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Amos 1 Introduction

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阿摩司书引言

狄奥多勒(Theodoret)说:“那一位一位造了人心、且洞悉人一切作为的,知道以色列人心的刚硬与悖逆,便不只用一位先知,而是用许多先知和奇妙的人作他的使者,劝戒他们,预告将来的事,藉着许多人之间的一致,证明他们预言的真实。”

正如假教师的抵触给了保罗谈论自己的机会,照样,伯特利祭司的迫害也使我们在神召阿摩司作先知之前,得着了关于他生平仅有的一点认识。“我”,他说,“原不是先知,也不是先知的儿子”(Amos 7:14)。他没有受过先知学校的任何训练——那学校是撒母耳所创立的,在普遍背道和败坏之中,以色列的余民正是藉着它维持宗教的知识和宗教的生活。他是一个“牧人”——这个希伯来词(בקר bâqâr)总是用来指“牛”或“牛群”,与绵羊或山羊的“羊群”相对,其名称又出于“耕地”,故按本义当指“放牛的人”,或(较不明显地)“牧羊的人”。他“在提哥亚的牧人中”;在他们中间,外表上也和他们一样,毫无分别。

他所牧养的羊(因为他也牧放羊)也许是他自己的。没有什么可以证明这一点,也没有什么可以反驳。无论如何,他并不像犹太人照着他们“预言只赐给富人和贵人”的原则(见 Joel 2:29 的注释)所希望把他塑造成的那个样子,像摩押王那样是个“养羊的大户”。他像大卫一样,是跟从羊群的牧人。但他“收拾桑树果子”(或更可能作“培植桑树果子”)的职业,却表明他是一个靠乡村雇工为生的人。这词大概指使桑果成熟所用的人工方法——擦刮、刺孔、弄伤果子。

阿摩司并没有说这些是他的食物,只是说他的工作之一是履行园丁的职务,使果子成熟。所以他算得上是个园丁,又是众牧人中的一个牧人。他所喂养的羊,大概也是一宗营生。绵羊和山羊的那一品种,נקד naqad——他牧人的专名 נקד nôqêd 即由此而来——在阿拉伯至今仍以同名著称;那是一种个子小、瘦弱、腿短、丑陋而发育不良的品种。它成了一句谚语,“比 naqad 更卑贱”;然而这羊的羊毛却被认为是最上等的。这种山羊尤见于巴林。在阿拉伯人中,牧放这种羊的牧人也以由羊而得的名称为人所知。这些羊称为“naqad”,它们的牧人则称为“noqad”。

先知的出生地提哥亚,在约瑟夫和耶柔米的时代已经衰微成一座“村庄”,一座“小村庄”,位于一座高山上,距耶路撒冷十二里;耶柔米补充说,“我们天天看见它”。耶柔米说:“它位于世界救主诞生之圣城伯利恒以南六里;再过去便没有村庄,只有些粗陋的小屋和可移动的帐棚。这就是旷野的广阔荒凉之地,一直延伸到红海,以及波斯人、埃塞俄比亚人和印度人的疆界。这干燥多沙的土上寸粮不生,遍地都是牧人,为要以羊群的众多弥补土地的贫瘠。”约押从提哥亚请来“聪明的妇人”(1 Samuel 14:2)为押沙龙代求;罗波安重建了它(2 Chronicles 11:6);这就是说,它此前(也如后来再次成为的那样)原是一座村庄,故约书亚记中没有提到它;罗波安把它建成他东南边界上的一座设防城。

邻近的旷野以它得名(2 Chronicles 20:20; 1 Macc. 9:33)。除了桑树之外,它的油是犹大最好的。战争和荒废已经把这两样,从这一带,正如从巴勒斯坦其他地区一样,连根除灭了。它今日的遗迹是基督教的,“四五英亩的废墟”。它和死海附近的许多别的地方一样,凭那个发音略变的旧名 Theku'a,以及它距耶路撒冷的路程而被辨认出来。主后六世纪,我们听说提哥亚有一座记念圣阿摩司的礼拜堂,从撒巴的小隐修院分离出来的修士们在主日于那里同守圣餐。提哥亚的广阔视野同时拥抱死的与活的——神的怜悯和他的审判。

往东南,“视野只以平坦的摩押山地为界,死海不时从介于其间的崎岖荒凉诸山的缝隙间显露出来。”往北可以看见橄榄山,在当时那是悦人眼目的,因为它俯瞰着神“选择立他名”的地方。然而提哥亚虽是先知的出生地,却不是先知的住处。他“在提哥亚的牧人中”(מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛);牧人的职业使他们“离开提哥亚”四散。在旷野的荒野中跟随羊群的时候,神看见他,向他显现,像从前对雅各、对摩西那样,对他说:“去向我民以色列说预言。”正如使徒们撇下网和父亲,马太撇下税关跟从了耶稣,阿摩司也撇下羊群和桑树的栽培,以牧人的装束突然出现在那属于王室却拜偶像的国度圣所,就是伯特利的殿(Amos 7:13),谴责那为国家所认可的偶像崇拜,预言王室的灭绝和百姓的被掳。像何西阿一样,他行这一切,正是在以色列最有能力之君王的治下,在她毫无阴翳的繁荣之中。伯特利在耶路撒冷以北不过十二里,因为提哥亚位于东南十二里之处。六七个小时足以把这牧人从羊群和旷野带到以色列腐败的泉源,伯特利的高处;这位受感的乡下人也足以在那里面对国家偶像崇拜的众祭司和众先知。

无疑他在那里说过,“以色列的圣所必然荒凉”(Amos 7:9);也在那里,像从前那位“神人”一样,站在“祭坛”对面,更新了反对那祭坛的预言,并预言祭坛毁坏之时,必连其中拜偶像的敬拜者一同毁灭(Amos 9:1)。然而,虽然他确曾把预言的一部分传于伯特利,但他像他伟大的前辈以利亚和以利沙一样,无疑没有把他的职事局限于那里。他对撒玛利亚那些奢华的贵妇——她们的挥霍靠压迫穷人来维持(Amos 4:1)——的呼声,无疑是在撒玛利亚城中发出的。他呼召外邦人从环绕那谷地(撒玛利亚即从谷中兴起来)的高处俯瞰撒玛利亚(见 Amos 3:9 的注释),从那里观看它的喧嚷和欺压,听它宴乐的声音和受欺压者的哀号,从而在神和他的百姓之间施行判断;这呼召在撒玛利亚城中传讲也必最为有效。他所讲道的那些有罪的居民,其良心必会叫四围的高地——他们所视为自己与世界之间安全之墙的——住满了他们罪恶的外邦见证人和外邦复仇者。

耶罗波安家的行将灭亡和以色列的被掳,先知只能靠默示知道。他所斥责的那些罪,他多半是亲处其间而得知的。正如保罗在雅典“看见满城都是偶像”,心里着急(Acts 17:16),阿摩司的灵也必因奢侈与贫苦触目惊心的并存而深受激动,他对这并存有极生动的描写。他所斥责的罪,特别是伴随首都的表面繁荣而来的那些:极度的奢侈(Amos 3:12, Amos 3:15; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:4-6)、宴乐(Amos 2:8; Amos 3:9)、富人的放荡(Amos 2:7)——他们靠压迫穷人来维持自己挥霍无度的开销(Amos 2:7-8; Amos 3:9; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:3; Amos 8:4-6)、勒索(Amos 3:10)、趁人穷乏作苛刻的交易(Amos 2:8)、与贿赂相结合的司法歪曲(Amos 2:6-7; Amos 5:7, Amos 5:12)、虚假的量器(Amos 8:5)、卖粮时的贪婪、苛刻,大概还加上重利盘剥(Amos 8:5-6)。在与罪交锋上,阿摩司比何西阿更多处理罪的细节和境况。何西阿触及罪的中心;阿摩司则在罪所分出的细节中显出其丑恶。他处处描写生动,在这里也指出罪在其中显露的日常事件,如出卖穷人所得的卑贱代价,或竟是一件奢侈品,“一双鞋”(Amos 2:6; Amos 8:6),以及他们以高价和短量卖给穷人的“麦渣”(这词是他新造的)(Amos 8:6)。

按阿摩司加在他预言之前的标题,他的职务落在乌西雅与耶罗波安二世同时为王的那二十五年间(主前809-784年)。这与前面已表达的意见相合,即何西阿在他们罪单中所提的流血,与其说是个人凶杀,不如说是耶罗波安二世死后革命时期中的政治流血。因为阿摩司虽然为伴随政治繁荣和财富而来的罪(如耶罗波安二世的时代)责备以色列,却没有提到流血。

