1
Genesis 11:1
繁體中文
英語原文
- The Confusion of Tongues
-
נסע nāsa‛ "pluck out, break up, journey." מקדם mı̂qedem "eastward, or on the east side" as in Genesis 2:14; Genesis 13:11; Isaiah 9:11 (12).
-
החלם hachı̂lām "their beginning", for החלם hăchı̂lām, the regular form of this infinitive with a suffix. יזמוּ yāzmû as if from יזם yāzam equals זמם zāmam.
-
נבלה nābelâh usually said to be for נבלה nābolâh from בלל bālal; but evidently designed by the punctuator to be the third singular feminine perfect of נבל nābal "to be confounded," having for its subject שׂפה śāpâh, "and there let their lip be confounded." The two verbs have the same root.
-
בבל bābel Babel, "confusion," derived from בל bl the common root of בלל bālal and נבל nābel, by doubling the first radical.
Having completed the table of nations, the sacred writer, according to his wont, goes back to record an event of great moment, both for the explanation of this table and for the future history of the human race. The point to which he reverts is the birth of Peleg. The present singular passage explains the nature of that unprecedented change by which mankind passed from one family with a mutually intelligible speech, into many nations of diverse tongues and lands.
Genesis 11:1
The previous state of human language is here briefly described. "The whole land" evidently means the whole then known world with all its human inhabitants. The universality of application is clearly and constantly maintained throughout the whole passage. "Behold, the people is one." And the close is on this point in keeping with the commencement. "Therefore was the name of it called Babel, because the Lord had there confounded the lip of all the land."
Of one lip, and one stock: of words. - In the table of nations the term "tongue" was used to signify what is here expressed by two terms. This is not undesigned. The two terms are not synonymous or parallel, as they form the parts of one compound predicate. "One stock of words," then, we conceive, naturally indicates the matter, the substance, or material of language. This was one and the same to the whole race. The term "lip," which is properly one of the organs of articulation, is, on the other hand, used to denote the form, that is, the manner, of speaking; the mode of using and connecting the matter of speech; the system of laws by which the inflections and derivations of a language are conducted. This also was one throughout the human family. Thus, the sacred writer has expressed the unity of language among mankind, not by a single term as before, but, with a view to his present purpose, by a combination of terms expressing the two elements which go to constitute every organic reality.
2
Genesis 11:2
繁體中文
即將描述的語言變亂,其緣由在此記述。「他們往東邊遷移。」「他們」一詞指前一節的「全地」,這是以常見的借代法指全人類。「東邊」是 מקדם mı̂qedem 一語的含義,這由 Genesis 13:11 可以證實:那裡說羅得從伯特利遷往東邊的約旦平原(用詞正是 מקדם mı̂qedem)。約有五百家之眾的人類,沿幼發拉底河谷向東遷移,途中有幾處略向南偏轉,來到示拿地一片極其肥沃的平原(希羅多德 1:178, 193)。他們隨即定意,要在這富饒之地營造永久的住處。
英語原文
The occasion of the linguage change about to be described is here narrated. "As they journeyed eastward." The word "they" refers to the whole land of the previous verse, which is put by a common figure for the whole race of man. "Eastward" is proved to be the meaning of the phrase מקדם mı̂qedem by Genesis 13:11, where Lot is said to journey (מקדם mı̂qedem) from Bethel to the plain of the Jordan, which is to the east. The human race, consisting it might be of five hundred families, journeys eastward, with a few points of deflection to the south, along the Euphrates valley, and comes to a plain of surpassing fertility in the land of Shinar (Herod. 1:178, 193). A determination to make a permanent abode in this productive spot is immediately formed.
3
Genesis 11:3
繁體中文
所要建造的建築物用磚與瀝青築成。巴比倫的土壤至今仍以這些建築材料著稱。那裏有一種與沙混合的細泥,構成製磚的上好材料,而石頭卻在方便的距離內無處可尋。瀝青從巴比倫與死海附近的土中沸騰湧出,死海因此被稱為「lacus Asphaltites」。幼發拉底河上伊斯(Is)或希特(Hit)的瀝青泉為許多作家所稱道。「燒透了。」日光曬乾的磚在東方廣泛用於建築;然而這些磚要經火燒製,藉此更為耐久。「拿磚當石頭。」這表明執筆者屬於一個熟悉石造建築的國家與時代,因而不屬於巴比倫。製磚之法,摩西在埃及早已熟知;但埃及也富於採石場與宏偉的石造建築,而西奈半島本身就是一片花崗岩山丘。閃族大多居住在富產石頭的國家。「又拿石漆當灰泥。」瀝青是一種礦物瀝脂。譯作灰泥的詞,起初指泥,繼而指任何一種黏合材料。
英語原文
A building is to be erected of brick and asphalt. The Babylonian soil is still celebrated for these architectural materials. There is here a fine clay, mingled with sand, forming the very best material for brick, while stones are not to be found at a convenient distance. Asphalt is found boiling up from the soil in the neighborhood of Babylon and of the Dead Sea, which is hence called the "lacus Asphaltites." The asphalt springs of Is or Hit on the Euphrates are celebrated by many writers. "Burn them thoroughly." Sun-dried bricks are very much used in the East for building purposes. These, however, were to be burned, and thereby rendered more durable. "Brick for stone." This indicates a writer belonging to a country and an age in which stone buildings were familiar, and therefore not to Babylonia. Brickmaking was well known to Moses in Egypt; but this country also abounds in quarries and splendid erections of stone, and the Sinaitic peninsula is a mass of granitic hills. The Shemites mostly inhabited countries abounding in stone. "Asphalt for mortar." Asphalt is a mineral pitch. The word rendered mortar means at first clay, and then any kind of cement.
4
Genesis 11:4
繁體中文
他們心中的目的如今更充分地表露出來。「我們要建造一座城和一座塔,塔頂通天。」城是設防的圍圈或堡壘,用以防禦獸類的暴行;塔頂通天,是為逃避週期性洪水再來的可能。這是人驕傲的言語——人不願知道自己以上還有甚麼,並要上升到凌駕一切之護理所不及之處。「我們要為自己立名。」名指卓越與超羣。立名,與其說是群眾的呼聲,不如說是少數人的呼聲——以寧錄為首的那少數人,惟有他們能期望那非凡的、可資識別的東西。然而,這話被巧妙地插入群眾的呼喊之中,因為百姓總傾向於想像:連那專制者的榮耀也反映在自己身上。這就給首領們的計劃賦予一種潛藏的帝國野心與自我擴張的性質——與驅動洪水前那些有名之人的(Genesis 6:4),是同一自私之靈的新形態。但少數人或一人的專制,意味着多數人的奴役及其無數的禍害。「免得我們分散在全地上。」他們共同本性中各樣的本能在這裏發言。社會的紐帶、親族的聯繫、個人安全的願望、獨立的渴求——甚至或許要獨立於神——以及對絕對權力的渴望,都主張聯合;但這是為自私目的的聯合。
英語原文
The purpose of their hearts is now more fully expressed. "Let us build us a city, and a tower whose top may be in the skies." A city is a fortified enclosure or keep for defense against the violence of the brute creation. A tower whose top may be in the skies for escape from the possibility of a periodical deluge. This is the language of pride in man, who wishes to know nothing above himself, and to rise beyond the reach of an over-ruling Providence. "And let us make us a name." A name indicates distinction and pre-eminence. To make us a name, then, is not so much the cry of the multitude as of the few, with Nimrod at their head, who alone could expect what is not common, but distinctive. It is here artfully inserted, however, in the popular exclamation, as the people are prone to imagine the glory even of the despot to be reflected on themselves. This gives the character of a lurking desire for empire and self-aggrandizement to the design of the leaders - a new form of the same selfish spirit which animated the antediluvian men of name Genesis 6:4. But despotism for the few or the one, implies slavery and all its unnumbered ills for the many. "Lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole land." The varied instincts of their common nature here speak forth. The social bond, the tie of kinsmanship, the wish for personal safety, the desire to be independent, perhaps even of God, the thirst for absolute power, all plead for union; but it is union for selfish ends.
