Matthew Henry's Complete Commentary
Matthew Henry · 1714
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Matthew Henry · 1714
Matthew Henry 사후(1714) 공개 도메인. 디지털판 CC0-1.0.
Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset, David Brown · 1871
Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible (1871). CCEL expanded electronic edition states it is in the public domain.
Albert Barnes · 1834
Albert Barnes' Notes on Revelation Of St. John The Divine (New Testament, English original, public domain). Sourced from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL). Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/barnes.
Adam Clarke · 1831
Public domain English commentary by Adam Clarke, normalized from Wikisource book pages for scripture.how. Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/clarke.
John Gill · 1763
John Gill(1697-1771), Exposition of the Old and New Testament(1746-1763). Public domain. Retrieval mirror: biblehub.com/commentaries/gill.
John Calvin · 1850
종교개혁 신학 원천 (영역본 PD, 대부분 — 전권 아님)
Matthew Poole · 1685
간결 절별 전권 개혁주의 주석
ed. H.D.M. Spence & Joseph S. Exell · 1890
전권 강해·설교·예화 풍부 (항목 대량)
Carl F. Keil, Franz Delitzsch · 1866
구약 학술 표준 — 히브리어·문헌비평·고대근동 배경
ed. Charles J. Ellicott · 1878
학술+가독 균형 전권 주석
Cambridge (다저자) · 1900
준전권 준학술 (권별 저자·연도 확인)
Marvin R. Vincent · 1887
신약 헬라어 단어 연구
A.T. Robertson · 1933
헬라어 시제·문법 해설 결정판 (KR PD / US 1931+ 권별)
ed. W. Robertson Nicoll (다저자) · 1910
헬라어 신약 학술 (권별 저자 PD 확인 필요)
Heinrich A.W. Meyer · 1880
신약 학술 정밀주해 (독일 — K&D 대응)
John Wesley · 1755
간결 실용 전권(NT 1755 / OT 1765) 웨슬리안
Joseph Benson · 1815
웨슬리안 전권 주석
Charles H. Spurgeon · 1885
시편 주석 고전 (설교 자료 풍부)
Alexander Maclaren · 1910
설교형 강해 명저 (전권, 절별 가공 필요)
B.W. Johnson · 1891
평이 절별 신약 해설 (일반신자·모바일)
Thomas Coke · 1803
감리교 전권 주석
John Trapp · 1660
청교도 전권 주석 — Henry/Gill 보완
Charles Hodge · 1860
프린스턴 조직신학 관점 신약 정밀 주석 (롬·고전후·엡)
Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible
緒言
ナホムという名は「慰め」と「復讐」を意味する。これはこの書のうちで神の民に与えられる「慰め」と、その敵に臨む「復讐」を象徴する。第一章ではこの二つの主題が交互に現れるが、預言が進むにつれてアッシリヤの敵の首都に対する復讐が主要な主題となる。彼は「エルコシ人」と呼ばれる(ナホ1:1)。これはエルコシ、あるいはエルケシと呼ばれるガリラヤの村に由来するもので、ヒエロニムス(Jerome)[『ナホムへの序文』]によれば、古代建築の痕跡が残り、ユダヤ人の間で注目すべき場所として知られていた。カペナウム、すなわち「ナホムの村」という名は、ナホムが近くのエルコシに生まれたが、そこに住んでいたことに由来するようである。もう一つのエルコシがチグリス川の東、モスルの北にある。ユダヤ人の巡礼者たちはそこを預言者の出生地であり埋葬地であると信じている。しかしナホム書はその暗示において、パレスチナについては特に詳しい知識を示す一方(ナホ1:4)、ニネベについてはより一般的な知識しか示していない(ナホ2:4-6; 3:2, 3)。
彼がセンナケリブとその軍隊を生き生きと描写していること(ナホ1:9-12)は、彼が当時エルサレムの中またはその近くにいた可能性を少なからぬものにする。それゆえイザヤの表現に対応する句が多く現れる。ナホ1:8, 9とイザ8:8; 10:23、ナホ2:10とイザ24:1; 21:3、ナホ1:15とイザ52:7を比較せよ。
ナホ1:14の預言は、おそらくセンナケリブがパレスチナから帰って後二十年たって殺害された出来事を指す(イザ37:38)。それゆえ彼の預言の時期はヒゼキヤの初期の頃とみなされる。ヒエロニムスもそう考える。彼はアッシリヤの勢力がまだ砕かれていなかった時に明らかに書いている(ナホ1:12; 2:11-13; ナホ3:15-17)。
列王記第二とイザヤ書に記されたイザヤとヒゼキヤの心情と、ナホムの心情が互いに符合するという事実は、ナホムの預言がセンナケリブがエルサレムの降伏を求め、なお包囲を解いていなかった時期に属する可能性を裏づける。ナホ1:2等と二王19:14, 15、ナホ1:7と二王18:22; 19:19, 31; 歴代下32:7, 8、ナホ1:9, 11と二王19:22, 27, 28、ナホ1:14と二王19:6, 7、ナホ1:15; 2:1, 2と二王19:32, 33、ナホ2:13と二王19:22, 23を比較せよ。
