Matthew Henry's Complete Commentary
Matthew Henry · 1714
Matthew Henry 사후(1714) 공개 도메인. 디지털판 CC0-1.0.
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Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset, David Brown · 1871
Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible (1871). CCEL expanded electronic edition states it is in the public domain.
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Barnes' Notes on the Bible
Albert Barnes · 1834
Albert Barnes' Notes on Revelation Of St. John The Divine (New Testament, English original, public domain). Sourced from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL). Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/barnes.
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Adam Clarke's Commentary and Critical Notes on the Bible
Adam Clarke · 1831
Public domain English commentary by Adam Clarke, normalized from Wikisource book pages for scripture.how. Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/clarke.
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John Gill's Exposition of the Bible
John Gill · 1763
John Gill(1697-1771), Exposition of the Old and New Testament(1746-1763). Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/gill.
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Calvin's Commentaries
John Calvin · 1850
종교개혁 신학 원천 (영역본 PD, 대부분 — 전권 아님)
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Matthew Poole's Annotations upon the Holy Bible
Matthew Poole · 1685
간결 절별 전권 개혁주의 주석
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The Pulpit Commentary
ed. H.D.M. Spence & Joseph S. Exell · 1890
전권 강해·설교·예화 풍부 (항목 대량)
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Keil & Delitzsch Commentary on the Old Testament
Carl F. Keil, Franz Delitzsch · 1866
구약 학술 표준 — 히브리어·문헌비평·고대근동 배경
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Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers
ed. Charles J. Ellicott · 1878
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Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
Cambridge (다저자) · 1900
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Vincent's Word Studies in the New Testament
Marvin R. Vincent · 1887
신약 헬라어 단어 연구
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Word Pictures in the New Testament
A.T. Robertson · 1933
헬라어 시제·문법 해설 결정판 (KR PD / US 1931+ 권별)
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The Expositor's Greek Testament
ed. W. Robertson Nicoll (다저자) · 1910
헬라어 신약 학술 (권별 저자 PD 확인 필요)
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Meyer's Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament
Heinrich A.W. Meyer · 1880
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Wesley's Explanatory Notes
John Wesley · 1755
간결 실용 전권(NT 1755 / OT 1765) 웨슬리안
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Benson's Commentary of the Old and New Testaments
Joseph Benson · 1815
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The Treasury of David
Charles H. Spurgeon · 1885
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MacLaren's Expositions of Holy Scripture
Alexander Maclaren · 1910
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The People's New Testament
B.W. Johnson · 1891
평이 절별 신약 해설 (일반신자·모바일)
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Coke's Commentary on the Holy Bible
Thomas Coke · 1803
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Trapp's Complete Commentary
John Trapp · 1660
청교도 전권 주석 — Henry/Gill 보완
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Hodge's Commentary on the New Testament
Charles Hodge · 1860
프린스턴 조직신학 관점 신약 정밀 주석 (롬·고전후·엡)
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Verse 26. - King for O king, A.V.; may for might, A.V. My lord (τῷ κυτίῳ). Suetonius tells us ('Life of Augustus,' 53) that Augustus abhorred the title of "lord," and looked upon it as a curse and an insult when applied to himself. Tiberius also ('Life of Tiberius,' 27), being once called "lord" (dominus) by some one, indignantly repudiated the title. But it was frequently applied to Trajan by Pithy, and the later emperors seem to have accepted it. It was likely to grow up first in the East. Examination; ἀνακρίσεως, here only in the New Testament; but it is found in 3Macc. 7:4 in the same sense as here, viz. of a judicial examination (the complaint being that Jews were put to death ἄνευ πάσης ἀνακρίσεως καὶ ἐξετάσεως); specially the precious examination of the prisoner made for the information of the judge who was to try the case. At Athens the ἀνάκρισις was a preliminary examination held to decide whether an action at law should be allowed. The verb ἀνακρίνω, to examine, occurs six times in the Gospel of St. Luke and the Acts (Luke 23:14; Acts 4:9; Acts 12:19, etc.), and ten times in St. Paul's Epistles (see also Hist. of Susanna 48).