5
Genesis 11:5
繁體中文
這幾節描述了這種形態的人類自私將受到遏止的那一改變的性質。「耶和華降臨。」神介入的護理在此以一種崇高的單純呈現出來,適合於人類早期的心智。不過,這裏仍有洪水之後時代的某些特徵。在那事件之前,主的同在似乎未曾從地上撤回。當亞當和夏娃在園中時,祂在園中行走。他們被逐之後,祂將自己同在的僕役和象徵安置在園前。祂在該隱那可怕的罪行之前與之後,都與他理論。祂說:「我的靈就不永遠住在他裏面。」祂看見人的罪惡,地在祂面前敗壞了。祂以多種方式與挪亞交通,最終與他立定祂的約。在這一切之中,祂似乎都與地上的人同在。只要祂的恆忍還能期望對人發生良善的影響,祂就逗留在園中。祂終於定了一百二十年的限期。在大洪水期間看顧挪亞之後,祂似乎將祂可見的恩慈同在從地上撤回了。因此,「耶和華降臨」這一句話是恰當的。祂仍然憐憫地對待人類的餘種,並已經以奇妙的方式造訪大地、顯明祂的同在。但祂尚未像當日在園中那樣,也尚未像祂暗示將來在更新的大地上所要行的那樣,在人中間安設祂的居所。
英語原文
These verses describe the nature of that change by which this form of human selfishness is to be checked. "The Lord came down." The interposing providence of God is here set forth in a sublime simplicity, suited to the early mind of man. Still there is something here characteristic of the times after the deluge. The presence of the Lord seems not to have been withdrawn from the earth before that event. He walked in the garden when Adam and Eve were there. He placed the ministers and symbols of his presence before it when they were expelled. He expostulated with Cain before and after his awful crime. He said, "My Spirit shall not always strive with man." He saw the wickedness of man; and the land was corrupt before him. He communicated with Noah in various ways, and finally established his covenant with him. In all this he seems to have been present with man on earth. He lingered in the garden as long as his forbearance could be expected to influence man for good. He at length appointed the limit of a hundred and twenty years. And after watching over Noah during the deluge, he seems to have withdrawn his visible and gracious presence from the earth. Hence, the propriety of the phrase, "the Lord came down." He still deals in mercy with a remnant of the human race, and has visited the earth and manifested His presence in a wondrous way. But He has not yet taken up His abode among people as He did in the garden, and as He intimates that He will sometime do on the renovated earth.
6
Genesis 11:6
繁體中文
聖經以同樣的簡樸筆法,描繪那此刻已在人的想像中萌芽的、剛愎而敵擋神的聯合與野心之靈。「他們成為一樣的人民」——同一個種族,懷着同一個目的。「口音、言語都是一樣。」他們彼此明白對方的心意;語言的差異沒有引起任何誤解。「如今既做起這事來。」罪的開端,如同紛爭的開端,如水放開一般。主在這起頭裏看見那逐漸長大之惡的種子。一切罪在初起時都是暗昧而微小的,卻在不知不覺的階段間膨脹至最觸目、最巨大的規模。「以後他們所要做的事就沒有不成就的了。」如今他們既已開了這集中、野心與名聲的顯著端緒,在這條路上,他們沒有想不到或不敢嘗試的事了。
英語原文
In like simplicity is depicted the self-willed, God-defying spirit of combination and ambition which had now budded in the imagination of man. "The People is one" - one race, with one purpose. "And they have all one lip." They understand one another's mind. No misunderstanding has arisen from diversity of language. "This is their beginning." The beginning of sin, like that of strife, is as when one letteth out water. The Lord sees in this commencement the seed of growing evil. All sin is dim and small in its first rise; but it swells by insensible degrees to the most glaring and gigantic proportions. "And now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do." Now that they have made this notable beginning of concentration, ambition, and renown, there is nothing in this way which they will not imagine or attempt.
7
Genesis 11:7
繁體中文
這裏宣告了那悖逆的集中之靈將要被何種手段挫敗。從本節與前一節我們得知,語言中將要受影響的乃是「口音」,而不是語詞的庫存;因此我們明白,導言的陳述中把這兩者區分開來是恰當的。變亂,就是在原先只有一種之處引進多種;在眼前的情形,就是引進多種形態,而語言原先只有一種形態。由此顯明,那獨一的原始語言之所以成為多樣,乃是藉著使結構法則多樣化,而並未更動它賴以構成的材料。詞的基礎或詞根,由聲音與事物之間出於本能而又轉瞬即逝的類比所提供;詞源法則隨即在其上發揮作用,語詞便如此產生。這樣,從詞根「fer」,我們得到「fer、ferre、ferens、fert、ferebat、feret、ferat、ferret」;φέρε phere、φέρειν pherein、φέρων pherōn、φέει pherei、ἔφερε ephere、φέρῃ pherē、φέροι pheroi 等;ברה perēh、ברה pāroh、פרהo poreh、שפרה pārāh、יפרה yı̂preh 等——各按其語言的構詞法則而出。
顯然,有些詞根可能成為廢語而消亡,另一些詞根則隨交流的需要與說話者的能力,可能大量地應運而生。然而無論甚麼新詞進入語詞庫存,都必須順從那規範說話者語言的構詞法則。這法則已作為他心思的習性而固定下來;唯有在學習並模仿另一種語言的某些構詞過程時,他才會偏離它。在沒有任何其他語言的情況下,無論如何都難以設想他會改動這法則。那樣行,就是無緣無故地背逆習慣,並使自己與這唯一已知語言的其他說話者斷絕關係。
聖經作者並不刻意在神的護理之運行中區分尋常與不尋常,因為他將一切事件都歸於神那獨一的創造、看顧與掌管之大能。然而這裏確有超越自然之處。每當為新對象或新過程命名的需要喚起命名的官能,我們都能理解並觀察到新詞進入人的詞彙。但新詞無論是否為詞根,一旦被接枝到一種語言中,就必然順從接納它的那種言語的構詞法則。一個民族會在其詞彙中增添新詞,卻不會在沒有外在影響的情況下,自行改變這些詞賴以構成的原理。那麼,若要劃一的成為多樣的,神的干預在此便是必需的;而這正是史家標明全能者介入的關鍵所在。
語文學家區分出三四個大的語言類型或語族。其中第一個是閃語或希伯來語族。很可能大部分閃族人所說的,都是這種輪廓分明的人類言語的方言。亞蘭(敘利亞人)、亞法撒(希伯來人與阿拉伯人)、亞述(亞述人)確實如此。以攔(Elymais)先臣服於古實種族(Κίσσιοι Kissioi、Κοσσαῖοι Kossaioi),後又臣服於波斯人,因而失去了自己的語言,也在列國中失去了自己的個性。路德(呂底亞人)同樣被其他民族所侵佔。但這一語言類型越過了閃族,延伸到迦南人,或許還有另一些含族。它包含了舊約的語言。
第二個語族曾有過多種稱呼:雅弗語、印度-日耳曼語、印度-歐洲語與雅利安語。雅弗後裔的絕大多數都說這語族;它涵蓋一系列同源的交流方式,從印度延伸到美洲的各個歐洲殖民地。它包含了新約的語言——希臘語。
第三類包括古實語(巴比倫語)、埃及語及其他非洲語言,被稱為含語族。其中一些語支與閃語族和雅弗語族雙方都有親緣關係。
那一大群未歸類的語言(Allophylian、Sporadic、Turanian,即所謂異族語、散布語、圖蘭語),甚至包括中國的諸語言,很可能與這三個相當明確的語族中的這一個或那一個,有或親或疏的關係。然而比較語文學才剛剛接近其最終問題——世上一切語言的歷史淵源或自然親緣——的解答。不過很明顯,分類的原則與其說在於共同詞根的多寡,不如說在於是否具備某一特定的形式。材料上的多樣性可以由可指認的自然原因造成;形式上的多樣性卻只能出於超自然的推動。形式可能磨損消逝,但若無外來影響,它們絕不會從一種構成法則過渡到另一種。強大而人數眾多的種族,其言語可能逐漸壓倒並吞滅弱小者的言語;在此過程中固然可以吸納對方的許多詞語,卻絕不會採納其形式。只要一個民族的言語還保留著它的任何形式,這些形式就仍是那使其獨具特徵的特殊類型的一部分。
因此我們看出,護理之工在變亂人類口音上的介入,乃是語文學之謎的歷史解答;這謎就是:語言的多樣性,如何與形式的天生持久性以及人類在歷史上的統一性同時並存。語文學的資料表明,要產生多樣性,需要觸動的是語言的形式一面;這也與此處所敘述的事實吻合。再者,形式的超自然多樣化,標誌出在這場心思習性的大變革中,多樣性之內仍貫穿著秩序。不必設想在這場重大改變的緊要關頭,一種語言一下子生出了七十種語言;只須認定產生了寥寥數種足以成就神旨意的類屬形式,並藉著它們的相互作用,衍生出後來一切語言或方言的變體。我們也不當設想這些互異的構詞原理一舉全面付諸實行;它們只是啟動了一個過程,這過程與其他起作用的原因相結合,最終導致如今人類中所展現的言語的一切多樣性。
「使他們的言語彼此不通」。-這是使人類言語的構詞法則多樣化所帶來的直接結果,儘管材料元素可能與先前大致保持不變。更進一步的結果不久便會顯現。
英語原文
Here is announced the means by which the defiant spirit of concentration is to be defeated. From this and the previous verse we learn that the lip, and not the stock of words, is the part of language which is to be affected, and hence, perceive the propriety of distinguishing these two in the introductory statement. To confound, is to introduce several kinds, where before there was only one; and so in the present case to introduce several varieties of form, whereas language was before of one form. Hence, it appears that the one primitive tongue was made manifold by diversifying the law of structure, without interfering with the material of which it was composed. The bases or roots of words are furnished by instinctive and evanescent analogies between sounds and things, on which the etymological law then plays its part, and so vocables come into existence. Thus, from the root "fer," we get "fer, ferre, ferens, fert, ferebat, feret, ferat, ferret;" φέρε phere, φέρειν pherein, φέρων pherōn, φέει pherei, ἔφερε ephere, φέρῃ pherē, φέροι pheroi, etc.; ברה perēh, ברה pāroh, פרהo poreh, שפרה pārâh, יפרה yı̂preh, etc., according to the formative law of each language.