有人认为,提到阿摩司开始说预言前两年的那场地震,给了我们一个更明确的年代。那场地震必定是可怕的灾祸,因为过了被掳期,两个半世纪之后,它仍被人记起。“你们要逃跑”,撒迦利亚说(Zechariah 14:5),好像那是听众所熟知的传闻,“像躲避犹大王乌西雅年的地震一样”。约瑟夫把这场地震与乌西雅傲慢献香、因而被神击打长大麻风的事连在一起。他把它当作史实来记述(《犹太古史》ix. 10):“那时大地震动,圣殿裂开,一道明亮的日光射出,照在王脸上,麻风立刻临到他身上。在城前那名叫厄罗格的地方,山的西半崩落,向东北滚了半里,停在那里,堵塞了道路和王的园囿。”然而约瑟夫这个记述全然不合史实。不必从圣殿本身裂开这样的大事竟无记载之不大可能这一点来辩论,单是约瑟夫已把撒迦利亚对将来之事的描写,与乌西雅年间过去的那场地震混淆了。年代也无法与历史相合。乌西雅患麻风的时候,“他儿子约坦管理王家的事,治理那地的百姓”(2 Chronicles 26:21)。但约坦在他父亲死时,“他登基的时候”才二十五岁(2 Chronicles 27:1)。而乌西雅比耶罗波安多活了二十六年。所以在耶罗波安死时,在他父亲患麻风之后替他治理的约坦还没有出生。这样,乌西雅患麻风必在耶罗波安死后的几年,因而也在地震之后,因为在耶罗波安日子说预言的阿摩司,是在“地震前二年”说预言的。

对以赛亚的预言——“六十五年之内,以法莲必然破坏,不再成为国民”(Isaiah 7:8)——古希伯来解经家认为以赛亚是在预告提革拉毗列色或撒珥根之下开始被掳的事;既然从以赛亚自己说预言到那被掳不足六十五年,他们便以为以赛亚是从阿摩司的一个预言——“以色列必定被掳,离开本地”(Amos 7:11, Amos 7:17)——起算的。他们把阿摩司的这个预言定在乌西雅二十五年。这样,乌西雅余下的二十七年,约坦的十六年,亚哈斯的十六年,和希西家最初的六年,就凑足了六十五年。这个计算并不必然连于地震与乌西雅麻风相关的那个错误。然而,从以赛亚的话“再过六十五年”明显可见,他是从自己说预言的时候起算;因此这预言所指的,不是结束以色列“王国”的那次不完全的被掳,而是以撒哈顿之下更完全的迁徙(Ezra 4:2; 2 Chronicles 33:11; 2 Kings 17:24),那时十支派才“不再成为国民”(亚哈斯十四年+希西家二十九年+玛拿西二十二年=共六十五年)。这同样不能确定阿摩司的年代。

阿摩司叫以色列把自己的疆界与甲尼、哈马、迦特的疆界相比较,这也不能决定预言的年代。既然乌西雅拆毁了迦特的城墙(2 Chronicles 26:6),哈马又被耶罗波安二世收回归了以色列(2 Kings 14:28),比较的要点大概在于这些民族当前所受的灾祸,与阿摩司用以威胁以色列、而以色列的富人实际上并不相信的那些灾祸之间;因为接着就说,“你们使灾祸的日子远离”(Amos 6:3)。那么,幼发拉底河彼岸的甲尼(那座极古老的城邑,Genesis 10:10,后来成为泰西封),可能新近受了亚述的苦害,正如迦特和哈马受了犹大和以色列的苦害一样。但这些年代我们一无所知。以赛亚说到亚述人自夸“甲尼岂不像迦基米施吗?(Isaiah 10:9)哈马岂不像亚珥拔吗?撒玛利亚岂不像大马士革吗?”但这是指很久以后的时代,那时哈马、大马士革和撒玛利亚都已落在亚述手中。我们现今对亚述史的知识,对阿摩司的听众所熟知的那件事,没有提供任何线索。

然而,虽然阿摩司尽职的确切时间不能这样确定,它必定落在耶罗波安在位期间,因为伯特利的祭司亚玛谢曾在耶罗波安面前控告他(Amos 7:10-11)。这整卷预言既暗示以色列正处在繁荣、安逸和平安之中,而耶罗波安一死,国家随即陷入无政府状态。提到“哈马的入口”(Amos 6:14)属于以色列,表明这预言是在耶罗波安把它收回归以色列之后(2 Kings 14:25);他所斥责的安逸、骄傲、奢侈,表明外邦的欺压(2 Kings 14:26)已经止息了一段时间。这与预言的标题相合,但不能进一步限定它。既然他是在乌西雅和耶罗波安二世一同作王时说预言,阿摩司的先知职务必定落在主前809年至784年之间,即耶罗波安二世在位的最后二十五年。这样,他的职务大概开始于何西阿之后,又远在何西阿结束之前结束。在某种意义上,他比何西阿既晚又早——晚于何西阿先知职务的最早时期,又远早于其最晚时期。

在这段时期之内,没有什么能把阿摩司的活动限于极短的时间。伯特利祭司亚玛谢的密报暗示,阿摩司宣告灾祸的话已经把以色列彻底摇撼。“阿摩司在以色列家中图谋背叛你;国担当不起他的这话”(Amos 7:10)。也许神差他到伯特利某个大节期之中,正如在耶罗波安的奉献之宴上,神差那位后来违命的神人,奉神的名预言耶罗波安正在违背神所要分别为圣之祭坛的将被亵渎。若是这样,阿摩司可能像以利亚一样,立即面对一大群拜偶像的人。然而亚玛谢的话按其明显的意思,似乎暗示阿摩司的影响力,比在单一地方传讲神的信息所能产生的更为普及。他说“国”——大概就是指全体十支派——“担当不起他的这话”。“阴谋”的指控也大概暗示,有些人不仅被动摇,更因阿摩司的话回转了,并因跟随他和他所信的而为人所知。

阿摩司似乎也把禁止神的先知说预言当作惯常的事来讲论,超出了他当场斥责的亚玛谢那一次反对。“我从你们子弟中兴起先知;你们却吩咐先知说,不要说预言”(Amos 2:11-12)。而且严格说来,阿摩司并不是以法莲的子弟。Amos 4:1-13 的一连串比喻,看来是对“你为什么在我们中间说预言”这一诘问的回答。他好像是说:在自然之事上,人们并不因结果随原因而来感到希奇。神的命令是原因;阿摩司的说预言是结果(Amos 3:3-8)。“他们使灾祸的日子远离”(Amos 6:3),在现今的奢侈中忘了将来的灾祸;或者他们自称神与他们同在;“万军之耶和华与你们同在,正如你们所说的”(Amos 5:14);或者信靠自己那半心半意的事奉,并想象神在他们中间,就讥笑阿摩司关于灾祸的预言,自称渴望那他用以威胁他们的耶和华的日子;他们说灾祸必追不上他们;“想望耶和华日子的有祸了!你们为何想望耶和华的日子呢?”(Amos 5:18)“我民中的一切罪人必死在刀下,就是那些说灾祸必追不上我们、也迎面不来我们的”(Amos 9:10)。他们也用行动表明恨恶那公开责备他们的人(Amos 5:10);阿摩司又像何西阿一样宣告说,他们已经刚硬,以致智慧本身也必须任凭他们自己去(Amos 5:13)。这一切都暗示先知与百姓之间有持续的接触,所以他的职分并不是——可以说——在几篇讲道中,或在几次受感的神旨宣告中就完成的,而必是数年之间在他们中间的牧养。他如今的这卷书(像何西阿的书一样)是他预言的摘要。

这卷书(因为阿摩司后来亲自把他的先知教训集为整体)是一个秩序井然的整体。他自己(在标题里)说明,这书是先传讲、后写成的。因为他说,这些是他在先知异象中“看见”的“话”,是在“地震前二年”;他预言的这一部分,至少比他的写作早两年。那可怕的地震大概是他收集这些预言的缘由。但那地震无疑不只是时间的标记。他若只要标明日期,大概会(像别的先知那样)指明犹大王的年份。他自己提到地震(Amos 4:11),是作为神不悦的警告之一。这场更具毁灭性的地震,大概是耶罗波安二世繁荣在位期间神不悦的第一个大记号,是阿摩司所预告、并如波浪般接连临到以色列、直到末后被掳之更重审判的头一个先锋。以色列两年前已受警告;如今“灾难的起头”(Matthew 24:8)已经来到。

阿摩司在书的开头(如前所注)把他的书与先知约珥的书相接。约珥曾预言,作为神对罪之审判的实例,神必报应推罗、西顿、非利士、以东对犹大所行的恶,并使埃及荒凉。阿摩司略去埃及,加上大马士革、亚扪、摩押,还有犹大本身。也许他共选了七国,作为一种整体(因为这个数目常这样使用),或者他把神权政治的一切特殊仇敌——那些因以色列和犹大是神的民而恨恶他们的列国——连同在某种程度上也远离自己之神的神的百姓本身,都包括在内。的确,遭谴责的罪乃是得罪神权政治或神的治理的罪。也许阿摩司要向他们显明那真理:“神是不偏待人的”;他,全地的审判者,刑罚每一有罪的国民;并要藉着神审判的宣告,为他们预备罪人极力回避的那真理——神在他最曾彰显其光与爱之处,刑罚也最重(Amos 3:2)。神审判的雷云,在遍历周围列国——叙利亚、非利士、推罗、以东、亚们、摩押——并把天火倾在犹大和耶路撒冷之上以后,最终停在以色列身上。结束这一圈对以色列之审判的概述,论到他们的罪更为详尽,因为他们是他使命的主要对象。在那概述里,阿摩司把他在别处斥责他们的罪归拢为一,并把他们的忘恩负义和他们熄灭神所赐之光的企图摆在他们面前。