書自身のうちにある歴史的資料は、アッシリヤがイスラエルとユダを辱しめたこと(ナホ2:2)、ユダへの侵入(ナホ1:9, 11)、および上エジプトのノ=アモン、すなわちテーベの征服(ナホ3:8-10)である。ティグラテ・ピレセルとシャルマネセルはイスラエルを捕らえ移した。ユダヤ人はスリヤ人に悩まされ、アハズがティグラテ・ピレセルに支払った貢ぎのために貧しくなった(歴代下28:1-27; イザ7:9)。シャルマネセルの後継者サルゴンは、後者がフェニキアを平定した後、エジプトがパレスチナと結んで自分に敵するのを恐れ、アフリカ遠征を企て(イザ20:1-6)、テーベを取った。この最後の事実はナホムを通してのみ知られるが、その遠征が全般的に成功したことはイザ20:1-6で裏づけられる。
サルゴンの後継者センナケリブはユダに対するアッシリヤ最後の試みを行い、それはヒゼキヤ第十四年(紀元前713-710年)に彼の軍隊が滅ぼされることで終わった。ナホムがこれを部分的には預言として、部分的には歴史的事実として言及するので(ナホ1:9-13; 2:13)、彼は紀元前720-714年頃に生きていたに違いない。すなわち、キナラダノスの治世の紀元前625年または603年に、キュアクサレスとナボポラッサルの連合軍によってニネベが倒れるという告げられた出来事よりほぼ百年前である。
この預言はその目的の統一性において著しい。ナホムの目的は、同胞ユダヤ人に確信を注ぐことであった。すでに十部族を捕らえ移した強大なアッシリヤの攻撃にさらされ、彼らの立場がいくら恐ろしく見えても、アッシリヤ人(センナケリブ)はエルサレムへの攻撃に失敗するだけでなく、ニネベという彼自身の首都も取られ、彼の帝国も覆るであろう、と。しかもこれは主の力の恣意的な行使によるのではなく、その町とその民の不義のためであった。
正典における彼の位置は、ヘブル語とギリシャ語の配列のいずれにおいても小預言者のうち第七である。年代の点でも彼は第七である。
その文体は明快、優雅、かつ力強い。最も著しい特徴は、冒頭の神の荘厳な描写、ニネベの征服、ノ=アモンの滅亡に見られるように、一つの観念の幾段階かの様相を最も短い文のうちに表現する力である[アイヒホルン(Eichhorn)]。デ・ヴェッテ(De Wette)は、観念を提示する仕方の多様性に注目し、それがすぐれた詩的才能を示すと言う。「ここには響き渡るものがあり、あそこにはささやくものがあり、これら両者とともに、主題が要求するままに、柔らかく繊細で融けゆくようなものが交互に現れる」。二つの疑わしいアッシリヤ語(ナホ3:17)、すなわち英訳の「冠したる者たち」または君たち、および英訳の「隊長たち」または総督たち(エレ51:27でも用いられる)を除いて、その言葉は純粋である。この二つは疑いなく、紀元前八世紀と七世紀にアッシリヤとの交わりからユダに知られるようになったものであろう。
Introduction to Nahum
The prophecy of Nahum is both the complement and the counterpart of the Book of Jonah. When Moses had asked God to show him His glory, and God had promised to let him see the outskirts of that glory, and to proclaim the Name of the Lord before him, "the Lord," we are told, "passed by before him and proclaimed, "The Lord, the Lord God, merciful and gracious, longsuffering and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty" Exodus 34:6-7. God proclaimed at once His mercy and His justice. Those wondrous words echo along the whole patch of the Old Testament. Moses himself Numbers 14:17-18, David Psalm 86:15; Psalm 103:8; Psalm 145:8, other Psalmists Psalm 111:4; Psalm 112:4; Psalm 116:5, Jeremiah Jer 32:18-19, Daniel Dan 9:4, Nehemiah Neh 9:17 all pled to God or recounted some words in thanksgiving. Joel repeated such words as a motive for repentance Joel 2:13. Upon the repentance of Nineveh, Jonah had recited to God the bright side of His declaration of Himself, "I knew that Thou art a gracious God and merciful, slow to anger and of great goodness" Jonah 4:2, repeating to God His words to Moses, and adding a change of heart concerning the harm. Nineveh, as appears from Nahum, had fallen back into the violence of which it had repented. Nahum then, in reference to that declaration of Jonah, begins by setting forth the awful side of the attributes of God. First, in a stately rhythm, which, in the original, reminds us of the gradual Psalms, he enunciates the solemn threefold declaration of the severity of God to those who will be His enemies.