It is evident that some roots may become obsolete and so die out, while others, according to the exigencies of communication and the abilities of the speaker, may be called into existence in great abundance. But whatever new words come into the stock, are made to comply with the formative law which regulates the language of the speaker. This law has been fixed as the habitude of his mind, from which he only deviates on learning and imitating some of the formative processes of another tongue. In the absence of any other language, it is not conceivable that he should on any account alter this law. To do so would be to rebel against habit without reason, and to put himself out of relation with the other speakers of the only known tongue.
The sacred writer does not care to distinguish the ordinary from the extraordinary in the procedure of Divine Providence, inasmuch as he ascribes all events to the one creating, superintending, and administering power of God. Yet there is something beyond nature here. We can understand and observe the introduction of new words into the vocabulary of man as often as the necessity of designating a new object or process calls the naming faculty into exercise. But the new word, whether a root or not, if engrafted into the language, invariably obeys the formative law of the speech into which it is admitted. A nation adds new words to its vocabulary, but does not of itself, without external influence, alter the principle on which they are formed. Here, then, the divine interference was necessary, if the uniform was ever to become multiform. And accordingly this is the very point in which the historian marks the interposition of the Almighty.
Philologists have distinguished three or four great types or families of languages. The first of these was the Shemitic or Hebrew family. It is probable that most of the Shemites spoke dialects of this well-defined type of human speech. Aram (the Syrians), Arpakshad, (the Hebrews and Arabs), and Asshur (the Assyrians), certainly did so. Elam (Elymais), succumbed first to the Kushite race (Κίσσιοι Kissioi, Κοσσαῖοι Kossaioi) and afterward to the Persian, and so lost its language and its individuality among the nations. Lud (the Lydians) was also overrun by other nationalities. But this type of language was extended beyond the Shemites to the Kenaanites and perhaps some other Hamites. It includes the language of the Old Testament.
The second family of languages has been variously designated Japhetic, Indo-Germanic, Indo-European and Arian. It is spoken by the great bulk of the descendants of Japheth, and embraces a series of cognate modes of communication, extending from India to the various European colonies of America. It includes Greek, the tongue of the New Testament.
A third class, including the Kushite (Babylonian), Egyptian, and other African languages, has been termed Hamitic. Some of its stocks have affinities both with the Shemitic and Japhetic families.
It is probable that the congeries of unclassed languages (Allophylian, Sporadic, Turanian), including even the Chinese tongues, have relations more or less intimate with one or other of these three tolerably definite families. But the science of comparative philology is only approaching the solution of its final problem, the historical or natural relationship of all the languages of the world. It is evident, however, that the principle of classification is not so much the amount of roots in common, as the absence or presence of a given form. The diversity in the matter may be brought about by assignable natural causes; but the diversity in the form can only arise from a preternatural impulse. Forms may wear off; but they do not pass from one constituent law to another without foreign influence. The speech of a strong and numerous race may gradually overbear and annihilate that of a weak one; and in doing so may adopt many of its words, but by no means its form. So long as a national speech retains any of its forms, they continue to be part of that special type by which it is characterized.
Hence, we perceive that the interposition of Providence in confounding the lip of mankind, is the historical solution of the enigma of philology; the existence of diversity of language at the same time with the natural persistency of form and the historical unity of the human race. The data of philology, indicating that the form is the side of language needing to be touched in order to produce diversity, coincide also with the facts here narrated. The preternatural diversification of the form, moreover, marks the order amid variety which prevailed in this great revolution of mental habitude. It is not necessary to suppose that seventy languages were produced from one at the very crisis of this remarkable change, but only the few generic forms that sufficed to effect the divine purpose, and by their interaction to give origin to all subsequent varieties of language or dialect. Nor are we to imagine that the variant principles of formation went into practical development all at once, but only that they started a process which, in combination with other operative causes, issued in all the diversities of speech which are now exhibited in the human race.
That they may not understand one another's lip. - This is the immediate result of diversifying the formative law of human speech, even though the material elements were to remain much the same as before. Further results will soon appear.
8
Genesis 11:8
繁體中文
神之介入的效果記在創世記11:8-9。「於是耶和華使他們從那裏分散在全地上」。彼此不明白對方的言語方式,他們便在實際上感到彼此分離了。謀劃與行動的合一成為不可能。誤解隨之而來,又生出猜疑。利益的分歧滋長,分離便接踵而至。說同一種話的人從聯合的中心退去,退到僻靜之處,在那裏自成一個群體。羊羣牧草與自身糧食的缺乏,引致漸進的遷徙。這樣,神要他們生養眾多、遍滿地面的旨意(Genesis 9:1)便得成全。人類的分散同時也終止了少數人野心勃勃的計劃。「他們就停工,不造那城了」。百姓很可能已開始看穿首領們用來遮掩其自私目的的那層貌似有理的幌子。那城此後想必就留給寧錄的直接黨羽,建城工程因而中斷了一時。城中的住處對剩下的居民來說甚至可能都嫌過多。那城因這件使工程一度中斷的非凡大事,得名巴別(意即「變亂」)。
這段經文於是解釋了民族表:表中說他們不僅按出生與地土區分,更是「各隨各的方言」區分。因此它是附於民族表之後的必要附錄,就此在聖經所載的範圍內完成了民族的歷史。至此,歷史的線索離開普世,急速收縮,集中到一個個體身上——他將要成為蒙選後裔的先祖;在列國淪入無知與錯謬——罪的天然產物——之際,對神並祂真理的認識要在那後裔中間得以保存。
這樣,第二部聖經——神賜人之啟示的第二卷——的附錄便到此結束。正如第一卷可歸於亞當,第二卷就內容而言可歸於挪亞,由閃接續。這兩卷合起來不屬於某個特殊的民族,而屬於普世的人類。倘若它們在摩西之前曾以書面形式出現,本可能傳給外邦人,也傳給以色列人。但對聖潔之事缺乏興趣,足以解釋它們為何在外邦人中間失傳。然而,倘若這樣一卷書尚存,只有講原始語言的人才會保有對它的認識。其部分內容或許保存在記憶裏,傳給遠古各民族創立者的後裔。因此,我們在一切擁有古老歷史之民族的傳說中,都發現真神、創造、墮落與洪水的或清晰或模糊的痕跡。
然而,即使這兩卷聖經並未以書面形式為列國所持有,它在此居於神聖真理著述之首的事實,也標誌著舊約的普世宗旨,並暗示全能者憐憫的計劃涵蓋全人類大家庭。在護理的演變中,列國如今似乎被撇下,任憑己意而行。這樣一個兩次聽聞祂憐憫之宣告、又兩次離棄列祖之神的族類被司法性地撇棄,原是意料中事。但決不可忘記:在他們被任憑己路之前,神曾兩次向全人類啟示祂的憐憫。即使當他們被交給自己故意的不義與不敬虔,那也只是要設立並發展那奧祕,藉此他們可以再次充分而有效地被帶回與神和好。
這一時期罪的新發展主要有三——酗酒、羞辱父母、以及妄圖擺脫神的大能而獨立、並挫敗祂使人遍滿地面之旨意的野心企圖。人類自私的這些形態,仍舊徘徊於兩塊法版首要誡命的周圍。不服神的至高權威,伴隨著對父母權柄的不敬。酗酒本身,是濫用起初賜給人享用樹上果子的自由許可。這些罪的表現,尚未推進到後來十誡明文禁止的那些更粗鄙或更隱微的不義深處。它們顯示的是一個風俗上仍相對淳樸的民。
從挪亞到亞伯拉罕這段時期,加於人類的額外動機計有:挪亞的傳道、不信的洪水前世代之滅亡、挪亞一家的保全、潔淨與不潔動物的區分、准許食用動物性食物、明禁流人的血、隨之設立的公民政府、以及與挪亞和他的後裔所立不再有洪水的約。
挪亞的傳道,在於向邪惡的世代力陳神聖憐憫的邀請與警告。及至不肯悔改的世代被淹沒、敬虔之家蒙拯救的事實印證了它,它便以新的力量作用於後來的世代。這是可怕的明證,同時顯明神對堅持犯罪者的報應,以及神對謙卑悔改者的憐憫。潔與不潔的區分,是針對那使神的眾子從人類中絕跡的與世同化的特別警戒。准許食用動物性食物,與人的身體構造相合,而其遲延至此時代,似乎既有身體的、也有道德的理由。在園中、其後在伊甸,土地的出產足以維持人的健康養生。但在人類散布普天之後,動物性食物便成為必需。
在人類定居的某些地區,即便不是全年,它在一年的大部分時間裏是唯一可用的食物。而對死亡——悖逆的明文刑罰——存有益的畏懼,乃是人類幼年時期必要的功課。但那被定罪之世代所遭的傾覆性毀滅,已足以將這功課不可磨滅地銘刻在倖存者心中。因此,如今准許動物性食物是安全的,尤其當它伴隨著明文的殺人禁令、違者由行刑者處以死刑之時。這禁令直接意在抵消該隱與拉麥的惡例,並攔阻殺牲者進而殺人;又藉公民政府的設立,為其刑罰的執行作了安排。與挪亞所立的約,乃是承認人類在新元首裏與神和好,因此適於被視為與神相和的一方,得以進入與祂相交的條款。它對不受洪水毀滅之安全的應許,是自神人和好自然流出的一切更大、隨後之福的憑質。
由此我們看出,向洪水後之人所作的啟示,在許多方面確證了、又在別的方面擴充了向洪水前世界所作的神之啟示。洪水的驚天大事,奇妙地確證了向亞當啟示的神之公義與憐憫。挪亞的傳道,是把神的真理敦促於人心的一種新方式,因為人此時已略能從事反思。潔與不潔的區分,強化了敬虔者與不敬虔者之間實際存在的分別。禁止流人血的禁令,是隨著人類行為中罪惡的發展,從良心道德正直這一大原則中生發出的一條具體律法。與挪亞所立的約,是那實際上與相信而悔改的亞當所立之約的關係演進為明晰言辭的成果。亞當本人因自己所顯出的悖逆,長久沉浸在自卑的深處而緘默。在挪亞身上,兒子的靈已達到言說的自由;因此,神在他出方舟、獻上挽回與感恩之祭的重大時刻,與他立定和平之約,向他保證一定的福分。
這與挪亞所立之約尤其令人矚目,因為它涵蓋全人類,並且至今有效。它與對亞伯拉罕所立的約同樣是真實的恩典之約。它實際上是同一個約,只是處於較早、較不發達的形態。它既與在主眼前蒙恩的挪亞所立,又加添在神對人施恩的既往表達之上,就明文提到一項益處——那不過是神恩典所流出之時間性與永恆性一系列益處中的頭一項、也是最顯而易見的一項;這一切益處都按時交付給救恩的承受者。我們無法知道有多少外邦人曾明言或默認同意這普遍之約並有分於其福。但對挪亞的神存公平之心,我們理當感謝:曾經並且現今仍有一份憐憫提供給全人類大家庭,凡接受的都得分享祂的恩典;而後來的一切聖約,不過都是要幫助人最終、普遍地接受那根本之約——這約雖被亞當和他一切尋常的後裔違犯了,但及至時候滿足,終必由那成為女人後裔與第二亞當者予以成全。
英語原文