我们各章的划分是自然的,因为每一章(像何西阿的各章一样)以祸哉作结。Amos 3:1-15、Amos 4:1-13 和 Amos 5 以三次重复的召唤——“你们要听这话”——来区分。在每一段里,他把他们的一些罪摆在他们面前,又宣告神对他们的判决。“因此主耶和华如此说;以色列啊,我必这样向你行;因此,主万军之耶和华如此说”(Amos 3:11; Amos 4:12; Amos 5:16,如前 Amos 2:14)。随后是双重的祸哉:“想望……的有祸了”(Amos 5:18);“安逸……的有祸了”(Amos 6:1);这两段都以神审判的重新宣告作结——头一段论以色列“被掳到大马士革以外”的最终被掳;第二段论提革拉毗列色第一次入侵所带来的较近的苦难(见 Amos 6:14 的注释)。在 Amos 7,他开始了一系列异象。在前两个异象里,神因先知阿摩司的代求而赦免(Amos 7:3, Amos 7:6)。

在第三个异象里,神解释说他必不再赦免(Amos 7:8)。随后而来的是亚玛谢禁止说预言,和神对他的判决。在 Amos 8:1-14,阿摩司(仿佛其间并无一事发生)恢复了亚玛谢所打断的异象系列,且恰在他被打断之处恢复。亚玛谢打断的时候,阿摩司正宣告神必不再“宽恕”以色列家,而要使以色列的偶像圣所荒凉,使刀剑临到耶罗波安家。(阿摩司恢复讲述的)异象重申了那话:“我必不再宽恕他们”(Amos 8:2),并预告偶像之殿的歌声必变为哀号。阿摩司以一个异象开始最后一章:不但偶像的祭坛和殿要被毁,它也要成为其中敬拜者的毁灭(Amos 9:1)。阿摩司使这些异象各自成为一个加以发挥的主题,两者都以祸哉作结——头一个以以色列拜偶像者的彻底灭亡作结(Amos 8:14);第二个以以色列有罪之“国”的灭亡作结(Amos 9:8)。与此相结合,他对以色列“家”发出应许:他们虽被“筛”在列国中,“连一粒也不落在地上”(Amos 9:9)。此外,他像何西阿一样,加上结束的应许(全书中头一个):神必建立大卫倒塌的帐幕,使外邦人归正,并藉此救回被掳的以色列——这些应许在约珥书中早已象征属灵的福分(Amos 9:13)。

阿摩司像何西阿一样,是为以色列作工的先知。在第二章把犹大圈入神惩罚的范围、因他“厌弃耶和华的训诲”(Amos 2:4-5)之后,阿摩司只是附带提及犹大。他在那里预言耶路撒冷必(如事实所是)被火焚烧。在“以色列全家啊……你们全家是我从埃及地领上来的”(Amos 3:1)这话里,也必包括犹大;“祸哉”也临到那些“在锡安安逸”的人(Amos 6:1)。在其余地方,“以色列”、“以色列家”、“以色列的处女”、“以色列的圣所”、“雅各”、“雅各家”,以及(同义地)“以撒的高处”、“以撒家”、“约瑟家”、“约瑟余剩的”、“约瑟的灾难”、“撒玛利亚山”或“众山”、撒玛利亚本身、“伯特利”(Amos 3:9, Amos 3:12-14; Amos 4:1, Amos 4:4-5, Amos 4:12; Amos 5:1, Amos 5:4, Amos 5:6, Amos 5:15, Amos 5:25; Amos 6:1, Amos 6:6, Amos 6:8, Amos 6:14; Amos 7:2, Amos 7:5, Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:16-17; Amos 8:2, Amos 8:14; Amos 9:7-8),交替出现,作为他预言的对象。亚玛谢讥诮说,他的话既针对以色列和伯特利,在犹大国必受欢迎;这也暗示同一事实。阿摩司自己也宣告说,他的差遣乃是:“去向我民以色列说预言。”论到别是巴的偶像崇拜,阿摩司用“不要往别是巴去”(Amos 5:5)一语,把犹大的偶像崇拜加在他们自己的之上。“往……去”这词,只能出自一个在以色列说预言的人之口。因此,阿摩司的预言不是首先对他们、而是对大卫家、并藉其恢复而对以色列发出的应许来结束,这对以色列的忠信者必更加深刻难忘。阿摩司像何西阿一样,一面预言“以色列国”的彻底灭亡,一面宣告神必不将“雅各家”灭绝净尽(Amos 9:8-10),却要拯救其中的选民。

亚玛谢的反对,只是人们用以淹没神声音的那无数“不要说预言”呼声中一个显著的例子。耶罗波安没有理会这控告。他的大捷曾由先知约拿预先告诉他;他也不愿干涉神的先知——尽管那先知预告的,不是如亚玛谢歪曲他话所说的“耶罗波安”必“被刀杀”,而是“耶罗波安家”(Amos 7:9)必如此灭亡。但他的书全然包含在耶罗波安的治下和以色列国的范围之内。他是在那里蒙神召作先知的;也没有丝毫痕迹表明他曾在犹大尽职,或生前退居那里。

一个相当晚的传统,把阿摩司列在我们主所说被他百姓所杀的众先知之中。那传统说:“他(阿摩司)被伯特利祭司亚玛谢多次鞭打之后(作者所用的是 Hebrews 11:35 中出现的同一个词),那祭司的儿子俄塞(Osee)以一根木桩穿透他的太阳穴。他被半死地抬回本地,数日后因伤而死,葬在他列祖旁边。”但记述此事的那位匿名的希腊作者(虽然这事本身并非不可能)在别的事上并无可靠的资料,而且耶柔米和亚历山大的西里尔(Cyril of Alexandria)都对它一无所知。耶柔米只说到,阿摩司的坟墓在他的出生地提哥亚仍可看见。

阿摩司牧人生活的影响,最见于他预言中最崇高的部分,即对全能神大能作为的描写(Amos 4:13; Amos 5:8; Amos 9:5-6)。那些可畏而突然的自然变化——拜偶像者的敬拜对象忽然昏暗,“白日变为黑夜”——是他的牧人生活使他熟悉的。繁星满布的天空,常常见证他的灵魂与神安静的交谈。以法莲的拜偶像者在牛犊中敬拜“自然”。于是阿摩司乐于向他们展示他的神——就是他们也相信自己敬拜的那位——乃是“自然”的创造主,随己意运用并改变它。在刑罚不敬虔者的事上,一切自然也当顺服其创造主(Amos 8:8);也没有什么能向他隐藏(Amos 9:2-3, Amos 9:5)。牧人生活也必使先知熟悉野兽的危险,正如我们知道大卫年轻时所实际经历的。由此而取的比喻,大概是他所见或所遇之事的回忆(Amos 3:4-5, Amos 3:12; Amos 5:19)。但阿摩司是一片贫瘠、大多无树的荒野中的牧人,不是农夫;他那地方不是产粮之地,也没有香柏树和橡树。所以出于壮丽树木(Amos 2:9)、满载的重车(Amos 2:13)、筛谷(Amos 9:9)的比喻,并非他身处自然景象中生活的直接结果。先知说神差到他们中间的谷物病害、蝗虫、干旱,是以色列产粮之地而非提哥亚旷野所能感受的灾殃。他斥责以色列的麻木,当然是指他们自己在受苦之中的心硬(Amos 4:7-9);他奉神的名用以威胁他们的审判(Amos 7:1-3),也与他本乡的牧人生活无关。

连耶柔米在立定一个正确原则的同时,也不经意地以他书的开头几句话——那部分是先知约珥的话——作为那牧人生活所生比喻的例证。他说:“凡操一艺的人,用他那一艺的术语说话,并从他度其一生的事上取譬喻,这是自然的。为什么说这话呢?为要表明先知阿摩司——他是牧人中的牧人,而且不是在耕作之地,或在葡萄园、树林、青草场中,而是在辽阔的旷野荒地,那里见证的是狮子的凶猛和牲畜的死亡——也使用他那一艺的语言,称主那可畏可怕的声音为狮子的吼叫,把以色列城邑的倾覆比作牧人的孤寂之处或山中的干旱。”

实情也许是这样:阿摩司在自然景象中的敬虔生活,像大卫一样,使他惯于用自然这本大图画书中的话语来表达他的思想——这书既也是神的手所写,便奇妙地表达神的事。当先知的生活把他带到耕作自然的其他景象中时,他那惯于解读物质世界与道德世界关系的灵魂,便同样从他眼前的所见或记忆中的所忆,取用他比喻的语言。他乃是我们可称为“自然之子”的人,被他的神赋予能力与智慧。更错误的,是因他的牧人生活而把任何外在文体上的逊色归于这位先知。连一个外邦人也说过,“言语自然跟随思想”;何况当思想与言语是一同由圣灵神浇灌在人灵魂中的时候。相反,几乎没有一位先知的文体比阿摩司更加火热,或更奇妙地把自然与道德世界、神的全能与全知结合起来(Amos 4:13)。

异象若要叙述,用散文叙述最为有效。其效验部分在于其简朴;其意义可能被辞藻的妆饰掩埋遮蔽。因此,《阿摩司书》的许多部分自然是用散文写的。可以说,阿摩司或撒迦利亚异象的诗意是在思想里,不在言语上。阿摩司对以色列富足罪人的斥责,也选用了散文的形式。然而在其中,有什么比那召以色列的外邦仇敌去住满撒玛利亚四围高地、观看其罪的呼声(Amos 3:9)更具诗意呢?有什么比那不敢提神之名的绝望图景(Amos 6:9-10)更加生动呢?有什么比那召以色列来——若他们愿意——同时犯罪又为罪补偿的呼召(Amos 4:4)更为大胆呢?有什么比那急转——“在地上万族中,我只认识你们;因此,我必追讨你们的一切罪孽”(Amos 3:2)——更有力量、更惊人呢?或那突然的召唤,“因为我必这样向你行”(Amos 4:12)(那沉默——这“这样”究竟是什么——比言语更令人战栗)“以色列啊,你当预备迎见你的神”?又有什么比奢华富人的图景的结尾更哀婉动人呢——他述说了他们怎样把奢华一件叠一件地堆积起来之后,却以他们所没有做的事作结:“却不为约瑟的苦难担忧”(Amos 6:6)?