A jealous God and Avenger is the Lord:
An Avenger is the Lord, and lord of wrath;
An Avenger is the Lord to His adversaries:
And a Reserver of wrath to His enemies.
Introduction to the Book of the Prophet Nahum
Nahum, the seventh of the twelve minor prophets, was a native of Elkoshai, a little village of Galilee, whose ruins were still in being in the time of St. Jerome. However there are some who think that Elkoshai is rather the name of his father, and that the place of his birth was Bethabor, or Bethabara, beyond Jordan They used to show the tomb of the prophet at a village called Beth-gabre, now called Gibbin, near Emmaus. The Chaldee calls him Nahum of Beth-koshi, or of Beth-kitsi; but the situation of this place is as much unknown as that of Elkoshai.
The particular circumstances of the life of Nahum are altogether unknown. His prophecy consists of three chapters, which make up but one discourse, wherein he foretells the destruction of Nineveh. He describes it in so lovely and pathetic a manner, that he seems to have been upon the spot to declare to the Ninevites the destruction of their city.
Opinions are divided as to the time in which he prophesied. Josephus will have it that he foretold the fall of Nineveh one hundred and fifteen years before it happened, which will bring the time of Nahum to that of King Ahaz. The Jews say that he prophesied under Manasseh. We are inclined to be of St. Jerome's opinion, that he foretold the destruction of Nineveh in the time of Hezekiah, and after the war of Sennacherib in Egypt, mentioned by Berosus. Nahum speaks plainly of the taking of No-Ammon, a city of Egypt; of the haughtiness of Rabshakeh; of the defeat of Sennacherib; and he speaks of them as things that were past. He supposes that the Jews were still in their own country, and that they there celebrated their festivals. He speaks of the captivity, and of the dispersion of the ten tribes. All these evidences convince us that Nahum cannot be placed before the fifteenth year of Hezekiah, since the expedition of Sennacherib against this prince was in the fourteenth year of his reign.
This prophet gives us a fine description of the destruction of Nineveh. He says that this city should be ruined by a deluge of waters, which should overflow it and demolish its walls.
Diodorus Siculus and Athenaeus relate, that during the time this city was besieged by Belesis and by Arbaces, under Sardanapalus, the river Tigris swelled so as to overthrow twenty furlongs of the walls of Nineveh. But as the siege mentioned by Nahum was long after the taking of Nineveh under Sardanapalus, it must needs be that the same thing happened to Nineveh at the second and last siege, under Nebuchadnezzar and Astyages. Probably the besiegers at this second siege determined the course of the waters, and brought on the same fate to the city by the same means as at the first siege. And as the walls of those ancient cities were generally formed of brick kneaded with straw and baked in the sun, a flood of waters could easily effect their dissolution. Babylon was built in the same manner; and this is the reason why scarcely any vestiges of those cities are to be found. See on Nahum 3:14 (note).
The time of the prophet's death is not known. The Greek meneologies and the Latin martyrologies place his festival on the first of December. Petrus Natalis places it on the twenty-fourth of the same month, which he says was the day of his death, without acquainting us whence he had learned this circumstance.
The conduct and imagery of this prophetical poem are truly admirable.
The exordium sets forth with grandeur the justice and power of God, tempered by lenity and goodness, Nahum 1:1-8.
A sudden address to the Assyrians follows; and a prediction of their perplexity and overthrow, as devisers of evil against the true God, Nahum 1:9-11. Jehovah himself then proclaims freedom to his people from the Assyrian yoke, and the destruction of the Assyrian idols, Nahum 1:12-14. Upon which the prophet, in a most lively manner, turns the attention of Judah to the approach of the messenger who brings such glad tidings, and bids her celebrate her festivals and offer her thank-offerings, without fear of so powerful an adversary, Nahum 1:15.