The effect of the divine interposition is noted in Genesis 11:8-9. "And the Lord scattered them abroad." Not understanding one another's mode of speech, they feel themselves practically separated from one another. Unity of counsel and of action becomes impossible. Misunderstanding naturally follows, and begets mistrust. Diversity of interest grows up, and separation ensues. Those who have a common speech retreat from the center of union to a sequestered spot, where they may form a separate community among themselves. The lack of pasture for their flocks and provision for themselves leads to a progressive migration. Thus, the divine purpose, that they should be fruitful and multiply and replenish the land Genesis 9:1 is fulfilled. The dispersion of mankind at the same time put an end to the ambitious projects of the few. "They left off to build the city." It is probable that the people began to see through the plausible veil which the leaders had cast over their selfish ends. The city would henceforth be abandoned to the immediate party of Nimrod. This would interrupt for a time the building of the city. Its dwellings would probably be even too numerous for its remaining inhabitants. The city received the name of Babel (confusion), from the remarkable event which had interrupted its progress for a time.
This passage, then, explains the table of nations, in which they are said to be distinguished, not merely by birth and land, but "every one after his tongue." It is therefore attached to the table as a needful appendix, and thus completes the history of the nations so far as it is carried on by the Bible. At this point the line of history leaves the universal, and by a rapid contraction narrows itself into the individual, in the person of him who is to be ultimately the parent of a chosen seed, in which the knowledge of God and of his truth is to be preserved, amidst the degeneracy of the nations into the ignorance and error which are the natural offspring of sin.
Here, accordingly, ends the appendix to the second Bible, or the second volume of the revelation of God to man. As the first may have been due to Adam, the second may be ascribed in point of matter to Noah, with Shem as his continuator. The two joined together belong not to a special people, but to the universal race. If they had ever appeared in a written form before Moses, they might have descended to the Gentiles as well as to the Israelites. But the lack of interest in holy things would account for their disappearance among the former. The speakers of the primitive language, however, would alone retain the knowledge of such a book if extant. Some of its contents might be preserved in the memory, and handed down to the posterity of the founders of the primeval nations. Accordingly we find more or less distinct traces of the true God, the creation, the fall and the deluge, in the traditions of all nations that have an ancient history.
But even if this two-volumed Bible were not possessed by the nations in a written form, its presence here, at the head of the writings of divine truth, marks the catholic design of the Old Testament, and intimates the comprehension of the whole family of man within the merciful purposes of the Almighty. In the issues of Providence the nations appear now to be abandoned to their own devices. Such a judicial forsaking of a race, who had a second time heard the proclamation of his mercy, and a second time forsaken the God of their fathers, was naturally to be expected. But it is never to be forgotten that God twice revealed his mercy "to the whole human race" before they were left to their own ways. And even when they were given over to their own willful unrighteousness and ungodlincss, it was only to institute and develop the mystery by which they might be again fully and effectually brought back to reconciliation with God.
The new developments of sin during this period are chiefly three - drunkenness, dishonoring of a parent, and the ambitious attempt to be independent of God's power, and to thwart his purpose of peopling the land. These forms of human selfishness still linger about the primary commands of the two tables. Insubordination to the supreme authority of God is accompanied with disrespect to parental authority. Drunkenness itself is an abuse of the free grant of the fruit of the trees orignally made to man. These manifestations of sin do not advance to the grosser or more subtle depths of iniquity afterward explicitly forbidden in the ten commandments. They indicate a people still comparatively unsophisticated in their habits.
The additional motives brought to bear on the race of man during the interval from Noah to Abraham, are the preaching of Noah, the perdition of the unbelieving antediluvians, the preservation of Noah and his family, the distinction of clean and unclean animals, the permission to partake of animal food, the special prohibition of the shedding of man's blood, the institution thereupon of civil government, and the covenant with Noah and his seed that there should not be another deluge.
The preaching of Noah consisted in pressing the invitations and warnings of divine mercy on a wicked race. But it bore with new power on the succeeding generations, when it was verified by the drowning of the impenitent race and the saving of the godly household. This was an awful demonstration at the same time of the divine vengeance on those who persisted in sin, and of the divine mercy to the humble and the penitent. The distinction of the clean and the unclean was a special warning against that conformity with the world by which the sons of God had died out of the human race. The permission to partake of animal food was in harmony with the physical constitution of man, and seems to have been delayed until this epoch for moral as well as physical reasons. In the garden, and afterward in Eden, the vegetable products of the soil were adequate to the healthy sustenance of man. But in the universal diffusion of the human race, animal food becomes necessary.
In some regions where man has settled, this alone is available for a great portion of the year, if not for the whole. And a salutary dread of death, as the express penalty of disobedience, was a needful lesson in the infancy of the human race. But the overwhelming destruction of the doomed race was sufficient to impress this lesson indelibly on the minds of the survivors. Hence, the permission of animal food might now be safely given, especially when accompanied with the express prohibition of manslaying, under the penalty of death by the hands of the executioner. This prohibition was directly intended to counteract the bad example of Cain and Lamek, and to deter those who slew animals from slaying men; and provision was made for the enforcement of its penalty by the institution of civil government. The covenant with Noah was a recognition of the race being reconciled to God in its new head, and therefore suited to be treated as a party at peace with God, and to enter on terms of communion with him. Its promise of security from destruction by a flood was a pledge of all greater and after blessings which naturally flow from amity with God.
Thus, we perceive that the revelation of God to the antediluvian world was confirmed in many respects, and enlarged in others, by that made to the postdiluvians. The stupendous events of the deluge were a marvelous confirmation of the justice and mercy of God revealed to Adam. The preaching of Noah was a new mode of urging the truths of God on the minds of men, now somewhat exercised in reflective thought. The distinction of clean and unclean enforced the distinction that really exists between the godly and the ungodly. The prohibition of shedding human blood is the growth of a specific law out of the great principle of moral rectitude in the conscience, apace with the development of evil in the conduct of mankind. The covenant with Noah is the evolution into articulate utterance of that federal relation which was virtually formed with believing and repentant Adam. Adam himself was long silent in the depth of his self-abasement for the disobedience he had exhibited. In Noah the spirit of adoption had attained to liberty of speech, and accordingly, God, on the momentous occasion of his coming out of the ark and presenting his propitiatory and eucharistic offering, enters into a covenant of peace with him, assuring him of certain blessings.
