Barnes' Notes on the Bible · 열왕기상 16장

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열왕기상 16장

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1

1 Kings 16:1

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哈拿尼是耶户的父亲,曾在犹大国作亚撒的先见(2 Chronicles 16:7-10)。他的儿子耶户在此于以色列国履行同一职任,后来又显现为耶路撒冷的居民,在约沙法手下说预言,并曾一次责备他。他必定享年极高,因为他比约沙法活得长久,并撰写了约沙法的生平(见页边参照经文)。

영문 원문

Hanani, the father of Jehu, was seer to Asa in the kingdom of Judah 2 Chronicles 16:7-10. His son Jehu, who here discharges the same office in the kingdom of Israel, appears at a later date as an inhabitant of Jerusalem where he prophesied under Jehoshaphat, whom he rebuked on one occasion. He must have lived to a great age, for he outlived Jehoshaphat, and wrote his life (marginal references).

5

1 Kings 16:5

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巴沙的“能力”,从那些迫使亚撒召便哈达来相助的胜绩已足以表明(1 Kings 15:17-21)。

영문 원문

The "might" of Baasha is sufficiently indicated by those successes which drove Asa to call Ben-hadad to his aid. 1 Kings 15:17-21.

7

1 Kings 16:7

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本节的自然位置应在 1 Kings 16:4 之后、1 Kings 16:5 之前。但可以视为作者稍欠规整地补记的一种后思;其特别的用意在于指出:对巴沙的判决不仅要惩罚他的牛犊崇拜,更是要惩罚他谋杀耶罗波安及其全家。耶罗波安的覆灭虽曾被预言,巴沙虽可正当地视为神惩罚耶罗波安之罪的工具,但他既没有受命对这罪人执行神的忿怒,又纯粹出于野心和私利的驱动,他的罪就与没有预言发出时一样大。连耶户所受的委派(2 Kings 9:5-10),也不被认为能完全为其谋杀约兰和耶洗别开脱。

영문 원문

The natural position of this verse would be after 1 Kings 16:4 and before 1 Kings 16:5. But it may be regarded as added by the writer, somewhat irregularly, as an afterthought; its special force being to point out that the sentence on Baasha was intended to punish, not only his calf-worship, but emphatically his murder of Jeroboam and his family. Though the destruction of Jeroboam had been foretold, and though Baasha may be rightly regarded as God's instrument to punish Jeroboam's sins, yet, as he received no command to execute God's wrath on the offender, and was instigated solely by ambition and self-interest, his guilt was just as great as if no prophecy had been uttered. Even Jehu's commission 2 Kings 9:5-10 was not held to justify, altogether, his murder of Jehoram and Jezebel.

8

1 Kings 16:8

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“二年”——即一年多,或至少是分属两个不同年份的各一段时间(参较 1 Kings 16:10)。

영문 원문

Two years - i. e., More than one year, or, at any rate, some portion of two distinct years (compare 1 Kings 16:10).

9

1 Kings 16:9

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心利的叛乱——他是以拉的“臣仆”(即臣属)——得到几方面之助:他的职位大概使他在城中有军权;百姓和本可制止他的官员大部分缺席,在基比顿(1 Kings 16:15);还有以拉卑劣的品性——他不上战场,反倒不断以不配王位的行径叫人想起他出身卑微。

“家宰”——这职位显然相当重要。在所罗门的宫廷中,它享有 שׂר śar(君、首领)的品级。在波斯,“家宰”有时在王缺席期间充当一种摄政的角色。

영문 원문

The conspiracy of Zimri - Elah's "servant" (i. e., "subject") - was favored by his position, which probably gave him military authority in the city, by the absence of a great part of the people and of the officers who might have checked him, at Gibbethon 1 Kings 16:15, and by the despicable character of Elah, who, instead of going up to the war, was continually reminding men of his low origin by conduct unworthy of royalty.

Steward - The office was evidently one of considerable importance. In Solomon's court it gave the rank of שׂר śar, prince. In Persia the "steward of the household" acted sometimes as a sort of regent during the king's absence.

11

1 Kings 16:11

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“他的亲族和朋友”——心利的手段远超寻常的严酷。不仅王室被灭绝,王的朋友、谋士和宠臣也一律被杀。暗利既曾为先王所亲信,自然为自己惧怕,决意走一条至少能给他一线生机的路。

영문 원문

Neither of his kinsfolks, nor of his friends - Zimri's measures were of much more than ordinary severity. Not only was the royal family extirpated, but the friends of the king, his councillors and favorite officers, were put to death. Omri, as having been in the confidence of the late monarch, would naturally fear for himself, and resolve to take the course which promised him at least a chance of safety.