Nahum 2:1-13. In the next place Nineveh is called on to prepare for the approach of her enemies, as instruments in the hands of Jehovah; and the military array and muster of the Medes and Babylonians, their rapid approach to the city, the process of the siege, the capture of the place, the captivity, lamentation, and flight of the inhabitants, the sacking of the wealthy city, and the consequent desolation and terror, are described in the true spirit of Eastern poetry, and with many pathetic, vivid, and sublime images, Nahum 2:1-10.
A grand and animated allegory succeeds this description, Nahum 2:11, Nahum 2:12; which is explained and applied to the city of Nineveh in Nahum 2:13.
Chap. 3. The prophet denounces a wo against Nineveh for her perfidy and violence, and strongly places before our eyes the number of her chariots and cavalry, her burnished arms, and the great and unrelenting slaughter which she spread around her, Nahum 3:1-3.
He assigns her idolatries as one cause of her ignominious and unpitied fall, Nahum 3:4-7.
He foretells that No-Ammon, (the Diospolis in the Delta), her rival in populousness, confederacies, and situation, should share a like fate with herself, Nahum 3:8-11; and beautifully illustrates the ease with which her strong holds should be taken, Nahum 3:12, and her pusillanimity during the siege, Nahum 3:13.
He pronounces that all her preparations, Nahum 3:14, Nahum 3:15, her numbers, her opulence, her multitude of chief men, would be of no avail, Nahum 3:15-17.
He foretells that her tributaries would desert her, Nahum 3:18.
He concludes with a proper epiphonema; the topics of which are, the greatness and incurableness of her wound, and the just triumph of others over her on account of her extensive oppressions, Nahum 3:19.
To sum up all with the decisive judgment of an eminent critic: "Not one of the minor prophets equals the sublimity, genius, and spirit of Nahum. Besides, his prophecy is a perfect poem. The exordium is exceedingly majestic. The apparatus for the destruction of Nineveh, and the description of that catastrophe, are painted in the most glowing colours, and are admirably clear and powerful." Lowth, Praelect. Hebrews 21, p. 282.
It must be farther observed, that this prophecy was highly interesting to the Jews; as the Assyrians had often ravaged their country, and I suppose had recently destroyed the kingdom of Israel. See Calmet.
This chapter opens the prophecy against the Assyrians and their metropolis with a very magnificent description of the infinite justice, tender compassion, and uncontrollable power of God, Nahum 1:1-8. To this succeeds an address to the Assyrians; with a lively picture of their sudden overthrow, because of their evil device against Jerusalem, Nahum 1:9-11. Then appears Jehovah himself, proclaiming deliverance to his people from the Assyrian yoke, and the destruction of the Assyrian idols, Nahum 1:12-14; upon which the prophet, with great emphasis, directs the attention of Judah to the approach of the messenger who brings such glad tidings; and exultingly bids his people to celebrate their solemn feasts, and perform their vows, as a merciful Providence would not suffer these enemies of the Jewish state to prevail against them, Nahum 1:15.
INTRODUCTION TO NAHUM
This book is called, in the Vulgate Latin version, "the Prophecy of Nahum"; and in the Syriac and Arabic versions, "the Prophecy of the Prophet Nahum"; and in Nahum 1:1; it is called "the Book of the Vision of Nahum"; which is very singular; and from whence we learn of what place this prophet was; but of this more will be said on that verse. His name signifies "consolation": and though the subject of his prophecy chiefly relates to the destruction of the Assyrian empire, and of Nineveh, the chief city of it; yet this was a comfort to the people of the Jews, that an enemy so powerful, and who was so troublesome to them, and whom they dreaded, should one day be destroyed. In what age Nahum 54ed is not said; and writers very much disagree about it. Some make him to be the most ancient of all the prophets; who suppose him to prophesy of the destruction of Nineveh, before the reigns of Joash king of Judah, and Jehu king of Israel, as Huetius (a) observes; and others bring him down as low, placing him after Ezekiel, in the times of Zedekiah, Clemens of Alexandria (b); neither of which is likely. The Jewish chronologers (c) generally make him to live in the times of Manasseh, and so Abarbinel; but Josephus (d), with more probability, puts him in the times of Jotham; though perhaps what the greater number of interpreters give into may be most correct; as that he lived in the times of Hezekiah, and was contemporary with Isaiah, Hosea, Amos, and Micah; and that this prophecy was delivered out after the ten tribes were carried captive by the king of Assyria, which was in the sixth year of Hezekiah, and before Sennacherib's invasion of Judea, and siege of Jerusalem, which was in the fourteenth year of his reign; and which is thought to be referred to in the "first" chapter of this prophecy. Mr. Whiston (e) places him in the year of the world A. M. 3278, or 726 B.C.; and says that he foretold the destruction of Nineveh an hundred fifteen years before it came to pass, so says Josephus (f). How long this prophet lived, and where he died, and was buried, is uncertain. Pseudo-Epiphanius (g) says he died and was buried in Begabar. Isidore (h) says it was in Bethafarim; both which are to be corrected by Dorotheus, who calls the place Bethabara, as Huetius (i) observes; the same where John was baptizing, John 1:28; but Benjamin of Tudela (k) says his grave was to be seen in a place called Einsiphla, in the land of Chaldea; and speaks of a synagogue of this prophet in the province of Assyria (l); but on these things we cannot depend. Of the authority of this prophecy there need be no doubt, as appears from the inscription of the book, the sublimity and majesty of the style, and its agreement with other prophets; see Nahum 1:15; compared with Isaiah 52:7; and the accomplishment of the prophecies contained in it, which respect the ruin of the Assyrian empire, and particularly Nineveh, the metropolis of it; the cause of which were their sins and transgressions, the inhabitants thereof were guilty of, and are pointed at in it.