There is something especially interesting in this covenant with Noah, as it embraces the whole human race, and is in force to this day. It is as truly a covenant of grace as that with Abraham. It is virtually the same covenant, only in an earlier and less developed form. Being made with Noah, who had found grace in the eyes of the Lord, and added to the former expression of the divine favor to man, it explicitly mentions a benefit which is merely the first and most palpable of the series of benefits, temporal and eternal, flowing from the grace of God, all of which are in due time made over to the heirs of salvation. We cannot tell how many of the Gentiles explicitly or implicitly consented to this general covenant and partook of its blessings. But it is only just to the God of Noah to be thankful that there was and is an offer of mercy to the whole family of man, all who accept of which are partakers of his grace, and that all subsequent covenants only help to the ultimate and universal acceptance of that fundamental covenant which, though violated by Adam and all his ordinary descendants, was yet in the fullness of time to be implemented by him who became the seed of the woman and the second Adam.
10
Genesis 11:10
繁體中文
-
第九部——至亞伯蘭的世系
-
XXXV. 亞伯蘭的世系
-
רעוּ re‛û,拉吳,「朋友」;動詞義:「餵養、喜愛、享受」。
-
שׂרוּג śerûg,西鹿,「葡萄藤的嫩枝」。
-
נחור nāchôr,拿鶴,「噴鼻息」。
-
תרה terach,他拉,「耽延?」亞蘭語。
-
אברם ’abrām,亞伯蘭,「尊高的父」。הרן hārān,哈蘭,「山地人」。
「……的後代記在下面」這一慣用語句,標誌第五份文獻的開始。因此,我們如今進入人類發展的新階段。列國已逐漸背離永生的神。然而他們並未停留在這不敬虔的消極階段,而是陷入了多神論與偶像崇拜。對那位創造、擁有並托住天地之獨一真神的認識,瀕臨完全喪失的邊緣。儘管如此,先前賜給亞當之族——女人的後裔要傷蛇的頭——以及隨後賜給挪亞之家——主要作閃的神——的應許,仍然有效。從後一個應許顯然可見,女人的後裔當在閃的世系中被期待。
本段包含亞伯蘭出自閃的世系。由此可見,聖潔的記述者在此回到洪水後第二年——一個遠早於前文敘述結束的時間點。「閃是百歲的兒子」,即在他的第一百歲,洪水後二年,亦即挪亞的第六百零三歲,因而比雅弗晚了三年。亞伯蘭是包括亞當在內的第二十代,是閃以後的第十代,希伯以後的第七代。七十士譯本與路加福音在亞法撒之後插入了一個第二個該南。但這名字甚至不見於七十士譯本的 1 Chronicles 1:24——那裏給出了亞伯蘭的世系。撒瑪利亞五經、諸他爾根或古代譯本中都沒有它;約瑟夫斯與斐洛也未提及;路加福音的貝撒抄本也沒有。因此必須視之為插入的文字。
下表是第五章所載表格的續篇,可用以比較各文本呈現數字的不同形式:
亞伯蘭世系:希伯來文、撒瑪利亞五經、七十士譯本、約瑟夫斯數字對照。各欄依次為得子之年與自身的死亡之年,以及出生與死亡年代。11. 閃:希伯來 (97) 2, 600;撒瑪利亞 (97) 2, 600;七十士譯本 (97) 2, 600;約瑟夫斯 (97) 12;生於 1559,卒於 2150。12. 亞法撒(Καινᾶν):希伯來 35, 438;撒瑪利亞 135, 438;七十士譯本 135, 535;約瑟夫斯 135;生於 1658,卒於 2096。13. 沙拉:希伯來 30, 433;撒瑪利亞 130, 433;七十士譯本 130, 460;約瑟夫斯 130;生於 1693,卒於 2126。14. 希伯:希伯來 34, 464;撒瑪利亞 134, 404;七十士譯本 134, 404;約瑟夫斯 134;生於 1723,卒於 2187。15. 法勒:希伯來 30, 239;撒瑪利亞 130, 239;七十士譯本 130, 339;約瑟夫斯 130;生於 1757,卒於 1996。16. 拉吳:希伯來 32, 239;撒瑪利亞 132, 239;七十士譯本 132, 339;約瑟夫斯 130;生於 1787,卒於 2096。17. 西鹿:希伯來 30, 230;撒瑪利亞 130, 230;七十士譯本 130, 330;約瑟夫斯 132;生於 1819,卒於 2049。18. 拿鶴:希伯來 29, 148;撒瑪利亞 79, 148;七十士譯本 175, 304;約瑟夫斯 120;生於 1849,卒於 1997。19. 他拉(哈蘭):希伯來 70 與 60, 205;撒瑪利亞 70 與 60, 145;七十士譯本 70 與 60, 205;約瑟夫斯 70, 292, 205;生於 1878,卒於 2083。20. 亞伯蘭,進入迦南:希伯來 70 與 75;撒瑪利亞 70 與 75;七十士譯本 70 與 75;約瑟夫斯 130 與 75;生於 2008, 2078。合計:422, 1072, 1302, 422。洪水年代:1656, 1307, 2262, 2256。蒙召年代:2078, 2379, 3564, 2678。
由此表可見,就總壽數而言,希伯來文、撒瑪利亞文與七十士譯本在閃上一致;希伯來文與七十士譯本在他拉上一致;撒瑪利亞文與七十士譯本在希伯上一致;希伯來文與撒瑪利亞文在其餘各人上一致。然而就為父之年而言,希伯來文獨自一方,撒瑪利亞文與七十士譯本彼此一致,惟在他拉上三者全同。差異不在個位或十位,而是在希伯來文數字上加了百年,惟拿鶴一例所加為五十年,或按七十士譯本梵蒂岡抄本(B)為一百五十年。這裏同樣值得注意的是,約瑟夫斯在為父之前的多數個別數字上雖與撒瑪利亞文和七十士譯本一致,在從洪水到他拉七十歲的總年數上卻與希伯來文一致(292年,Josephus I. 6, 5)。在拉吳與西鹿,數字相互顛倒,似乎是由於他倒置地給出數字而生的錯誤。
在拿鶴,他本人或其抄寫者似乎按一律的規則加了一百年,卻漏了九年。為補此漏,看來在亞法撒出生時洪水後的年數上加了不確切的整數 10。我們已經注意到,約瑟夫斯的某些抄本給出從創造到洪水的總數為 1656 年,在此情形下約瑟夫斯與希伯來文的總數恰好一致。他又陳述(viii. 3, 1)說,世界創造於所羅門開始建殿之前 3102 年,大洪水發生在同一時點之前 1440 年。如此我們便得到創造與大洪水之間相隔 1662 年;只要從中減去加給拉麥的六年,便與希伯來文一致。在同一段中他說,亞伯蘭進入迦南是在建殿之前 1020 年。
由此我們推斷,從洪水到亞伯蘭蒙召經過了 420 年;若從亞法撒出生起算,容許哈蘭與亞伯蘭出生之間相隔六十年,並把亞伯蘭蒙召定在七十歲,這便與希伯來文完全吻合。這些總數無論以何種可設想的方式,都無法與他自己文本、或七十士譯本、或撒瑪利亞文本的細節相調和。再者,約瑟夫斯計算(x. 8, 5)聖殿於創造後 3513 年、洪水後 1957 年被焚。那麼創造到洪水的間隔便是 1556 年,與希伯來文相差一百年;若以挪亞第五百歲為終點,便可與之調和。他又推定聖殿被焚於出埃及之後 1062 年,如此從洪水到出埃及的間隔為 895 年,而希伯來文所記為 852 年。若把挪亞第五百歲到洪水的一百年、約瑟夫斯所記洪水到亞伯拉罕出生的 292 年、到蒙召的 75 年、以及自此到出埃及的 430 年加起來,共得 897 年;略去洪水到亞法撒出生的 2 年,便化為約瑟夫斯的數字;略去洪水前的一百年,加上約瑟夫斯此處遺漏的哈蘭與亞伯蘭之間的六十年,並把亞伯蘭蒙召定在七十歲,便化為希伯來文的數字。然而據我們所知的任何過程,約瑟夫斯這些計算出來的數字都無法與他自己文本、撒瑪利亞文本或七十士譯本的細節相調和。我們作者的這些計算,顯然是以希伯來文的數字為基礎,這一點看來完全清楚。
撒瑪利亞文本中自法勒以降的為父之年,超出人生的中年,這與一切經驗相悖。七十士譯本的編者似乎注意到這一反常,遂不顧希伯來文與撒瑪利亞文的共同見證,在其中三人的壽數上加了 100 年,在拿鶴身上加了 156 年。若梵蒂岡抄本的為父之年是正確的讀法,此處本應加上更大的數字。撒瑪利亞文本從他拉的歲數中減去 60 年,這違背希伯來文、撒瑪利亞文與約瑟夫斯的共同見證,大概因為編者認為亞伯蘭生於他拉的第七十歲。
從昂克羅斯他爾根與敘利亞 Peshito 譯本可知,直到基督教時代,希伯來文本一直與今日相同。在那以前,沒有可以設想的理由要縮短年代表,而民族的虛榮與爭勝卻很容易促使人將其拉長。七十士譯本的文本遜於希伯來文本,這是公認的。
希伯來文的成年之年,比其他文本提供更多人口增長的空間。因為人若在三十歲開始生育,比起一百年後才開始而總壽數相同,家庭更大的可能性更高。如今希伯來文與撒瑪利亞文在總壽數上普遍一致,共同有別於七十士譯本;而在希伯與他拉兩例,撒瑪利亞文甚至比希伯來文更小。也當記得,各文本的世代數完全相同。因此,按一切人間的或然率,希伯來文的為父之年將為亞伯蘭時代的世界提供更多的居民。若按每家五對的適中平均數計算,估計人口為 4 × 5 的九次方對,即 15,625,000 人。這數目對亞伯蘭時代存在的所有王國,綽綽有餘。若把為父之期推遲整整一個世紀,得到如此大家庭的機會必減少而非增多,從而挪亞以後第十代地上有此人口的或然率也隨之減低。
在這些情形下,我們傾向於持守以原初形式傳給我們的希伯來文本,直到看見比歷代編年學者迄今所能提出者更有力的理由,才放棄其中的任何數字。同時,我們滿足於這一事實:同一套數字體系顯然是現今一切文本的基礎,儘管在某些情況下,或許難以令所有人滿意地判定原初的數字是甚麼。確定古代史的年代,既不是生死攸關的問題,如今也不是希伯來記錄首要或直接目的的一部分。
英語原文
-
Section IX - The Line to Abram
-
XXXV. The Line of Abram
-
רעוּ re‛û, Re'u, "friend;" verb: "feed, delight in, enjoy."