奥古斯丁选阿摩司作为不加雕饰之雄辩的例证。他举过保罗的例子之后说:“这些事,由教授们讲授的时候,便被看为伟大,以高价买来,在夸耀声中售出。我恐怕我这些论述也染有类似的夸耀之气。但我必须应付的是那些假学问之人;他们轻看我们的作者,不是因为作者们没有、而是因为作者们不炫示他们所过分珍视的雄辩。

“我知道我必须就先知们的雄辩说几句话。而我将主要取材于那先知的书,他说自己本是牧羊的或放牛的,被神从那里取来,差去向他的百姓说预言。

“当这乡下人,或乡下先知,责备那些不敬虔、骄傲、奢侈、因而最不关心弟兄之爱的人时,他大声呼喊:‘在锡安安逸的人有祸了’等等。那些因有学问和雄辩而藐视我们的先知为无学识、不懂辞令的人,若他们也有这样的话要说,或须对这样的人说话,他们当中凡不愿被人视为无理智的,谁会愿意说得与此不同呢?任何清醒的耳朵,还能比这里所写的渴望更多吗?首先,这控诉本身,是带着何等的轰鸣掷出,仿佛要唤醒他们麻木的知觉!”

“所以,在分析过这些经节之后,他说:‘这有何等美丽,对那些边读边领悟的人有何等大的感动,对一个自己感受不到的人说也无用。在我所选的这一处,可以找到修辞学规则更多的例证。但一个好的听众,与其从对这些规则细细的讨论中受教,不如从火热的诵读中被点燃。因为这些事不是靠人的努力编成的,乃是带着雄辩的智慧从神的意念中倾泻出来的;智慧并不追求雄辩,雄辩却不离智慧。’‘因为正如一些最善雄辩、最为敏锐的人所能看见并说明的,那些当作修辞技艺来学的事,若不是先在演说家的天才之中被发现,就不会被观察、记录并归纳成这套体系;那么,若在那些由那创造天才的“他”所差来的人身上也发现这些,有什么可惊奇的呢?所以我们可以坦然承认,我们正典的作者和教师们不仅是有智慧的,而且是雄辩的,带着合乎他们身分的雄辩。’

耶柔米把保罗论自己的话——“言语粗俗,知识却不粗俗”(2 Corinthians 11:6)——应用于阿摩司时,所想的多半是后半句,因为他接着说:“因为藉众先知说话的同一圣灵,也在他里面说话。”洛思博士(Dr. Lowth)说得好(de Poesi Hebr. Prael. xxi.):“耶柔米称阿摩司言语粗俗,知识却不粗俗,把保罗就自己所谦卑承认的话用在他身上;许多人便依据这权威,论这位先知仿佛他全然粗俗、无辩才、无妆饰。绝非如此!让任何公正的评判者读他的著作,不去想是谁写的,而去想他写了什么,他必认为我们的牧人‘一点也不在最大的先知之下’;在思想的高超和心灵的宏伟上,几乎与最高的相等;在措辞的光辉和结构的优雅上,几乎不逊于任何人。因为同一位神的灵,以默感感动宫廷中的以赛亚和但以理,也感动羊圈旁的大卫和阿摩司;他总是选择合宜的解读者来传达神的旨意,有时甚至从婴孩和吃奶的口中完全了赞美的话。对有的人他使用其雄辩;有的人他使他成为雄辩者。”

的确有人注意到,在结构的规律性上,他有独属于他的优雅。他把头两章沉重的预言铸成的分段形式,大大增加了其庄严;第四章反复出现的重叠句,“你们仍不归向我。这是耶和华说的”(Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-11),赋予它特有的深沉哀婉。的确,没有别的先知像这位受感的牧人一样,在外在形式上如此细心地把他的预言结为一体。阿摩司(用人的话说)与其说是诗人,不如说是神圣的演说家。单是已举例过的那些有力转折中的一处,就足以给一位人间演说家盖印。何况它们从先知的时代直到今日,已把陷在罪中的灵魂彻底摇撼。论到人间的雄辩,曾有人说:“他打出闪电,响起雷声,震荡了希腊。”这位牧人所摇撼的不是一个国家,而是全世界;不是靠一阵过去的地震,而是靠神的可畏——它如电流一般,从他的话语中涌流而出。

有人设想阿摩司有方言的差异,或牧人生活对他的发音有些影响。但所涉及的只有五个词。有三个词,他的拼法与希伯来文别处的拼法只差一个字母。有两例,差异在于用了一个不同的咝音;第三例在于用了一个较弱的喉音。除此之外,他使用“以撒”之名的较软发音,那也见于耶利米书和一篇诗篇;在另一个词上,他与两篇诗篇相同,采用带喉音的词根,代替希伯来文中常用的带强咝音的词根。在这五例中,有四例阿摩司用较软的形式;第五例,我们只知道那两个咝音从前发音不同,却无法猜测其分别何在。那两个咝音在几个希伯来词中互换,且照我们所能查究的,并无规则可循。在另一个咝音上,阿摩司所作的改变,恰与以法莲人相反——以法莲人只会把“sh”发成“s”,把“shibboleth”念作“sibboleth”。但以法莲人根本发不出“sh”音;而阿摩司的差异仅限于一词。类似阿摩司这些实例的差异,也见于圣经的其他词语。总的说来,我们可以猜想犹大南部——阿摩司居住之地——存在较软的发音;但唯一稳妥的推论是:这些词语传给我们时,是极其谨慎的,正像先知所说所写的一样。

前面已经提到,阿摩司与何西阿一同表明,摩西律法的一切节期和祭礼、祭司、先知、圣殿,在以色列中都保留着,只是被扭曲成牛犊崇拜。连三年一次的什一捐,他们也不敢废除。阿摩司还补充了一些更细微的礼仪特征:关于酵,他们有同样的条例(Amos 4:5);他们的祭坛同样有角(照律法所规定的),祭牲的血要弹在其上(Amos 3:14,见 Exodus 27:2; Exodus 29:12; Leviticus 4:25);他们有祭坛的碗(Amos 6:6),供弹祭牲之血之用,就如摩西时会众的官长们所献的(Numbers 7:13),而他们的富人至少有时竟抢来饮酒。

他们中间也有真拿细耳人兴起来,正如有真先知一样;他们也感到这些敬虔之人影响力的重压,因为他们试图用诡诈或强暴叫拿细耳人违弃所许的愿(Amos 2:12)。阿摩司斥责他们的富人违背人与人之间的律法时,是以摩西的律法在这方面也得到他们承认为前提。因为在他所说“他们挫折谦卑人的道路”(Amos 2:7; Amos 5:12,见 Exodus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:19; Deuteronomy 24:17; Deuteronomy 27:19)、“他们在城门口屈枉穷乏人”、“他们收受赎价”(Amos 5:12,是富人为自己的恶行所付的)这些话里,他保留了五经特有的用语;又如在“他们在各坛旁铺人所当的衣服”(Amos 2:8,见 Exodus 22:26-27)、“使伊法变小”(Amos 8:5,见 Deuteronomy 25:14-15)等处也是。“诡诈的天平”(Amos 8:5)与律法所吩咐的“公道天平”(Leviticus 19:36)正相反。

他斥责他们那律法在原则上所禁止的特殊污秽时(Deuteronomy 23:1),使用了律法中反复出现的制裁语——“亵渎我的圣名”(Amos 2:7; Leviticus 20:3)。在他所提的刑罚上,他使用了神预告那些刑罚时所用的用语。“旱风、霉烂”这双特别的词(Amos 4:9; Deuteronomy 28:22),只见于申命记、以其为基础的所罗门祷告(1 Kings 8:37),以及指涉阿摩司的哈该书(Haggai 2:17)。在“神倾覆所多玛、蛾摩拉一样”(Amos 4:11; Deuteronomy 29:23)这话里,申命记特有的用词和形式,以及那威吓,都得以保留。“你们用凿过的石头建造房屋,却不得住在其内;栽种美好的葡萄园,却不得喝其中的酒”这威吓,则融合并扩展了申命记中的那些话(Amos 5:11; Deuteronomy 28:30, Deuteronomy 28:39)。描写他们不悔改的那个特别用语,也取自同一卷书(Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-10,见 Deuteronomy 4:29)。