(a) Demonstr. Evangel. prop. 4. p. 298. (b) Strom. l. 1. p. 329. (c) Seder Olam Rabbi, c. 10. p. 55. &. Zuta, p. 105. Juchasin, fol. 12. 2. Tzemach David, fol. 15. 1. Shalshelet Hakabala, fol. 12. 1.((d) Antiqu. l. 9. c, 11. sect. 3.((e) Chronological Tables, cent. 8. (f) Antiqu. l. 9. c. 11. sect. 3.((g) De Proph. Vit. & Inter. c. 17. (h) De Vit. & Mort. Sanct. c. 46. (i) Ut supra. (Demonstr. Evangel. prop. 4. p. 298.) (k) Itinerarium, p. 30. (l) Ibid. p. 62.
INTRODUCTION TO Nahum 1
This chapter begins with the title of the book, showing the subject matter of it; and describing the penman of it by his name and country, Nahum 1:1; which is followed with a preface to the whole book; setting forth the majesty of a jealous and revenging God; the power of his wrath and fury; of which instances are given in exciting tempests; drying up the sea and the rivers; making the most fruitful mountains barren, which tremble before him; yea, even the whole world, and the inhabitants thereof, his indignation being intolerable; and yet he is slow to anger, good to them that trust in him, whom he knows, and whose protection he is in a time of trouble, Nahum 1:2. Next the destruction of the Assyrian empire, and of the city of Nineveh, is prophesied of; and is represented as an utter and an entire destruction, and which would come upon them suddenly and unawares, while they were in their cups, Nahum 1:8. A particular person among them is spoken of, described as a designing wicked man, an enemy to the Lord and his people, thought to be Sennacherib king of Assyria, Nahum 1:11; from whose evil designs, yoke and bondage, the Jews should be delivered; and he and his posterity be cut off, because of his vileness, Nahum 1:12; and the chapter is concluded with tidings of joy to Judah, who are exhorted to keep their feasts and perform their vows on this occasion, Nahum 1:15.
NAHUM.
Nahum
BY
THE REV. A. C. JENNINGS, M.A.
INTRODUCTION
TO
NAHUM.
I. The Author.—This composition gives us absolutely no information about its author beyond the fact that he styled himself “Nahum the Elkoshite.” As it is not known where “Elkosh” is, and it is not impossible that “Nahum,” “comforter,” is a nom de plume, the personality of this prophet is as shadowy as those of Obadiah and Malachi. His date can only be conjectured from his allusions to political events (vide infra). If “Nahum” be regarded as a pseudonym, the book will be one of comfort to Israel, in that it treats of the overthrow of the notoriously oppressive Assyrian power. Apostolic titles such as “Peter” and “Barnabas” supply an analogue, and some have supposed that “Malachi,” “my messenger,” is also a title adopted for a special prophetic mission. The symbolical names in Isaiah 8:3-4; Hosea 1:3; Hosea 1:7, may also be instanced. But the addition of the second designation, “the Elkoshite,” tells against the theory that “Nahum” is an assumed appellation. It is natural to interpret the whole title on the analogy of “Elijah the Tishbite,” making Nahum the real name of the man, Elkosh that of his abode or birthplace.
