、也许至今仍最流行的见解是:第二位福音书作者或多或少采用了第一福音书的材料,第三位则采用了第一、第二福音书的材料。在此我们只能陈述自己的信念:前三福音的每一位都独立于其他两位而写作;第四位熟悉前三福音,是为补充它们而写作,即便沿着同一脉络,也完全独立于它们。我们如此判断——对持异议者亦存敬意——乃是因对每一卷福音书与其他各卷作了紧密并列与比较的深入研究。前述两个题目中,前一题——各福音书的语言特征——CREDNER [Einleitung(Introduction to the New Testament)] 处理得最为缜密精到,其成果在 DAVIDSON 的Introduction to the New Testament 中有很好的概述。各福音书的其他特征,则由 DA COSTA 在其Four Witnesses 中最为巧妙而优美地阐述出来;我们只能请读者参阅该书,尽管其中也有少数几点我们无法苟同。