(26) To write unto my lord.—The Greek corresponds to the title of “Dominus,” which, though declined by Augustus and Tiberius (Sueton. Octav. c. 53; Tiber. c. 27), had been assumed by Caligula and Nero. The first of the emperors had rejected it as an “accursed and ill-omened title,” and had not allowed it to be used even by his children or grand-children, either seriously or in play. The name “Augustus,” with its religious associations, was enough for him.
- unto my lord] Octavianus by an edict forbade the title “Lord” to be given to him. The practice had its rise from parasites. But you find “Dominus” often used in Pliny’s letters to Trajan. So that not many emperors were like Octavian.
before you] Spoken with a glance towards the chief priests and great persons who were present on the bench.
specially before thee] i.e. as one most likely to be able to clear up the difficulties which I feel about the prisoner.
Lord (κυρίῳ)
An instance of Luke's accuracy. The title "lord" was refused by the first two emperors, Augustus and Tiberius. The emperors who followed accepted it. In the time of Domitian it was a recognized title. Antoninus Pius was the first who put it on his coins.
No certain thing (ασφαλες τι--ου). Nothing definite or reliable (α privative, σφαλλω, to trip). All the charges of the Sanhedrin slipped away or were tripped up by Paul. Festus confesses that he had nothing left and thereby convicts himself of gross insincerity in his proposal to Paul in verse Acts 25:9 about going up to Jerusalem. By his own statement he should have set Paul free. The various details here bear the marks of the eyewitness. Luke was surely present and witnessed this grand spectacle with Paul as chief performer. Unto my lord (τω κυριω). Augustus (Octavius) and Tiberius refused the title of κυριος (lord) as too much like rex (king) and like master and slave, but the servility of the subjects gave it to the other emperors who accepted it (Nero among them). Antoninus Pius put it on his coins. Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, p. 105) gives an ostracon dated Aug. 4, A.D. 63 with the words "in the year nine of Nero the lord" (ενατου Νερωνος του κυριου). Deissmann (op. cit., pp. 349ff.) runs a most interesting parallel "between the cult of Christ and the cult of Caesar in the application of the term κυριος, lord" in ostraca, papyri, inscriptions. Beyond a doubt Paul has all this fully in mind when he says in 1 Corinthians 12:3 that "no one is able to say Κυριος Ιησους except in the Holy Spirit" (cf. also Philippians 2:11). The Christians claimed this word for Christ and it became the test in the Roman persecutions as when Polycarp steadily refused to say " Lord Caesar" and insisted on saying "Lord Jesus" when it meant his certain death. Before you (εφ' υμων). The whole company. In no sense a new trial, but an examination in the presence of these prominent men to secure data and to furnish entertainment and pleasure to Agrippa (verse Acts 25:22). Especially before thee (μαλιστα επ σου). Out of courtesy. It was the main reason as verse Acts 25:22 shows. Agrippa was a Jew and Festus was glad of the chance to see what he thought of Paul's case. After examination had (της ανακρισεως γενομενης). Genitive absolute, "the examination having taken place." Ανακρισις from ανακρινω (cf. Acts 12:19; Acts 24:8; Acts 28:18) is a legal term for preliminary examination. Only here in the N.T. Inscriptions and papyri give it as examination of slaves or other property. That I may have somewhat to write (οπως σχω τ γραψω). Ingressive aorist subjunctive σχω (may get) with οπως (final particle like ινα). Τ γραψω in indirect question after σχω is either future indicative or aorist subjunctive (Robertson, Grammar, p. 1045). Festus makes it plain that this is not a "trial," but an examination for his convenience to help him out of a predicament.