-
שׂרוּג śerûg, Serug, "vine-shoot."
-
נחור nāchôr, Nachor, "snorting."
-
תרה terach, Terach, "delay?" Aramaic.
-
אברם 'abrām, Abram, "high father." הרן hārān Haran, "mountaineer."
The usual phrase, "These are the generations," marks the beginning of the fifth document. Accordingly, we now enter upon a new phase of human development. The nations have gradually departed from the living God. They have not, however, stopped at this negative stage of ungodliness. They have fallen into polytheism and idolatry. And the knowledge of the one true God, the Maker, Possessor, and Upholder of heaven and earth, is on the verge of being entirely lost. Nevertheless the promises, first to the race of Adam, that the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent's head, and next to the family of Noah, that the Lord should be the God of Shem, were still in force. It is obvious, from the latter promise, that the seed of the woman is to be expected in the line of Shem.
The present passage contains the pedigree of Abram from Shem. From this it appears that the sacred writer here reverts to the second year after the flood - a point of time long before the close of the preceding narrative. "Shem was the son of a hundred years," or in his hundredth year, two years after the flood, and therefore in the six hundred and third year of Noah, and consequently three years after Japheth. Abram was the twentieth, inclusive, from Adam, the tenth from Shem, and the seventh from Heber. A second Kenan is inserted after Arpakshad in the Septuagint, and in the Gospel according to Luke. But this name does not occur even in the Septuagint in 1 Chronicles 1:24, where the genealogy of Abram is given. It is not found in the Samaritan Pentateuch, the Targums, or the ancient versions. It does not appear in Josephus or Philo. Neither is it found in the Codex Bezae in the Gospel of Luke. It must therefore be regarded as an interpolation.
The following table is a continuation of that given at the fifth chapter, and will serve for the comparison of the different forms in which the numbers are presented:
Line of Abram Hebrew Sam. Pent. Septuagint Josephus Date Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath OfBirth OfDeath 11. Shem (97) 2 600 (97) 2 600 (97) 2 600 (97) 12 1559 2150 12. Arpakshad (Καινᾶν) 35 438 135 438 135 535 135 1658 2096 13. Shelah 30 433 130 433 130 460 130 1693 2126 14. Heber 34 464 134 404 134 404 134 1723 2187 15. Peleg 30 239 130 239 130 339 130 1757 1996 16. Reu 32 239 132 239 132 339 130 1787 2096 17. Serug 30 230 130 230 130 330 132 1819 2049 18. Nahor 29 148 79 148 175 304 120 1849 1997 19. Terah
(Haran) 70
60 205 70
60 145 70
60 205 70
292 205 1878 2083 20. Abram cd.
Enters Ken. 70
75 70
75 70
75 130
75 2008 2078 Sum 422 1072 1302 422 D. of Flood 1656 1307 2262 2256 D. of Call 2078 2379 3564 2678
From this table it appears that in the total years of life the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Septuagint agree on Shem; the Hebrew and Septuagint on Terah; the Samaritan and Septuagint on Heber; and the Hebrew and Samaritan on all the rest. In regard, however, to the years of paternity, the Hebrew stands alone, against the Samaritan and Septuagint agreeing, except in Terah, where they all agree. The difference is not in units or tens, but in the addition to the Hebrew numbers of a hundred years, except in the case of Nahor, where the addition is fifty years, or a hundred and fifty according to the Codex Vaticanus (B) of the Septuagint. Here, again, it is remarkable that Josephus while agreeing with the Samaritan and Septuagint in most of the separate numbers before paternity, agrees with the Hebrew in the sum of years from the flood to the 70th year of Terah (292 years, Josephus I. 6, 5). In Reu and Serug the numbers are transposed, seemingly by a mistake arising from the inverted order in which he gives the numbers.
In Nahor he, or his transcriber, seems to have added one hundred years according to the uniform law, and neglected the nine. To make up for this omission, the inexact round number 10 has been apparently added to the number of years after the flood, when Arpakshad was born. We have already noticed that some MSS. of Josephus gave 1656 as the sum-total of years from the creation to the flood, in which case the sums of Josephus and the Hebrew exactly agree. We find him also stating (viii. 3, 1) that the world was created 3102 years before Solomon began to build the temple, and that the deluge took place 1440 before the same point of time. Hence, we obtain 1662 years between the creation and the deluge; and this, if we only deduct from it the six years added to Lamek, agrees with the Hebrew. In the same passage he states that the entrance of Abram into Kenaan was 1020 years before the building of the temple.
Hence, we infer that 420 years elapsed from the flood to the call of Abram, which, if we count from the birth of Arpakshad, allow sixty years to elapse between the births of Haran and Abram, and date the call of Abram at 70, will exactly tally with the Hebrew. These sums cannot in any probable way be reconciled with the details in his own text, or in the Septuagint, or Samaritan. Again, Josephus calculates (x. 8, 5) that the temple was burnt 3513 years from the creation, and 1957 from the flood. Hence, the interval from the creation to the deluge would be 1556 years, differing from the Hebrew by 100 years, and reconcilable with it, if we suppose the 500th year of Noah to be the terminating date. He also concludes that the burning of the temple took place 1062 years after the exodus, thus making the interval from the flood to the exodus 895 years, while the Hebrew makes it 852. If we reckon the 100 years from the 500th year of Noah to the flood, the 292 which Josephus gives from the flood to the birth of Abraham, the 75 years to the call of Abraham, and the 430 from that to the exodus, we have 897 years, which will be reduced to Josephus's number by omitting the 2 years from the flood to the birth of Arpakshad; and to the Hebrew number by omitting the 100 years before the flood, adding the 60 between Haran and Abram, which Josephus here neglects, and dating the call of Abram at 70 years. But by no process that we are aware of can these calculated numbers of Josephus be reconciled with the details of his own text, or the Samaritan, or Septuagint. It seems perfectly clear that the Hebrew numbers lie at the basis of these calculations of our author.
The age of paternity in the Samaritan from Peleg down is beyond the middle age of life, which is contrary to all experience. The editor of the Septuagint seems to have observed this anomaly, and added 100 years to three of these lives, and 156 to that of Nahor, against the joint testimony of the Hebrew and Samaritan. If the year of paternity in the Vatican be the correct reading, a much greater number should have been here added. The Samaritan deducts 60 years from the age of Terah, against the joint testimony of the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Josephus, seemingly because the editor conceived that Abram was born in his seventieth year.
From the Targum of Onkelos and the Peshito it is evident that the Hebrew text was the same as now up to the Christian era. Before that time there was no conceivable reason for shortening the chronology, while national vanity and emulation might easily prompt men to lengthen it. It is acknowledged that the text of the Septuagint is inferior to that of the Hebrew.