Elkosh remains to be discovered. Jerome’s guide identified it with Elcesi, “a little village in Galilee, small, indeed, and scarcely indicating by its ruins the traces of ancient buildings” (Jerome, Comm. on Nah. I., 1). Eusebius mentions Ἐλκεσέ as a Palestinian town “whence was Nahum the Elkesæan,” but does not say in what part it lay. Cyril of Alexandria merely says it was somewhere in the country of the Jews. On the other hand, certain modern writers have moved Elkosh altogether away from Jewish territory, and identified it with Alcush, a village within two days’ journey of Mosul, where the grave of the prophet is exhibited. This site is favoured chiefly because it brings Nahum close to the scene of the catastrophe which he so graphically describes. It appeared impossible that Nahum could see in a vision the future fall of Nineveh. Date and locality were therefore shifted till the seer of Israel became a historian living in Assyria. The choice of this village Alcush is scarcely creditable to the critical acumen of this school of expositors. There is absolutely nothing to identify Nahum with the place save the pretended tomb, and this has no more claim to genuineness than the tombs of Jephthah, Jonah, and Obadiah in neighbouring localities. “The house containing the tomb,” writes Mr. Layard, “is a modern building.” Not till the sixteenth century was the place even mentioned in connection with the prophet Nahum. The legend doubtless rests on no more substantial basis than a similarity of sound. It may be added that there is every reason to regard the name Elkosh as of Hebrew derivation (see Fürst, Lexic). The place doubtless lay within the borders of the Holy Land, but it is impossible to determine its situation more precisely.
II. Occasion of Writing.—The object of this composition is sufficiently shown us in the opening words of Nahum 1 : “The burden of [or sentence against] Nineveh.” Nahum treats of the downfall of the Assyrian empire, consequent on the capture of its metropolis, Nineveh. In Nahum 1 the prophet’s attention appears to be fixed mainly on the last Assyrian invasion of Judæa—that which resulted in the destruction of Sennacherib’s host recorded in 2 Kings 19. This catastrophe had doubtless already taken place. It is used by the seer as an earnest of a yet more momentous future. Sennacherib’s disaster was the first act in a tragedy of which the dénoûment lay yet in the womb of time, discernible only to God and God’s inspired prophets. The “vision” of Nahum reveals this unknown issue in chapters 2 and 3. Nineveh, the Assyrian metropolis, the centre of oppression, the “bloody city,” is to fall before besiegers; her population to be led away captive, her site to remain “empty, void, and waste.” We attribute Nahum’s knowledge of this catastrophe, which obviously identifies itself with the destruction of Nineveh by the Medes and Babylonians (B.C. 625), to Divine inspiration. The event is certainly future. It is not past, not even immediately impending. To prove even the possibility of its happening, the prophet is forced to instance the sack of another mighty city, “populous No” (Nahum 3:8-11). The writer, moreover, claims to be giving an account of a “vision” (Nahum 1:1). Were he limited to the events of the past or the present, the claim would be an impertinence, the whole composition robbed of its significance. None will refuse to see predictive inspiration here, save those who start on the assumption that this form of Divine communication is impossible, and that all such prophets as Nahum are mere historians.
For those who are not hampered by this theological prejudice, Nahum’s date will be in the period preceding the catastrophe; but it can only be fixed approximately. He writes to foretell the fall of Nineveh; therefore, before B.C. 625. His prophecy is quoted by Zephaniah, therefore it was probably uttered some years before B.C. 630 (see Zephaniah, Introduction, II.). He writes, instancing the sack of Thebes; therefore, we believe, not before B.C. 670. perhaps not before B.C. 665[24] (see Nahum 3:8-10, Notes). His composition may be assigned to any year between B.C. 665 and B.C. 635.
[24] Another terminus in the backward direction is the death of Sennacherib, to which Nahum refers in Nahum 1:14 (see Note). This event occurred in B.C. 680.