13

1 Kings 16:13

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“虚无的神”——即那些“牛犊”。希伯来人用意为“虚空”、“气息”或“无物”的词称呼偶像。(参较页边参照经文。)

영문 원문

Their vanities - The "calves." The Hebrews call an idol by terms signifying "emptiness," "vapor," or "nothingness." (Compare marginal references.)

16

1 Kings 16:16

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“众民……立元帅暗利作以色列王”——这段史事令人想起罗马帝国时代军队惯常的做法:他们一听说罗马的皇帝遇刺,就习惯于给自己的统帅披上紫袍,拥立为帝。

영문 원문

All Israel made Omri, the captain of the host, king - This passage of history recalls the favorite practice of the Roman armies under the Empire, which, when they heard of the assassination of an emperor at Rome, were accustomed to invest their own commander with the purple.

17

1 Kings 16:17

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“上去”——“上去”一语准确地表明军队从基比顿所在的示非拉平原(Joshua 19:44)登上以色列山地——得撒就在山地的边缘(1 Kings 14:17)。

영문 원문

Went up - The expression "went up" marks accurately the ascent of the army from the Shephelah, where Gibbethon was situated Joshua 19:44, to the hill country of Israel, on the edge of which Tirzah stood 1 Kings 14:17.

18

1 Kings 16:18

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“王宫的卫所”——即王宫的塔楼。这是王宫的一个特定部分——或者是“后宫”,或者更可能是堡垒式的塔楼,比王宫其他部分更坚固、更高。

心利这绝望之举在历史上不止一次重演。亚述末代君王——希腊人所称的萨达纳帕卢斯——就是这样自灭的;这几乎是关于他我们所知的唯一“事实”。

영문 원문

The palace of the king's house - The tower of the king's house. A particular part of the palace - either the "harem," or, more probably, the keep or citadel, a tower stronger and loftier than the rest of the palace.

Zimri's desperate act has been repeated more than once. That the last king of Assyria, the Sardanapalus of the Greeks, thus destroyed himself, is almost the only "fact" which we know concerning him.

19

1 Kings 16:19

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心利的死,正好例证《列王纪》作者从以色列诸王的全部历史所引出的总体道德教训:他们因固执追随耶罗波安的罪而处在咒诅之下,这咒诅或迟或早,把每一个王室都带向血腥的终局。

영문 원문

Zimri's death illustrates the general moral which the writer of Kings draws from the whole history of the Israelite monarchs. that a curse was upon them on account of their persistence in Jeroboam's sin, which, sooner or later, brought each royal house to a bloody end.

22

1 Kings 16:22

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比较 1 Kings 16:15、1 Kings 16:23、1 Kings 16:29 所给的年代,可知两位争位者之间的争斗持续了四年。

提比尼的死很难想象是自然死亡:他或者是在与暗利的战斗中被杀,或者是落入暗利手中被处死。

此处经文大概有些错乱。原文也许是:“于是提比尼死了。犹大王亚撒三十一年,暗利登基作以色列王共十二年;他在得撒作王六年。”暗利在位的十二年始于亚撒第二十七年(1 Kings 16:15-16),终于亚撒第三十八年(1 Kings 16:29)。属于亚撒第三十一年的事件,是提比尼之死,以及暗利王国由此得到的扩展。

在得撒的六年,大概由与提比尼相争的四年,加上随后的两年组成;在那两年中,撒玛利亚已建造到足供王把居所迁去的程度。

영문 원문

From a comparison of the dates given in 1 Kings 16:15, 1 Kings 16:23, 1 Kings 16:29 it follows that the contest between the two pretenders lasted four years.

Tibni's death can scarcely be supposed to have been natural. Either he must have been slain in battle against Omri, or have fallen into his hands and been put to death.

There has probably been some derangement of the text here. The passage may have run thus: "So Tibni died, and Omri reigned in the thirty-first year of Asa, king of Judah. Omri reigned over Israel twelve years: six years reigned he in Tirzah." Omri's reign of 12 years began in Asa's 27th 1 Kings 16:15-16, and terminated in his 38th 1 Kings 16:29. The event belonging to Asa's 31st year was the death of Tibni, and the consequent extension of Omri's kingdom.

The six years in Tirzah are probably made up of the four years of contention with Tibni, and two years afterward, during which enough of Samaria was built for the king to transfer his residence there.