“苦胆和茵陈”(Amos 6:12,出自 Deuteronomy 29:18)——他们把公义变为这两样苦菜——的比喻也是如此。还有别处对五经字句的追忆,交织在阿摩司的话中,这都以五经存在于先知和以色列听众的记忆中为前提(见 Amos 2:2, Amos 2:10-11; Amos 3:2; Amos 6:1; Amos 7:16; Amos 9:8, Amos 9:12)。的确,在埃及四百年为奴之后,那些因神与列祖交往而成圣的地点的传统,甚至他们与“兄弟以东”的关系(Amos 1:11),大概都已失落。创世记并非收录当时流行的这类传说,而必定是使之复苏。何西阿所暗指的别是巴和基列的偶像崇拜,以及耶罗波安选伯特利本身作牛犊崇拜之地,都意味着拜偶像者对历史的认识和相信,而那历史他们只能从五经学到。无疑,与耶路撒冷圣殿的排他主张相对,设立一些因神对列祖施怜悯而有传统圣洁性的竞争场所,素来是耶罗波安政策的一部分——很像穆罕默德利用亚伯拉罕的记忆,来确立自己对耶路撒冷的权益主张。但这些传统也必定是百姓所领受的,不是出于百姓的。它们不是从埃及带来的。这个为奴、堕落、官感化、喜好偶像的百姓,没有心去珍藏他们伟大列祖纯一宗教的记忆——那敬拜无形象之自有永有神的宗教。

正如阿摩司使用五经的语言、引证书珥记(约珥书),看来更有可能的是:在他早期预言的重叠句——“我要降火在……,烧灭其中的宫殿”——里,他取用了何西阿人所熟知的话(Hosea 7:14),并藉其使用赋予二人预言的统一性;而不是说,那除五经外不使用别种语言的何西阿,在他使用这一形式的唯一之处,把阿摩司的“重担”限于犹大这一个实例。况且在何西阿书里,宣告犹大城邑和宫殿被毁的话,与犹大建造它们的错误态度直接相连;而在阿摩司书里,它们是孤立的。除此之外,两位先知的语言并不互相依傍,只有“诡诈的天平”一词是例外(Hosea 12:8(英文 12:7);Amos 8:5)——这词起初是相对于神在律法中所吩咐的“公道天平”而造的,并且首先见于所罗门的箴言(Proverbs 11:1; Proverbs 20:23)。

在后来的先知中,耶利米用自己的话,就大马士革更新了阿摩司的预言;只是哈薛的记忆也许在提革拉毗列色的毁灭中被抹去了,耶利米不按哈薛称呼它,而用它自己的名字和便哈达的名字(Jeremiah 49:27)。阿摩司的话曾一次应验,那地的民被迁往吉珥。大概逃亡者又重新住满了那地,而耶利米想要指明,藉阿摩司所宣告的判决尚未用尽。大概基于同样的理由,耶利米在为亚扪所犯的类似罪行——就是阿摩司曾为之宣告祸哉的那件,即它企图把以色列挤出去(Amos 1:13; Jeremiah 49:1)——斥责亚扪时,使用了阿摩司的话:“他们的王必被掳去,他和他的首领一同而去”(Amos 1:15; Jeremiah 49:3)。照样,哈该用与阿摩司的话本质上并无差异的言语(Amos 4:9; Haggai 2:19),斥责他当日的犹太人在神的惩治之下不悔改。阿摩司的这些话,在犹太人归回之时再次向他们重述,仿佛从以色列荒凉的产业中发出声响:“不要再犯罪,恐怕你遭遇的更加利害。”

对阿摩司话的其他追忆,只是圣经和谐的一部分;先知们也以此表明彼此的合一——他们互相使用对方的话。

阿摩司当时教导的能力,由国祭司亚玛谢印在耶罗波安心上。亚玛谢轻看阿摩司本人,却向耶罗波安承认了实情:“国担当不起他(阿摩司)这一切的话。”无疑,正如犹太人因“敌不住司提反口中的智慧和圣灵”、对他咬牙切齿(Acts 6:10),神也以能力伴随他仆人向他百姓所说的话。他们已经见过神的话应验在耶罗波安一世、巴沙、亚哈的家上。这同样的命运如今又向“耶罗波安家”重新宣告,并同时宣告十支派被分散的预言(Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17),那是何西阿同时预告的(Hosea 1:6; Hosea 9:17)。以色列的这两位先知互相印证,也没有给自己留下退路。他们把他们预言的全部声望,押在这明确的结局上。我们知道这话已在耶罗波安家应验;而耶罗波安家比它之前或之后的任何王家都更稳固。

我们知道十支派那前所未有的被掳。他们若没有被掳,预言就必蒙羞;而预言的胜利也照此比例。每一步都是随之而来者的分期给付和凭据。耶罗波安的儿子撒迦利亚之死,是全盘应验的第一步;随后大概在普勒侵犯米拿现时(2 Kings 15:19),亚玛谢的命运随之而来。神并不急于为自己的话辩护。至于舍伯那(Isaiah 22:17-18)、亚玛谢、假先知亚哈和西底家(Jeremiah 29:20-22)、示玛雅(Jeremiah 29:32)、巴施户珥(Jeremiah 20:6),以及别的假先知(Jeremiah 14:15),他都没有逐一记录个别判决的执行。有时,如哈拿尼雅的例子(Jeremiah 28:17),圣经记录了神审判的个别应验;但多半都略过神判决的执行而不提。罪犯的判决,除非获赦,本身就意味着执行。那事实深印在见证者心中;判决的记录于我们已足。

随后,在提革拉毗列色之下,论到大马士革(Amos 1:5)和基列(Amos 6:14)的预言应验了。在撒珥根之下,论十支派的预言应验了(Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17; Amos 9:8)。论犹大的预言(Amos 2:5)又等了一百三十三年,才由尼布甲尼撒应验。几年之后,他又执行了阿摩司就他们的仇敌摩押、亚扪、以东、推罗(Amos 1:9; Amos 2:3)所预告的神的审判(Amos 1:6-8):论非利士的预言,由埃及诸王、亚述诸王、以及马其顿的亚历山大大帝相继应验。为成就这位牧人先知简朴的话语,人的意志竟如此多样,事件竟如此繁多。阿摩司预告了这些事件;他也说明了审判为何要来。阿摩司没有预告审判何时、藉谁而来。然而他绝对地预告了事件本身,而它们也临到了。像约珥一样,他预告外邦人的归正,且在这一点上预见了以赛亚的预言——神要藉着已倾倒之大卫家的重建成就这事。王室的谱系要到倾倒之后才被用于世界的救恩,这是对人类伟大何等奇特的评注!王宫必须先变成拿撒勒的小屋,世界的救赎者才能降生——他的荣耀和国度不属这世界;他来,除了我们的本性以外什么也不取,为要使它成圣;除了我们的苦难以外什么也不取,为要替我们担当。然而在他来以先,血肉之人不能预见这事;在他来了以后,血肉之人也不能相信它。

영문 원문

Introduction to Amos

Theodoret: "He who made, one by one, the hearts of men, and understands all their works, knowing the hardness and contrariousness of the heart of Israel, reasons with them not through one prophet only, but, employing as His ministers many prophets and wondrous men, admonishes them and foretells the things to come, evidencing through the harmony of many the truthfulness of their predictions."

As the contradiction of false teachers gave occasion to Paul to speak of himself, so the persecution of the priest of Bethel has brought out such knowledge as we have of the life of Amos, before God called him to be a prophet. "I," he says, "was no prophet, neither was I a prophet's son" Amos 7:14. He had not received any of the training in those schools of the prophets which had been founded by Samuel, and through which, amid the general apostasy and corruption, both religious knowledge and religious life were maintained in the remnant of Israel. He was a "herdsman," whether (as this word, בקר bâqâr, would naturally mean being used always of the "ox" or "herd" in contrast with the "flocks" of sheep or goats, and the name being derived from "plowing") "a cowherd" or (less obviously) "a shepherd." He was "among the herdsmen of Tekoah"; among them, and, outwardly, as they, in nothing distinguished from them.

The sheep which he tended (because he also kept sheep) may have been his own. There is nothing to prove or to disprove it. Anyhow, he was not like the king of Moab, "a sheep-master" , as the Jews, following out their principle, that "prophecy was only bestowed by God upon the rich and noble" (see the note at Joel 2:29), wish to make him. Like David, he was following the sheep , as their shepherd. But his employment as "a gatherer" (or, more probably, "a cultivator") "of sycamore fruit" designates him instead as one living by a rural employment for hire. Probably, the word designates the artificial means by which the sycamore fruit was ripened, irritating, scraping, puncturing, wounding it .