The age of puberty in the Hebrew affords more scope for the increase of population than that in the other texts. For if a man begin to have a family at thirty, it is likely to be larger than if he began a hundred years later and only lived the same number of years altogether. Now the Hebrew and Samaritan agree generally, against the Septuagint, in the total years of life; and in two instances, Heber and Terah, the Samaritan has even a less number than the Hebrew. It is to be remembered, also, that the number of generations is the same in every case. Hence, in all human probability the Hebrew age of paternity will give the greater number of inhabitants to the world in the age of Abram. If we take the moderate average of five pairs for each family, we shall have for the estimated population 4 X 5(to the 9th power) pairs, or 15,625,000 souls. This number is amply sufficient for all the kingdoms that were in existence in the time of Abram. If we defer the time of becoming a father for a whole century, we shall certainly diminish, rather than increase, the chance of his having so large a family, and thereby the probability of such a population on the earth in the tenth generation from Noah.
In these circumstances we are disposed to abide by the Hebrew text, that has descended to us in an original form, at least until we see some more cogent reasons for abandoning any of its numbers than chronologers have yet been able to produce. And we content ourselves, meanwhile, with the fact that the same system of numbers manifestly lay at the basis of all our present texts, though it may be difficult in some cases to determine to the satisfaction of all what was the original figure. The determination of the chronology of ancient history is neither a question of vital importance, nor, to us now, a part of the primary or direct design of the Hebrew records.
27
Genesis 11:27
繁體中文
まだ翻訳がありません。
英語原文
-
Section X - Abraham
-
XXXVI. The Father of Abram
-
לוט lôṭ, Lot, "veil;" verb: "cover."
-
אוּר 'ûr, Ur, "light, flame." כשׂדים kaśdı̂ym, Kasdim, Cardi, Kurds, Χαλδαῖοι Kaldaioi. כסד kesed, "gain?" Arabic. Ur Kasdim has been identified with Hur, now called Mugheir (the bitumened), a heap of ruins lying south of the Euphrates, nearly opposite its jucnction with the Shat el-Hie. Others place it at Edessa, now Orfa, a short way north of Carrhae.
-
שׂרי sāray, Sarai, "strife;" שׂרה śārâh "strive, rule." מלכה mı̂lkâh Milkah, "counsel, queen;" verb: "counsel, reign." יסכה yı̂sekâh, Jiskah, "one who spies, looks out."
-
הרן hārān, Haran, "burnt place." Χαῤῥαι Charran, Κάῤῥαι Karrai, a town on the Bilichus (Bililk), a tributary of the Frat, still called Harran. This has been identified by some with Harae, on the other side of the Frat, not far from Tadmor or Palmyra.
This passage forms the commencement of the sixth document, as is indicated by the customary phrase, "These are the generations." The sense also clearly accords with this distinction; and it accounts for the repetition of the statement, "Terah begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran." Yet the scribe who finally arranged the text makes no account of this division; as he inserts neither the Hebrew letter פ (p) nor even the Hebrew letter ס (s) at its commencement, while he places the threefold פ (p), marking the end of a Sabbath lesson, at its close. We learn from this that the Jewish rabbis did not regard the opening phrase as a decided mark of a new beginning, or any indication of a new author. Nevertheless, this passage and the preceding one form the meet prelude to the history of Abram - the one tracing his genealogy from Shem and Heber, and the other detailing his relations with the family out of which he was called.
God has not forsaken the fallen race. On the contrary, he has once and again held out to them a general invitation to return, with a promise of pardon and acceptance. Many of the descendants of Noah have already forsaken him, and he foresees that all, if left to themselves, will sink into ungodliness. Notwithstanding all this, he calmly and resolutely proceeds with his purpose of mercy. In the accomplishment of this eternal purpose he moves with all the solemn grandeur of longsuffering patience. One day is with him as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day. Out of Adam's three sons he selects one to be the progenitor of the seed of the woman; out of Noah's three sons he again selects one; and now out of Terah's three is one to be selected. Among the children of this one he will choose a second one, and among his a third one before he reaches the holy family. Doubtless this gradual mode of proceeding is in keeping with the hereditary training of the holy nation, and the due adjustment of all the divine measures for at length bringing the fullness of the Gentiles into the covenant of everlasting peace.
The history here given of the postdiluvians has a striking resemblance in structure to that of the antediluvians. The preservation of Noah from the waters of the flood, is the counterpart of the creation of Adam after the land had risen out of the roaring deep. The intoxication of Noah by the fruit of a tree corresponds with the fall of Adam by eating the fruit of a forbidden tree. The worldly policy of Nimrod and his builders is parallel with the city-building and many inventions of the Cainites. The pedigree of Abram the tenth from Shem, stands over against the pedigree of Noah the tenth from Adam; and the paragraph now before us bears some resemblance to what precedes the personal history of Noah. All this tends to strengthen the impression made by some other phenomena, already noticed, that the book of Genesis is the work of one author, and not a mere file of documents by different writers.
The present paragraph is of special interest for the coming history. Its opening word and intimates its close connection with the preceding document; and accordingly we observe that the one is merely introductory to the other. The various characters brought forward are all of moment. Terah is the patriarch and leader of the migration for part of the way. Abram is the subject of the following narrative. Nahor is the grandfathcr of Rebekah. Haran is the father of Lot the companion of Abram, of Milcah the wife of Nahor and grandmother of Rebekah, and of Iskah. Iskah alone seems to have no connection with the subsequent narrative. Josephus says Sarai and Milkah were the daughters of Haran, taking no notice of Iskah. He seems, therefore, to identify Sarai and Iskah. Jerome, after his Jewish teachers, does the same. Abram says of Sarai, "She is the daughter of my father, but not the daughter of my mother" Genesis 20:12.
In Hebrew phrase the granddaughter is termed a daughter; and therefore this statement might be satisfied by her being the daughter of Haran. Lot is called the brother's son and the brother of Abram Genesis 14:12, Genesis 14:16. If Sarai be Haran's daughter, Lot is Abram's brother-in-law. This identification would also explain the introduction of Iskah into the present passage. Still it must be admitted, on the other hand, that persons are sometimes incidentally introduced in a history of facts, without any express connection with the course of the narrative, as Naamah in the history of the Cainites. The studied silence of the sacred writer in regard to the parentage of Sarai, in the present connection, tells rather in favor of her being the actual daughter of Terah by another wife, and so strictly the half-sister of Abram. For the Mosaic law afterward expressly prohibited marriage with "the daughter of a father" Leviticus 18:9. And, lastly, the text does not state of Iskah, "This is Sarai," which would accord with the manner of the sacred writer, and is actually done in the Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan.
28
Genesis 11:28
繁體中文
まだ翻訳がありません。
英語原文
And Haran died in the presence of his father Terah. - There is reason to believe that Haran was the oldest son of Terah. Though mentioned in the third place, like Japheth the oldest son of Noah, yet, like Japheth, also, his descendants are recounted first. He is the father of Lot, Milkah, and Iskah. His brother Nahor marries his daughter Milkah. If Iskah be the same as Sarai, Haran her father must have been some years older than Abram, as Abram was only ten years older than Sarai; and hence her father, if younger than Abram, must have been only eight or nine when she was born, which is impossible. Hence, those who take Iskah to be Sarai, must regard Abram as younger than Haran.
In the land of his birth. - The migration of Terah, therefore, did not take place until after the death of Haran. At all events, his three grandchildren, Lot, Milkah, and Iskah, were born before he commenced his journey. Still further, Milkah was married to Nahor for some time before that event. Hence, allowing thirty years for a generation, we have a period of sixty years and upwards from the birth of Haran to the marriage of his daughter. But if we take seventy years for a generation, which is far below the average of the Samaritan or the Septuagint, we have one hundred and forty years, which will carry us beyond the death of Terah, whether we reckon his age at one hundred and forty-five with the Samaritan, or at two hundred and five with the other texts. This gives another presumption in favor of the Hebrew average for a generation.
In Ur of the Kasdim. - The Kasdim, Cardi, Kurds, or Chaldees are not to be found in the table of nations. They have been generally supposed to be Shemites. This is favored by the residence of Abram among them, by the name Kesed, being a family name among his kindred Genesis 22:22, and by the language commonly called Chaldee, which is a species of Aramaic. But among the settlers of the country, the descendants of Ham probably prevailed in early times. Nimrod, the founder of the Babylonian Empire, was a Kushite. The ancient Babylonish language, Rawlinson (Chaldaea) finds to be a special dialect, having affinities with the Shemitic, Arian, Turanian, and Hamitic tongues. The Chaldees were spread over a great extent of surface; but their most celebrated seat was Chaldaea proper, or the land of Shinar. The inhabitants of this country seem to have been of mixed descent, being bound together by political rather than family ties.