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Acts 25:26. ἀσφαλές τι γράψαι, Dig., xlix., 6. “Post appellationem interpositam litteræ dandæ sunt ab eo, a quo appellatum est, ad eum qui de appellatione cogniturus est, sive principem, sive quem alium, quas litt. dimissorias sive Apostolos appellant” (Wetstein and Blass).—τῷ κυρίῳ: title refused by Augustus and Tiberius because it savoured too much of the relationship between a master and a slave, and perhaps because it seemed a title more fitting to God (as Wetstein explains it), cf. Suet., Aug[397], 53, Tiber., 27, and Tacitus, Ann., ii., 87. It was accepted by Caligula and succeeding emperors (cf. Pliny’s Letter to Trajan with the frequent Dominus), although Alexander Severus forbade it to be applied to him; for other instances, and instances on inscriptions, see Wetstein, in loco, Deissmann, Neue Bibelstudien, 44, and Bibelstudien, 77, 78, and Tert[398], Apol., 34, Polyc., Martyr., viii., 2, ix. 2, who refused to utter it with reference to Cæsar. For the due significance of the word in St. Luke, who uses it more frequently of Christ than the other Evangelists, see especially Wetstein, in loco.—ἀνακρίσεως: here not in its strictly legal and judicial sense of a preliminary inquiry, but an inquiry into the case, cf. Acts 25:22 (Acts 4:9), with a view to sending a report to the emperor as judge, Renan, Saint Paul, p. 544, and Zöckler, in loco. Festus knew what the charges were, but not their significance, and he hoped to obtain some definite information from Agrippa or Paul—he wanted something ἀσφαλές; Paul had contradicted the charge of treason, and what was left, Acts 25:19, seemed full of obscurity and absurdity.
[397] Augustine.
[398]ert. Tertullian.
Acts 25:26-27. Ἀσφαλές τι] something trustworthy, whereby the emperor (ὁ κύριος, Dominus, the appellation declined by Augustus and Tiberius, but accepted by their successors, see Wolf and Wetstein, also Dougt. Anal. p. 96; Fincke, l.c.) may inform himself certainly concerning the state of matters. Such a fixing of the real αἰτία had not been possible for the procurator, who had to draw up the literae dimissoriae, so long as the proceedings were constantly disturbed and confused by intentional fabrications of the Jews.
ἀνακρίσ.] A preliminary examination, “judicis edocendi causa,” Grotius. See also Heind. ad Plat. Phaedr. p. 277 E; Hermann, Staatsalterth. § 141. 1.
In σχῶ τὶ γράψω (see the critical remarks) γράψω is the future (see on Php 1:22): what I am to write.
ἄλογον] unreasonable, absurd, Thuc. vi. 85. 1; Plat. Gorg. p. 519 E, Apol. p. 18 C. Without εἶναι: see Sauppe, and Kühner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 1. 5.
τὰς κατʼ αὐτοῦ αἰτίας] This was just the ἀσφαλές, which was still wanting to the procurator. Without having made himself clear as to the contents of the charges brought against Paul, he would have been obliged frankly to report to the emperor that he was in ignorance of them. Olshausen, however, is hasty in holding that, with the placing of the apostle before Agrippa the prediction of the Lord (Matthew 10:18; Mark 13:9) was now for the first time fulfilled. We know far too little of the previous history of the other apostles to be able to take this ground. Perhaps the elder James and Peter had already stood before Herod (Agrippa I.), xii. 2, 3 f. But Paul stood here for the first time before a king, who, however, is by no means to be considered as the representative of the power of the heathen world (as Baumgarten supposes), as Agrippa was himself a Jew (see on Acts 25:14), ruled over the Jews, was by Paul addressed as a Jew (Acts 26:3; Acts 26:27), and was, in fact, even regarded as representative of the Jews (see παρʼ ὑμῖν, Acts 26:8).
My lord; Nero, the present emperor, whose deputy Festus was in this province; though some of the former emperors refused this name, as savouring of too much arbitratiness, the latter did accept of it.
Specially before thee; Agrippa, being brought up in the knowledge of the Jewish law, though it was not his business to judge Paul’s case, yet he might instruct and inform the judge about it.