24

1 Kings 16:24

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“撒玛利亚”是这名字的希腊形式 Σαμάρεια Samareia;原词是 שׁמרון shômerôn(见页边注)。其遗址由今日的“塞布斯提叶”(Sebustiyeh)标记,这是希律重建撒玛利亚时所起之名“塞巴斯特”的阿拉伯语讹变。塞布斯提叶坐落在一座非常独特的“山”上:以色列群山的腹地有一处深邃的盆状洼地,其中央耸起一座椭圆形的山丘,山坡陡峭却非不可攀登,顶部漫长而平坦。暗利就选这里作新都的所在。就政治而言,它比示剑、大概也比得撒更居中央;就军事而言,它极利于防守;四围的乡间特别富饶,山丘本身又有充足的泉水。结果是再没有迁都之举:示剑和得撒都曾试用而后废弃,惟有撒玛利亚历经后来多次改朝换代,直到北国丧失独立的最后一刻,一直是都城。

暗利购买了这山的所有权,正如大卫购买打谷场一样(2 Samuel 24:24;参较 1 Kings 21:2)。二他连得,即六千舍客勒(见 Exodus 38:24 注释)——约合我们货币的五百镑(或约八百镑)——很可能就是那块地的十足价值。暗利以示梅的名字为城命名时,或许也考虑到这名字与该地形势的贴切:“朔默伦”(Shomeron)在希伯来人耳中必然带有“瞭望塔”之意。但这名字起初似乎未被周围各国接受:较早的亚述诸王知道以色列的都城不是叫撒玛利亚,而是叫“伯特户姆利”(Beth-Khumri),即“暗利之城(家)”;直到提革拉毗列色的时代,他们才把这一称呼改为“萨米林”(Sammirin)。

영문 원문

"Samaria" represents the Greek form of the name Σαμάρεια Samareia; the original is שׁמרון shômerôn (margin). The site is marked by the modern "Sebustiyeh," an Arabic corruption of Sebaste, the name given by Herod to Samaria when he rebuilt it. Sebustiyeh is situated on a very remarkable "hill." In the heart of the mountains of Israel occurs a deep basin-shaped depression, in the midst of which rises an oblong hill, with steep but not inaccessible sides, and a long flat top. This was the site which Omri chose for his new capital. Politically it was rather more central than Shechem, and probably than Tirzah. In a military point of view it was admirably calculated for defense. The country round it was especially productive. The hill itself possessed abundant springs of water. The result is that we find no further change. Shechem and Tirzah were each tried and abandoned; but through all the later alterations of dynasty Samaria continued uninterruptedly, to the very close of the independence, to be the capital of the northern kingdom.

Omri purchased the right of property in the hill, just as David purchased the threshing-floor (2 Samuel 24:24; compare 1 Kings 21:2). Two talents, or 6,000 shekels (Exodus 38:24 note) - about 500 British pounds (or perhaps 800 pounds) of our money - may well have been the full value of the ground. And while naming his city after Shemer, Omri may also have had in view the appropriateness of such a name to the situation of the place. Shomeron, to a Hebrew ear, would have necessarily conveyed the idea of a "watch-tower." This name, however, appears not to have been at first accepted by the surrounding nations. The earlier Assyrian kings knew the Israelite capital, not as Samaria, but as Beth-Khumri, i. e., "the city (house) of Omri." It is not until the time of Tiglath-pileser that they exchange this designation for that of "Sammirin."

25

1 Kings 16:25

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暗利的热心超过了之前那些拜偶像的王:他把牛犊崇拜简化规整为一套正规的成文制度,并传于后世(参较页边参照经文)。

영문 원문

Omri outwent his idolatrous predecessors in his zeal, reducing the calf-worship to a regular formal system, which went down to posterity (compare the marginal reference).

27

1 Kings 16:27

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“他所行的”——大概指暗利在位期间以色列与大马士革亚兰之间的战争(1 Kings 20:1 等)。其结局对他非常不利(1 Kings 20:34;1 Kings 22:2)。

영문 원문

His might - Perhaps in the war between Israel and Syria of Damascus (1 Kings 20:1, etc.), during the reign of Omri. Its issue was very disadvantageous to him 1 Kings 20:34; 1 Kings 22:2.

29

1 Kings 16:29

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“二十二年”——比较 1 Kings 15:10 与 1 Kings 22:51,其实不超过二十一年;他的在位大概没有大大超过二十年。

영문 원문

Twenty and two years - Rather, from a comparison between 1 Kings 15:10 and 1 Kings 22:51, not more than 21 years. Perhaps his reign did not much exceed 20 years.

30

1 Kings 16:30

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见 1 Kings 16:33。亚哈的大罪——那使他有别于一切先王、并在邪恶上超过他们的罪——就是引入巴力的崇拜(这与他娶耶洗别相随而来),并把这种露骨而明显的偶像崇拜正式确立为国教。

영문 원문

See 1 Kings 16:33. The great sin of Ahab - that by which he differed from all his predecessors, and exceeded them in wickedness - was his introduction of the worship of Baal, consequent upon his marriage with Jezebel, and his formal establishment of this gross and palpable idolatry as the religion of the state.