Nimrod, their center of union, was a despot rather than a patriarch. The tongue of the Kaldees, whether pure or mixed, and whether Shemitic or not, is possibly distinct from the Aramaic, in which they addressed Nebuchadnezzar in the time of Daniel Dan 1:4; Daniel 2:4. The Kaldin at length lost their nationality, and merged into the caste or class of learned men or astrologers, into which a man might be admitted, not merely by being a Kaldai by birth, but by acquiring the language and learning of the Kasdim Daniel 1:4; Daniel 5:11. The seats of Chaldee learning were Borsippa (Birs Nimrud), Ur, Babylon, and Sepharvaim (Sippara, Mosaib). Ur or Hur has been found by antiquarian research (see Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies) in the heap of ruins called Mugheir, "the bitumened." This site lies now on the right side of the Frat; but the territory to which it belongs is mainly on the left. And Abram coming from it would naturally cross into Mesopotamia on his way to Haran. Orfa, the other supposed site of Ur, seems to be too near Haran. It is not above twenty or twenty-five miles distant, which would not be more than one day's journey.
29
Genesis 11:29
繁體中文
まだ翻訳がありません。
英語原文
But Sarai was barren. - From this statement it is evident that Abram had been married for some time before the migration took place. It is also probable that Milkah had begun to have a family; a circumstance which would render the barrenness of Sarai the more remarkable.
31
Genesis 11:31
繁體中文
まだ翻訳がありません。
英語原文
And Terah took Abram. - Terah takes the lead in this emigration, as the patriarch of the family. In the Samaritan Pentateuch Milkah is mentioned among the emigrants; and it is not improbable that Nahor and his family accompanied Terah, as we find them afterward at Haran, or the city of Nahor Genesis 24:10. "And they went forth with them." Terah and Abram went forth with Lot and the other companions of their journey. "To go into the land of Kenaan. It was the design of Terah himself to settle in the land of Kenaan. The boundaries of this land are given in the table of nations Genesis 10:19. The Kenaanites were therefore in possession of it when the table of nations was drawn up. It is certain, however, that there were other inhabitants, some of them Shemites probably, anterior to Kenaan, and subjected by his invading race. The prime motive to this change of abode was the call to Abram recorded in the next chapter. Moved by the call of God, Abram "obeyed; and he went out not knowing whither he went" Hebrews 11:8.
But Terah was influenced by other motives to put himself at the head of this movement. The death of Haran, his oldest son, loosened his attachment to the land of his birth. Besides, Abram and Sarai were no doubt especially dear to him, and he did not wish to lose their society. The inhabitants also of Ur had fallen into polytheism, or, if we may so speak, allotheism, the worship of other gods. Terah had himself been betrayed into compliance with this form of impiety. It is probable that the revelation Abram had received from heaven was the means of removing this cloud from his mind, and restoring in him the knowledge and worship of the true God. Hence, his desire to keep up his connection with Abram, who was called of God. Prayerful conversation with the true and living God, also, while it was fast waning in the land of the Kasdim, seems to have been still maintained in its ancient purity in some parts of the land of Kenaan and the adjacent countries. In the land of Uz, a Shemite, perhaps even at a later period, lived Job; and in the neighboring districts of Arabia were his several friends, all of whom acknowledged the true God. And in the land of Kenaan was Melkizedec, the king of Salem, and the priest of the Most High God. A priest implies a considerable body of true worshippers scattered over the country. Accordingly, the name of the true God was known and revered, at least in outward form, wherever Abram went, throughout the land. The report of this comparatively favorable state of things in the land of Kenaan would be an additional incentive to the newly enlightened family of Terah to accompany Abram in obedience to the divine call.
Terah set out on his journey, no doubt, as soon after the call of Abram as the preparatory arrangements could be made. Now the promise to Abram was four hundred and thirty years before the exodus of the children of Israel out of Egypt Exodus 12:40. Of this long period his seed was to be a stranger in a land that was not theirs for four hundred years Genesis 15:13. Hence, it follows that Isaac, his seed, was born thirty years after the call of Abram. Now Abram was one hundred years old when Isaac was born, and consequently the call was given when he was seventy years of age - about five years before he entered the land of Kenaan Genesis 12:4. This whole calculation exactly agrees with the incidental statement of Paul to the Galatians Gal 3:17 that the law was four hundred and thirty years after the covenant of promise. Terah was accordingly two hundred years old when he undertook the long journey to the land of Kenaan; for he died at two hundred and five, when Abram was seventy-five. Though proceeding by easy stages, the aged patriarch seems to have been exhausted by the length and the difficulty of the way. "They came to Haran and dwelt there." Broken down with fatigue, he halts for a season at Haran to recruit his wasted powers. Filial piety, no doubt, kept Abram watching over the last days of his venerable parents, who probably still cling to the fond hope of reaching the land of his adoption. Hence, they all abode in Haran for the remainder of the five years from the date of Abram's call to leave his native land. "And Terah died in Haran." This intimates that he would have proceeded with the others to the land of Kenaan if his life had been prolonged, and likewise that they did not leave Haran until his death.
We have already seen that Abram was seventy-five years of age at the death of Terah. It follows that he was born when Terah was one hundred and thirty years old, and consequently sixty years after Haran. This is the reason why we have placed one hundred and thirty (seventy and sixty), in the genealogical table opposite Terah, because the line of descent is not traced through Haran, who was born when he was seventy, but through Abram, who by plain inference was born when he was one hundred and thirty years old. It will be observed, also, that we have set down seventy opposite Abram as the date of his call, from which is counted the definite period of four hundred and thirty years to the exodus. And as all our texts agree in the numbers here involved, it is obvious that the same adjustment of years has in this case to be made, whatever system of chronology is adopted. Hence, Abram is placed first in the list of Terah's sons, simply on account of his personal pre-eminence as the father of the faithful and the ancestor of the promised seed; he and his brother Nahor are both much younger than Haran, are married only after his death, and one of them to his grown-up daughter Milkah; and he and his nephew Lot are meet companions in age as well as in spirit.
Hence, also, Abram lingers in Haran, waiting to take his father with him to the land of promise, if he should revive so far as to be fit for the journey. But it was not the lot of Terah to enter the land, where he would only have been a stranger. He is removed to the better country, and by his departure contributes no doubt to deepen the faith of his son Abram, of his grandson Lot, and of his daughter-in-law Sarai. This explanation of the order of events is confirmed by the statement of Stephen: "The God of glory appeared unto our father Abraham when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran. Then came he out of the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in Charran; and from thence, when his father was dead, he removed him into this land, wherein ye now dwell" Acts 7:2-4.
נסע nāsa‛「拔出、拆毀、前行。」מקדם mı̂qedem「向東,或在東邊」,如創世記 2:14;創世記 13:11;以賽亞書 9:11(12)。
החלם hachı̂lām「他們的開端」,用以代替此一不定式帶字尾的規則形式 החלם hăchı̂lām。יזמוּ yāzmû 有如出自 יזם yāzam,即等於 זמם zāmam。
נבלה nābelâh 一般說是代替源自 בלל bālal 的 נבלה nābolâh;但加注元音者顯然有意使其作 נבל nābal「變為混亂」的第三人稱陰性單數完成式,主詞為 שׂפה śāpâh,即「在那裡讓他們的嘴唇變為混亂。」這兩個動詞同出一字根。
בבל bābel 巴別,「混亂」,由 בלל bālal 與 נבל nābel 共同的字根 בל bl,將第一個根字母重複衍生而來。
完成了列國的譜系表之後,這位神聖的記錄者按其慣例,回頭記載一樁重大事件——這事件既為解釋此表所必需,對人類未來的歷史也關係重大。他所回溯的那一點,正是法勒的出生。眼前這段獨特的經文,說明了那次史無前例的變革的性質:人類如何從操著彼此能聽懂之言語的一個家族,變為言語與地域各異的許多民族。
創世記 11:1
此處簡略描述了人類語言先前的狀態。「全地」顯然是指當時所知的整個世界,連同其中一切的人類居民。適用的普世性,在整段經文中都清楚而一貫地維持著。「看哪,這民為一。」而結尾在這一點上也與開首相合。「所以那城名叫巴別,因為主在那裡變亂了全地的嘴唇。」
同一個嘴唇,同一套詞彙。——在列國表中,用的是「舌頭(語言)」一詞來指稱此處以兩個詞語所表達的事物。這並非出於無意。這兩個詞語並不是同義詞或平行詞,因為它們共同構成一個複合述語的一部分。因此我們認為,「同一套詞彙」自然是指語言的質料、實質或材料。這質料對全人類都是同一的。另一方面,「嘴唇」一詞本是發音器官之一,卻用以指說話的形式,即說話的方式——使用並連結言語質料的方式,以及支配一種語言屈折變化與派生的法則體系。這同樣也是全人類所共有的。如此,這位神聖的記錄者並沒有像先前那樣用單一詞語來表達人類當中語言的統一性,而是為著眼前的目的,用一組詞語的結合來表達——這組詞語所表達的,正是構成一切有機實在的兩個要素。