Amos does not say that these were his food, but that one of his jobs was to perform a gardener's function in maturing the figs. So he was something of a gardener and a shepherd among other shepherds. The sheep which he fed were also probably a matter of trade. The breed of sheep and goats, נקד naqad in keeping with his special name of shepherd נקד nôqêd, was derived, is still known by the same name in Arabia; a race, small, thin, short-legged, ugly, and stunted. It furnished a proverb, "viler than a naqad"; yet the wool of the sheep was accounted the very best. The goats were found especially in Bahrein. Among the Arabs also, the shepherd of these sheep was known by a name derived from them. They were called "naqad;" and their shepherd was called a "noqad" .

The prophet's birthplace, Tekoah, was a town which, in the time of Josephus and of Jerome, had dwindled into a "village" , "a little village" , on a high hill, twelve miles from Jerusalem, "which," Jerome adds, "we see daily." "It lay" Jerome says , "six miles southward from holy Bethlehem where the Saviour of the world was born, and beyond it is no village except some rude huts and movable tents. Such is the wide waste of the desert which stretches to the Red Sea, and the bounds of the Persians, Ethiopians, and Indians. And no grain whatever being grown upon this dry and sandy soil, it is all full of shepherds, in order, by the multitude of the flocks, to make amends for the barrenness of the land." From Tekoah Joab brought the "wise woman" 1 Samuel 14:2 to intercede for Absalom; Rehoboam built it 2 Chronicles 11:6; i. e., whereas it had been before (what it afterward again became) a village, and so was not mentioned in the Book of Joshua, he made it a fortified town toward his southeastern border.

The neighboring wilderness was called after it (2 Chronicles 20:20; 1 Macc. 9:33). Besides its sycamores, its oil was the best in Judah . War and desolation have extirpated both from this as well as from other parts of Palestine . Its present remains are Christian , "ruins of 4 or 5 acres." It, as well as so many other places near the Dead Sea, is identified by the old name, slightly varied in pronunciation, Theku'a, as also by its distance from Jerusalem . In the sixth century a.d. we hear of a chapel in memory of the holy Amos at Tekoa , where the separated monks of the lesser laura of Saba communicated on the Lord's day. The wide prospect from Tekoa embraced both the dead and the living - God's mercies and His judgments.

To the Southeast "the view is bounded only by the level mountains of Moab, with frequent bursts of the Dead Sea, seen through openings among the rugged and desolate mountains which intervene." On the North, the Mount of Olives is visible, at that time dear to sight, as overhanging the place, which God had "chosen to place His Name there." Tekoah, however, although the birthplace, was not the home of the prophet. He was "among the herdsmen from Tekoah" (מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛) their employment, as shepherds, leading them away "from Tekoah." In the wilds of the desert while he was following his sheep, God saw him and revealed Himself to him, as he had to Jacob and to Moses, and said to him, "Go prophesy unto My people Israel." And, just as the apostles left their nets and their father, and Matthew abandoned the receipt of custom, and followed Jesus, so Amos left his sheep and his cultivation of sycamores, and appeared suddenly in his shepherd's dress at the royal but idolatrous Amos 7:13 sanctuary, the temple of the state, to denounce the idolatry sanctioned by the state, to foretell the extinction of the Royal family, and the captivity of the people. This, like Hosea, he had to do in the reign of the mightiest of the sovereigns of Israel, in the midst of her unclouded prosperity. Bethel was only twelve miles north of Jerusalem , since Tekoah was twelve miles toward the southeast. Six or seven hours would suffice to transport the shepherd from his sheep and the wilderness to that fountain of Israel's corruption, the high places of Bethel, and for the inspired peasant to confront the priests and the prophets of the state-idolatry.

There doubtless he said, "the sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste" Amos 7:9; and there, like the former "man of God," while standing opposite "the altar," he renewed the prophecy against it, and prophesied that in its destruction it should involve its idolatrous worshipers Amos 9:1. Yet although he did deliver a part of his prophecy at Bethel, still, like his great predecessors Elijah and Elisha, doubtless he did not confine his ministry there. His summons to the luxurious ladies of Samaria, whose expenses were supported by the oppressions of the poor Amos 4:1, was without question delivered in Samaria itself. The call to the pagan to look down into Samaria from the heights which girt in the valley out of which it rose (see the notes at Amos 3:9), thence to behold its din and its oppressions, to listen to the sound of its revelries and the wailings of its oppressed, and so to judge between God and His people, would also be most effectively given within Samaria. The consciences of the guilty inhabitants to whom he preached would populate the heights around them, their wall of safety, as they deemed, between them and the world, with pagan witnesses of their sins, and pagan avengers.

The prophet could only know the coming destruction of the house of Jeroboam and the captivity of Israel by inspiration. The sins which he rebuked, he probably knew from being among them. As Paul's "spirit was stirred in him" at Athens, "when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry" Acts 17:16, so the spirit of Amos must have been stirred to its depths by that grievous contrast of luxury and penury side by side, which he describes in such vividness of detail. The sins which he rebukes are those of the outward prosperity especially of a capital, the extreme luxury Amos 3:12, Amos 3:15; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:4-6, revelries Amos 2:8; Amos 3:9, debauchery Amos 2:7, of the rich, who supported their own reckless expenditure by oppression of the poor Amos 2:7-8; Amos 3:9; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:3; Amos 8:4-6, extortion Amos 3:10, hard bargains with their necessities Amos 2:8, perversion of justice Amos 2:7; Amos 5:7, Amos 5:12, with bribing, Amos 2:6; Amos 5:12, false measures Amos 8:5, a griping, hard-fisted, and probably usurious sale of grain Amos 8:5-6. In grappling with sin, Amos deals more with the details and circumstances of it than Hosea. Hosea touches the center of the offence; Amos shows the hideousness of it in the details into which it branches out. As he is everywhere graphic, so here he points out the events of daily life in which the sin showed itself, as the vile price or, it may be, the article of luxury, "the pair of sandals" Amos 2:6; Amos 8:6, for which the poor was sold, or the "refuse of wheat" (he coins the term) which they sold, at high prices and with short measure to the poor Amos 8:6.

According to the title which Amos prefixes to his prophecy, his office fell within the 25 years, during which Uzziah and Jeroboam II were contemporaries (809-784 B. C). This falls in with the opinion already expressed that the bloodshed mentioned by Hosea in the list of their sins, was instead political bloodshed in their revolutions after the death of Jeroboam II, than individual murder. For Amos, while upbraiding Israel for the sins incidental to political prosperity and wealth (such as was the time of Jeroboam II) does not mention bloodshed.

It has been thought that the mention of the earthquake, two years before which Amos began his prophecy, furnishes us with a more definite date. That earthquake must have been a terrible visitation, since it was remembered after the captivity, two and a half centuries afterward. "Ye shall flee," says Zechariah Zechariah 14:5, as of a thing which his hearers well knew by report, "as ye fled before the earthquake in the days of Uzziah king of Judah." Josephus connects the earthquake with Uzziah's act of pride in offering the incense, for which God struck him with leprosy. He relates it as a fact (Antiquities ix. 10): "Meanwhile a great earthquake shook the ground, and, the temple parting, a bright ray of the sun shone forth, and fell upon the king's face, so that immediately the leprosy came over him. And before the city, at the place called Eroge, the Western half of the hill was broken off and rolled half a mile to the mountain Eastward, and there stayed, blocking up the ways and the king's gardens." This account of Josephus, however, is altogether unhistorical. Not to argue from the improbability, that such an event as the rending of the temple itself should not have been mentioned, Josephus has confused Zechariah's description of an event yet future with the past earthquake under Uzziah. Nor can the date be reconciled with the history. For when Uzziah was stricken with leprosy, "Jotham, his son, was over the king's house, judging the people of the land" 2 Chronicles 26:21. But Jotham was only 25 years old at his father's death, "when he himself began to reign" 2 Chronicles 27:1. And, Uzziah survived Jeroboam by 26 years. So Jotham, who judged for his father after his leprosy, was not born when Jeroboam died. Uzziah then must have been stricken with leprosy some years after Jeroboam's death; and consequently, after the earthquake also, since Amos, who prophesied in the days of Jeroboam, prophesied "two years before the earthquake."

An ancient Hebrew interpretation of the prophecy of Isaiah, "within threescore and five years shall Ephraim be broken that it is no more a people" Isaiah 7:8, assumed that Isaiah was foretelling the commencement of the captivity under Tiglath-Pileser or Sargon, and since the period of Isaiah's own prophecy to that captivity was not 65 years, supposed that Isaiah counted from a prophecy of Amos, "Israel shall surely be led captive out of his own land" Amos 7:11, Amos 7:17. They placed this prophecy of Amosin the 25th year of Uzziah. Then his remaining 27 years, Jotham's 16 years, Ahaz' 16 years, and the first 6 years of Hezekiah would have made up the 65 years. This calculation was not necessarily connected with the error as to the supposed connection of the earthquake and the leprosy of Uzziah. However, it is plain from the words of Isaiah, "in yet threescore and five years," that he is dating from the time when he uttered the prophecy; and so the prophecy relates, not to the imperfect captivity which ended the "kingdom" of Israel, but to that more complete deportation under Esarhaddon Ezra 4:2; 2 Chronicles 33:11; 2 Kings 17:24, when the ten tribes ceased to be "anymore a people" (Ahaz-14 years + Hezekiah-29 years + Manasseh-22 years equals 65 years total). Neither then does this fix the date of Amos.