31

1 Kings 16:31

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“他行耶罗波安所行的……还以为轻”——诸偶像崇拜并不互相排斥。亚哈一面厌恶耶和华的纯正敬拜,任凭耶洗别杀灭她所能找到的每一个“耶和华的先知”(1 Kings 18:4),一面却欣然容忍“牛犊”敬拜的延续;这敬拜无疑日益失去其象征性质,逐渐变成彻底的偶像形像崇拜。

“谒巴力”——即门安德所记的伊托巴鲁斯(Ithobalus),在希兰死后五十年之内作推罗王,大概统治全腓尼基。这位名字意为“巴力与他同在”的伊托巴鲁斯,原是推罗亚斯他录大庙的祭司。他三十六岁时阴谋对抗推罗王腓勒斯(一个弑兄篡位者),杀了他,夺取王位。他在位三十二年,所建立的王朝此后至少又延续王位六十二年。这一家的世系可表示如下:谒巴力的儿女是巴德谟斯和耶洗别;巴德谟斯之子是玛特根(维吉尔笔下的柏鲁斯);玛特根的儿女是皮格马利翁和建立迦太基的狄多。因此,耶洗别是皮格马利翁及其妹狄多的姑祖母。

“事奉巴力”——腓尼基人对巴力的敬拜,可由 IthoBAL(伊托巴路)、HanniBAL(汉尼拔)等名字得到说明;腓尼基碑铭中也留有丰富的痕迹。

영문 원문

As if it had been a light thing for him to walk in the sins of Jeroboam - Idolatries are not exclusive. Ahab, while he detested the pure worship of Yahweh, and allowed Jezebel to put to death every "prophet of the Lord" whom she could find 1 Kings 18:4, readily tolerated the continued worship of the "calves," which had no doubt tended more and more to lose its symbolic character, and to become a thoroughly idolatrous image-worship.

Eth-baal - Identified with the Ithobalus of Menander, who reigned in Tyre, probably over all Phoenicia, within 50 years of the death of Hiram. This Ithobalus, whose name means "With him is Baal," was originally priest of the great temple of Astarte, in Tyre. At the age of 36 he conspired against the Tyrian king, Pheles (a usurping fratricide), killed him, and seized the throne. His reign lasted 32 years, and he established a dynasty which continued on the throne at least 62 years longer. The family-tree of the house may be thus exhibited:

Lineage of Eth-Baal Eth-baal Badezor Jezebel Matgen (Belus of Virgil) Pygmalion Dido (founder of Carthage)

Hence, Jezebel was great-aunt to Pygmalion and his sister Dido.

Served Baal - The worship of Baal by the Phoenicians is illustrated by such names as IthoBAL, HanniBAL, etc. Abundant traces of it are found in the Phoenician monuments.

34

1 Kings 16:34

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此事被提出来,似乎是作为亚哈时代普遍不虔的一个证据。约书亚对重建耶利各之人所宣告的咒诅,此前一直被人相信和尊重;如今对旧宗教的信心已经衰落到约书亚的咒诅失效的地步。伯特利人希伊勒是个有财富和地位的人,着手修复这长期荒废的堡垒,却为他的孟浪付出了代价:正与约书亚咒诅的话吻合——他重新立墙基时丧了长子,安门完工时丧了幼子。我们不必以为耶利各直到此时完全无人居住;但它是一处没有城墙这一必要防护的荒凉之地,房屋大概寥寥无几(见 Judges 3:13 注释)。希伊勒把它重新建成城,耶利各不久又成为颇有几分重要的地方(2 Chronicles 28:15)。

영문 원문

This seems to be adduced as a proof of the general impiety of Ahab's time. The curse of Joshua against the man who should rebuild Jericho had hitherto been believed and respected. But now faith in the old religion had so decayed, that Joshua's malediction had lost its power. Hiel, a Bethelite of wealth and station, undertook to restore the long-ruined fortress. But he suffered for his temerity. In exact accordance with the words of Joshua's curse, he lost his firstborn son when he began to lay anew the foundations of the walls, and his youngest when he completed his work by setting up the gates. We need not suppose that Jericho had been absolutely uninhabited up to this time. But it was a ruined and desolate place without the necessary protection of walls, and containing probably but few houses (Judges 3:13 note). Hiel re-established it as a city, and it soon became once more a place of some importance 2 Chronicles 28:15.