The great historical event anticipated by Nahum’s vision must now be noticed. The Assyrians had been the leading power in Upper Asia for upwards of five hundred years. The original abode of this great tribe appears to have been the flat alluvial plain towards the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates. From this region Assyrian hordes are found migrating northwards as early as B.C. 1600. The colonists were probably subjugated for awhile by the Babylonians, but before B.C. 1550 had established a monarchy of their own. This gradually rose to equal rank with that of Babylon. Tiglathi-Nin (B.C. 1270) styles himself the “conqueror of Babylonia.” It is certain, however, that the rival empire was not effectually weakened till the time of Sargon (B.C. 721), and it appears that nearly every Assyrian monarch engaged in expeditions against Babylonia. The Assyrian empire was at its zenith under Sennacherib (B.C. 704), who records successful campaigns against Babylonia, Susiana, Egypt, Syria, Judæa, and Cilicia, and who is even more eminent as a builder and patron of art than as a conqueror. It would perhaps have been in stricter accordance with the ground-plan of Nahum’s prophecy if the decline of the Assyrian power had begun from the time when Sennacherib’s army was annihilated before Jerusalem. Josephus states that this was the case. Esar-Haddon’s reign, however, was scarcely, if at all, less glorious than that of Sennacherib; and Asshur-bani-pal is described as “a warrior more enterprising and more powerful than any of his predecessors” (Five Great Monarchies, ii. 493). The crash came in the time of this king’s unwar-like successor, Asshur-emid-ilin, called by the Greek historians, Saracus. Somewhere about the thirteenth year of this reign, the Medes rose in arms, and invaded Assyria. They were repulsed with the loss of their leader and of many soldiers. Their next king, Cyaxares, was interrupted in his preparations for another attack by an invasion of Scythian hordes, who inflicted great damage, both on Media and Assyria. He succeeded in expelling these intruders, and again marched against Nineveh. He was joined by the Susianians and by a faithless Assyrian dependent, Nabo-polassar, king of Babylon. The siege, according to Ctesias, lasted three years. It may well be believed that a city 22½ miles in circumference (Xenophon, Anab. Iii. 4), with walls 100 feet high, wide enough to admit three chariots abreast, with towers, moreover, 1,200 in number, and each 200 feet high (Diod. Sic. ii. 3), would defy the operations of troops who had hitherto had little experience in siegework. An important victory was, however, gained at a time when the Assyrian host was celebrating its triumph in revelry. Saracus now resigned the chief command to his brother-in-law, Salæmenes, who experienced another disastrous defeat. The city, however, continued uninjured apparently, until the spring of the third year. Then, according to Ctesias (Diod. Sic. ii. 27), a new power appeared on the side of the besiegers. Heavy rains had fallen and increased the volume of the river. An inundation ensued, which carried away a considerable part of the fortifications (see Nahum 2:6, Note, and comp. Nahum 1:8). Saracus saw in the catastrophe the fulfilment of an oracle. He set fire to his citadel, and perished with his concubines and eunuchs in the flames. The enemy entered unopposed, “through the broken part of the wall,” and carried off an immense booty to Babylon and Ecbatana.
Ctesias is often untrustworthy and inaccurate; but it is quite credible that his account of the fall of Nineveh is substantially correct.” His account,” to borrow the words of Dr. Pusey, “as it is in exact conformity with the obvious meaning of the prophecy of Nahum, so it solves a real difficulty, how Nineveh, so defended, could have fallen.” Another remarkable coincidence between the prophecy of Nahum and the historical fact has been noticed by the same commentator. The usual sequel to the capture and sack of a city was not its destruction, but its repeopling. The captors of Nineveh proceeded to destroy it with fire, and it remained uninhabited. The fragments disinterred by excavations at the palaces of Kouyuujik, Khorsabad, and Nimroud bear the marks of this conflagration (comp. Nahum 2:13; Nahum 3:13; Nahum 3:15). Nineveh remained as Nahum had predicted, “a desolation,” “empty and void, and waste” (Nahum 1:8; Nahum 2:10). Xenophon saw its walls, and went away with a story that “the Medes inhabited it formerly” (Anab. iii. 12). Alexander marched by, “not knowing that a world empire like that which he gave his life to found was buried under his feet” (Pusey). In the second century A.D. Lucian writes, “Nineveh has perished, and there is no trace left where it once was.” (Comp. Nahum 3:7, seq., and Zephaniah 2:13, seq.)
III. Contents.—The chief divisions of Nahum’s composition appear to be these:—(a) Nahum 1:2-8, Jehovah’s very character is a guarantee that He will. right the oppressed faithful, and annihilate their enemies; (b) Nahum 1:9-15, the bootless expedition of Sennacherib is portrayed, chiefly with reference to the relief his overthrow afforded Israel, and his own miserable end; (c) Nahum 2:1—end, the siege of Nineveh and its issue—viz., the extinction of the ravening oppressor; (d) Nahum 3:1—end, a more extended statement of the cause of this catastrophe, and the utter ruin thereby effected.