Nor does the comparison, which Amos bids Israel make between his own borders, and those of Calneh, Hamath and Gath, determine the date of the prophecy. Since Uzziah broke down the walls of Gath 2 Chronicles 26:6, and Hamath was recovered by Jeroboam II to Israel 2 Kings 14:28, it is probable that the point of comparison lay between the present disasters of these nations, and those with which Amos threatened Israel, and which the rich men of Israel practically did not believe. For it follows, "ye that put far away the evil day" Amos 6:3. It is probable then that Calneh (the very ancient city Genesis 10:10 which subsequently became Ctesiphon,) on the other side of the Euphrates, had lately suffered from Assyria, as Gath and Hamath from Judah and Israel. But we know none of these dates. Isaiah speaks of the Assyrian as boasting that "Calno" was "as Carchemish Isaiah 10:9, Hamath as Arpad, Samaria as Damascus." But this relates to times long subsequent, when Hamath, Damascus, and Samaria, had fallen into the hands of Assyria. Our present knowledge of Assyrian history gives us no clue to the event, which was well known to those to whom Amos spoke.

Although, however, the precise time of the prophetic office of Amos cannot thus be fixed, it must have fallen within the reign of Jeroboam, to whom Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, accused him Amos 7:10-11. For this whole prophecy implies that Israel was in a state of prosperity, ease, and security, whereas it fell to a state of anarchy immediately upon Jeroboam's death. "The mention of the entering in of Hamath" Amos 6:14 as belonging to Israel implies that this prophecy was after Jeroboam had recovered it to Israel 2 Kings 14:25; and the ease, pride, luxury, which he upbraids, evince that the foreign oppressions 2 Kings 14:26 had ceased for some time. This agrees with the title of the prophecy, but does not limit it further. Since he prophesied while Uzziah and Jeroboam II reigned together, Amos' prophetic office must have fallen between 809 b.c. and 784 b.c. - in the last 25 years of the reign of Jeroboam II. His office, then, began probably after that of Hosea, and closed long before its close. He is, in a manner then, both later and earlier than Hosea, later than the earliest period of Hosea's prophetic office, and far earlier than the latest.

Within this period, there is nothing to limit the activity of Amos to a very short time. The message of Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, implies that Amos' words of woe had shaken Israel through and through. "Amos hath conspired against thee in the midst of the house of Israel; the land is not able to bear all his words" Amos 7:10. It may be that God sent him to the midst of some great festival at Bethel, as, at Jeroboam's dedication-feast, He sent the prophet who afterward disobeyed Him, to foretell the desecration of the altar, which Jeroboam was consecrating, in God's Name, against God. In this case, Amos might, at once, like Elijah, have been confronted with a great. concourse of the idol-worshipers. Yet the words of Amaziah seem, in their obvious meaning, to imply that Amos had had a more pervading influence than would be produced by the delivery of God's messsage in one place. He says of "the land," that is, of all the ten tribes generally, it "is not able to bear all his words." The accusation also of a "conspiracy" probably implies, that some had not been only shaken, but they had been converted by the words of Amos, and were known by their adherence to him and his belief.

Amos seems also to speak of the prohibition to God's prophets to prophesy, as something habitual, beyond the one opposition of Amaziah, which he rebuked on the spot. "I raised up of your sons for prophets; but ye commanded the prophets, saying, Prophesy not" Amos 2:11-12. Nor, strictly speaking, was Amos a son of Ephraim. The series of images in Amos 4:1-13 seem to be an answer to the objection as to why he prophesied among them. People, he would say, were not, in the things of nature, surprised that the effect followed the cause. God's command was the cause; Amos' prophesying was the effect Amos 3:3-8. "Then they put away from them the evil day" Amos 6:3, forgetting future evil in present luxury; or they professed that God was with them; "the Lord, the God of hosts, shall be with you, as ye have spoken" Amos 5:14; or trusting in their half-service of God and His imagined presence among them, they jeered at Amos' prophecies of ill, and professed to desire the Day of the Lord, with which he threatened them; they said that evil would not reach them; "Woe unto you that desire the Day of the Lord! To what end is it to you?" Amos 5:18. "All the sinners of My people shall die by the sword, which say, the evil shall not overtake nor prevent us" Amos 9:10. They showed also in deed that they hated those who publicly reproved them Amos 5:10; and Amos, like Hosea, declares that they are hardened, so that wisdom itself must leave them to themselves Amos 5:13. All this implies a continued contact between the prophet and the people, so that his function was not discharged in a few sermons, so to say, or inspired declarations of God's purpose, but must have been that of a pastor among them over the course of several years. His present book (like Hosea's book) is a summary of his prophecies.

That book (since Amos himself subsequently gathered his prophetic teaching into a whole) is one well-ordered whole. He himself (in the title) states that it had been spoken before it was written. For in that he says, these are "the words" which in prophetic vision he "saw, two years before the earthquake," this portion of his prophecies must have preceded his writings by those two years at least. That terrible earthquake was probably the occasion of his collecting those prophecies. But that earthquake doubtless was no mere note of time. If he had intended only a date, he would probably have named (as other prophets do) the year of the king of Judah. He himself mentions earthquakes Amos 4:11, as one of the warnings of God's displeasure. This more destructive earthquake was probably the first great token of God's displeasure during the prosperous reign of Jeroboam II, the first herald of those heavier judgments which Amos had predicted, and which broke upon Israel, wave after wave, until the last, carried him away captive. For two years, Israel had been forewarned; now "the beginning of sorrows" Matthew 24:8 had set in.

Amos, at the beginning of his book (as has been already noticed) joins on his book with the book of the prophet Joel. Joel had foretold, as instances of God's judgments on sin, how He would recompense the wrong, which Tyre, Zidon, Philistia and Edom had done to Judah, and that He would make Egypt desolate. Amos, omitting Egypt, adds Damascus, Amman and Moab, and Judah itself. It may be, that he selects seven nations in all, as a sort of whole (since that number is so often used), or that he includes all the special enemies of the theocracy, the nations who hated Israel and Judah, because they were the people of God, and God's people itself, as far as it too was alienated from its God. Certainly, the sins denounced are sins against the theocracy or government of God. It may be, that Amos would exhibit to them the truth, that "God is no respecter of persons;" that He, the Judge of the whole earth, punishes every sinful nation; and that he would, by this declaration of God's judgments, prepare them for the truth, from which sinful man so shrinks; - that God punishes most, where He had most shown His light and love Amos 3:2. The thunder-cloud of God's judgments, having passed over all the nations round about, Syria and Philistia, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Moab, and even discharged the fire from heaven on Judah and Jerusalem, settles finally upon Israel. The summary which closes this circle of judgments on Israel, is fuller in regard to their sins, since they were the chief objects of his mission. In that summary Amos gathers into one the sins with which he elsewhere upbraids them, and sets before them their ingratitude and their endeavors to extinguish the light which God gave them.

Our chapters follow a natural division, in that each (like those of Hosea) ends in woe. Amos 3:1-15, Amos 4:1-13, and Amos 5 are distinguished by the threefold summons - "Hear ye this word!" In each, he sets before them some of their sins, and in each he pronounces God's sentence upon them. "Therefore thus saith the Lord God; Therefore thus will I do unto thee, O Israel; Therefore the Lord, the God of hosts, the Lord, saith thus" (Amos 3:11; Amos 4:12; Amos 5:16, as before, Amos 2:14). On this follows a twofold woe, "Woe unto you that desire" Amos 5:18; "Woe to them that are at ease" Amos 6:1; both which sections alike end in renewed sentences of God's judgment; the first, of the final captivity of Israel "beyond Damascus;" the second, of their nearer afflictions through the first invasion of Tiglath-pileser (see the note at Amos 6:14). In Amos 7 he begins a series of visions. In the first two visions, God forgives, at the intercession of the prophet Amos 7:3, Amos 7:6.

In the third vision God interprets that He would no longer forgive Amos 7:8. Upon this followed the prohibition from Amaziah to prophesy, and God's sentence against him. In Amos 8:1-14, Amos resumes (as though nothing had intervened), the series of visions, upon which Amaziah had broken in. He resumes them exactly where he had been stopped. Amaziah interrupted when Amos declared that God would not "pass by" the house of Israel "anymore," but would desolate the idol-sanctuaries of israel and bring a sword against the house of Jeroboam. The vision (in which Amos resumes) renews the words, "I will not again pass by them anymore" Amos 8:2, and foretells that the songs of the idol-temple should be turned into howlings. Amos heads the last chapter with a vision, that not only should the idol-altar and temple be destroyed, but that it should be the destruction of its worshipers Amos 9:1. Amos makes each of these visions a theme which he expands, both ending in woe; the first, with the utter destruction of the idolaters of Israel Amos 8:14; the second, with that of the sinful "kingdom" of Israel Amos 9:8. With this he unites the promise to the "house" of Israel, that, "sifted" as they would be "among the nations, not one grain would fall to the earth" Amos 9:9. To this he, like Hosea, adds a closing promise (the first in his whole book) that God would raise the fallen tabernacle of David, convert the pagan, and therewith restore the captivity of Israel, amid promises, which had already (in Joel) symbolized spiritual blessings Amos 9:13.