IV. Character and style.—Nahum’s composition is descriptive rather than hortatory. Nahum 1:2-8 includes all the ethical or theological teaching of this prophet, and even here picturesque portraiture predominates. The rest of the book presents a series of historical scenes; all of which may be regarded as illustrating the great religious principles laid down in the opening verses. These scenes reveal in their portraiture the master-hand of a true poet. In poetic ability, indeed, Nahum ranks high among the prophets. His chief excellence consists in word-painting of forcible terseness. Nahum 2:11-13; Nahum 3:16-17 are the only places where a figure is expanded. The usual tendency is to compress each thought into the smallest possible compass. The description of the siege in Nahum 2:3-10 is a very model of this kind of sententious eloquence. In his diction Nahum is markedly original. He abounds in peculiarities of expression. These may perhaps be connected with a provincial idiom, but they cannot be attributed to any foreign source. Here and there a resemblance to Joel, Isaiah, and the Psalms perhaps argues indebtedness to earlier authors. He is himself often imitated by Jeremiah. (Comp. Nahum 1:13, Jeremiah 30:8; Nahum 3:5, Jeremiah 13:22; Nahum 3:13, Jeremiah 50:37; Jeremiah 51:30; Nahum 3:19, Jeremiah 10:19, and see Jeremiah 51 passim.) It has been said that Nahum should be read as a supplement to the Book of Jonah. The mission of both prophets concerned Nineveh. The one composition describes the remission of Divine punishment on this offending city, and the other its execution, Nahum 1:3 being a kind of connecting-link between the two phases of God’s character—His longsuffering and His justice. In point of style and diction, however, no two prophetic books are more unlike. The nature of Nahum’s subject precludes any but the most meagre allusion to his own country, and we learn nothing with regard to the Jewish politics of the time. Save by way of type—the destruction of the oppressive world power figuring the victory of the Church over the world—there is nothing in the book that bears on the Christian dispensation.
¹ ニネベの託宣。エルコシ人ナホムの幻の書。
この標題は次のことを考察するよう私たちを導く。1. 主の言葉がここで語りかけられる対象の大都市。それはニネベの託宣であり、単なる預言、しかも重い預言であるばかりか、ニネベにとって負担となる託宣、その首にかけられたひき臼である。ニネベは関係する場所であり、そこを王座とするアッシリヤ帝国である。これより約100年前、ヨナは神の御名においてこの大都市の速やかな覆滅を予告した。しかしニネベ人はその時悔い改めて助けられ、その裁きは生み出されなかった。ニネベ人はその時、悪の道から立ち返ることがいかに彼らの益となるかをはっきりと見た。それは彼らの都市を救うことであった。しかしその直後、彼らは再びそれに立ち返り、以前にも増して血の都市、偽りに満ち、強奪に満ちたものとなった。彼らは自らの悔い改めを悔い改め、犬がその吐いた物に戻るように戻り、ついにはかつてなかったほど悪化した。その時、神はヨナのようにこの預言者を彼らに遣わすのではなく、この預言を彼らに与えて、その運命を読み聞かせた。それは今や覆すことのできないものであった。注意せよ。悔い改めが継続されなければ、執行猶予も継続されない。もし人が始めた善から立ち返るなら、神が示し始めた恵みから立ち返られる以外に何を期待できようか(Jer 18:10)。2. 主の言葉がここで語りかけられた貧しい預言者。それはエルコシ人ナホムの幻の書である。ニネベの託宣は預言者がはっきりと予見したもので、彼の幻であり、彼が記録に残したもの(幻の書である)であり、彼が去った後、出来事が予言と比較されてそれを確証するためであった。預言者自身について私たちが持つすべての情報は、彼がエルコシ人、すなわちヒエロニムスがガリラヤにあったと言うエルケスあるいはエルコスと呼ばれた町の出であったということである。ある人々は、聖書が通例預言者たち自身についてほとんど語らないことに注意を促す。それは、私たちの信仰が彼らの権威に立つのでなく、彼らの預言が執筆された聖霊の権威に立つためである。
ナホ1:1-15.
罪を裁くねたむ裁き主でありながら、ご自身を信頼する民にはあわれみ深い主の属性は、彼らに確信を注ぐべきである。主はアッシリヤ人たちが再び彼らを襲うことを許さず、敵を滅ぼされる。
1. ニネベへの重荷――ニネベに対する預言的な運命の宣告。ナホムはヨナの後百五十年たって、その町に対して預言した。
この章には次のものがある。I. 書の標題(Na 1:1)。II. 神の栄光の壮大な顕示であり、悪者に対しては怒りと義が、ご自身の民に対してはあわれみと恵みが入り混じり、両者においてその威厳と力が啓示される(Na 1:2-8)。III.(多くの解釈者が考えるように)エルサレム包囲時のセナケリブとアッシリヤ軍の滅びへの具体的な適用であり、これは神の義の力とあわれみの力の双方を示す極めて記憶すべき輝かしい一例であり、敵には豊かな恐怖を、忠実なしもべたちには豊かな励ましを語りかけた(Na 1:9-16)。