Amos, like Hosea, was a prophet for Israel. After the second chapter in which he includes Judah in the circle of God's visitations, because he had "despised the law of the Lord" Amos 2:4-5, Amos only notices him incidentally. He there foretells that Jerusalem should (as it was) be burned with fire. Judah also must be included in the words, "against the whole family which God brought up out of the land of Egypt" Amos 3:1, and "woe" is pronounced against those who are "at ease in Zion Amos 6:1. Elsewhere, "Israel," "the house of Israel," "the virgin of Israel," "the sanctuaries of Israel," "Jacob," "the house of Jacob," and (in the same sense) "the high places of Isaac," "the house of Isaac"; "the house of Joseph," "the remnant of Joseph," "the affliction of Joseph," "the mountain," or "the mountains of Samaria," "Samaria" itself, "Bethel" Amos 3:9, Amos 3:12-14; Amos 4:1, Amos 4:4-5, Amos 4:12; Amos 5:1, Amos 5:4, Amos 5:6, Amos 5:15, Amos 5:25; Amos 6:1, Amos 6:6, Amos 6:8, Amos 6:14; Amos 7:2, Amos 7:5, Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:16-17; Amos 8:2, Amos 8:14; Amos 9:7-8, occur interchangeably as the object of his prophecy. Amaziah's taunt, that his words, as being directed against Israel and Bethel, would be acceptable in the kingdom of Judah, implies the same; and Amos himself declares that this was his commission, "go, prophesy unto My people Israel." In speaking of the idolatry of Beersheba, Amos uses the word, "pass not over to Beersheba" Amos 5:5, adding the idolatries of Judah to their own. The word, "pass not over," could only be used by one prophesying in Israel. Therefore, it must have been the more impressive to the faithful in Israel, that Amos closed his prophecy by the promise, not to them primarily, but to the house of David, and to Israel through its restoration. Amos, like Hosea, foretells the utter destruction of "the kingdom of Israel," even while pronouncing that God would not utterly destroy "the house of Jacob" Amos 9:8-10, but would save the elect within it.

The opposition of Amaziah stands out, as one signal instance of the manifold cry, "Prophesy not," with which people to drown the Voice of God. Jeroboam left the complaint unheeded. His great victories had been foretold to him by the prophet Jonah; and he would not interfere with the prophet of God, although he predicted, not as Amaziah distorted his words, that "Jeroboam" should "die by the sword," but that "the house of Jeroboam" Amos 7:9 would so perish. But his book is all comprised within the reign of Jeroboam and the kingdom of Israel. He was called by God to be a prophet there; nor is there even the slightest trace of his having exercised his function in Judah, or having retired there in life.

A somewhat late tradition places Amos among the many prophets whom our Lord says His people killed. The tradition bore, "that after he (Amos) had been beaten often (the writer uses the same word which occurs in Hebrews 11:35) by Amaziah the priest of Bethel, the son of that priest, Osee, pierced his temples with a stake. He was carried half-dead to his own land, and, after some days, died of the wound, and was buried with his fathers." But the anonymous Greek writer who relates it, (although it is in itself probable) has not, in other cases, trustworthy information, and Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria knew nothing of it. Jerome relates only that the tomb of Amos was still shown at Tekoa, his birthplace.

The influence of the shepherd-life of Amos appears most in the sublimest part of his prophecy, his descriptions of the mighty workings of Almighty God Amos 4:13; Amos 5:8; Amos 9:5-6. With those awful and sudden changes in nature, whereby what to the idolaters was an object of worship, was suddenly overcast, and "the day made dark with night," his shepherd-life had made him familiar. The starry heavens had often witnessed the silent conversation of his soul with God. In the calf, the idolaters of Ephraim worshiped "nature." Amos then delights in exhibiting to them His God, whom they too believed that they worshiped, as the Creator of "nature," wielding and changing it at His Will. All nature too should be obedient to its Maker in the punishment of the ungodly Amos 8:8, nor should anything hide from Him Amos 9:2-3, Amos 9:5. The shepherd-life would also make the prophet familiar with the perils from wild beasts which we know of as facts in David's youth. The images drawn from them were probably reminiscences of what he had seen or encountered Amos 3:4-5, Amos 3:12; Amos 5:19. But Amos, a shepherd in a barren and for the most part treeless wild, lived not as a farmer. His was not a country of grain, nor of cedars and oaks; so that images from stately trees Amos 2:9, a heavy-laden wain Amos 2:13, or the sifting of corn Amos 9:9, were not the direct results of his life amid sights of nature. The diseases of grain, locusts, drought, which, the prophet says, God had sent among them, were inflictions which would be felt in the grain-countries of Israel, rather than in the wilderness of Tekoah. The insensibility for which he upbraids Israel was, of course, their hardness of heart amid their own sufferings Amos 4:7-9; the judgments, with which he threatens them in God's Name Amos 7:1-3, can have no bearing on his shepherd-life in his own land.

Even Jerome, while laying down a true principle, inadvertently gives as an instance of the images resulting from that shepherd-life, the opening words of his book, which are in part words of the prophet Joel. "It is natural," he says, "that all who exercise an art, should speak in terms of their art, and that each should bring likenesses from that wherein he hath spent his life. Why say this? In order to show, that Amos the prophet too, who was a shepherd among shepherds, and that, not in cultivated places, or amid vineyards, or woods, or green meadows, but in the wide waste of the desert, where were witnessed the fierceness of lions and the destruction of cattle, used the language of his art, and called the awful and terrible Voice of the Lord, the roaring of lions, and compared the overthrow of the cities of Israel to the lonely places of shepherds or the drought of mountains."

The truth may be, that the religious life of Amos, amid scenes of nature, accustomed him, as well as David, to express his thoughts in words taken from the great picture-book of nature, which, as being also written by the Hand of God, so wonderfully expresses the things of God. When his prophet's life brought him among other scenes of cultivated nature, his soul, so practiced in reading the relations of the physical to the moral world, took the language of his parables alike from what he saw, or from what he remembered. He was what we should call "a child of nature," endued with power and wisdom by his God. Still more mistaken has it been, to attribute to the prophet any inferiority even of outward style, in consequence of his shepherd-life. Even a pagan has said, "words readily follow thought;" much more, when thoughts and words are poured into the soul together by God the Holy Spirit. On the contrary, scarcely any prophet is more glowing in his style, or combines more wonderfully the natural and moral world, the Omnipotence and Omniscience of God Amos 4:13.

Visions, if related, are most effectively related in prose. Their efficacy depends, in part, on their simplicity. Their meaning might be overlaid and hidden by ornament of words. Thus, much of the Book of Amos, then, is naturally in prose. The poetry, so to speak, of the visions of Amos or of Zechariah is in the thoughts, not in the words. Amos has also chosen the form of prose for his upbraidings of the wealthy sinners of Israel. Yet, in the midst of this, what more poetic than the summons to the pagan enemies of Israel, to populate the heights around Samaria, and behold its sins Amos 3:9? What is more graphic than that picture of utter despair which did not dare to name the Name of God Amos 6:9-10? What is bolder than the summons to Israel to come, if they desired, at once to sin and to atone for their sin Amos 4:4? What is more striking in power than the sudden turn, "You only have I known. Therefore I will punish you for all your iniquities" Amos 3:2? Or the sudden summons "because I will do this unto thee" Amos 4:12 (the silence (what the "this" is) is more thrilling than words) "prepare to meet thy God, O Israel?" Or what is more pathetic than the close of the picture of the luxurious rich, when, having said, how they heaped luxuries one upon another, he ends with what they did not do; "they are not grieved for the afflictions of Joseph" Amos 6:6?

Augustine selects Amos, as an instance of unadorned eloquence. Having given instances from Paul, he says , "These things, when they are taught by professors, are accounted great, bought at a great price, sold amid great boasting. I fear these discussions of mine may savor of the like boasting. But I have to do with men of a spurious learning, who think meanly of our writers, not because they have not, but because they make no show of the eloquence which these prize too highly.

"I see that I must say something of the eloquence of the prophets. And this I will do, chiefly out of the book of that prophet, who says that he was a shepherd or a cowherd, and was taken thence by God and sent to prophesy to His people.

"When then this peasant, or peasant-prophet, reproved the ungodly, proud, luxurious, and therefore most careless of brotherly love, he cries aloud, "Woe to them that are at ease in Zion, etc." Would they who, as being learned and eloquent, despise our prophets as unlearned and ignorant of elocution, had they had aught of this sort to say, or had they to speak against such, would they, as many of them as would fain not be senseless, wish to speak otherwise? For what would any sober ear desire more than is there said? First, the inveighing itself, with what a crash is it hurled as it were, to awaken their stupefied senses!"

Therefore, having analyzed these verses, he says, "How beautiful this is, and how it affects those who, reading, understand, there is no use in saying to one who does not himself feel it. More illustrations of the rules of rhetoric may be found in this one place, which I have selected. But a good hearer will not be so much instructed by a diligent discussion of them, as he will be kindled by their glowing reading. For these things were not composed by human industry, but were poured forth in eloquent wisdom from the Divine Mind, wisdom not aiming at eloquence, but eloquence not departing from wisdom." "For if, as some most eloquent and acute men could see and tell, those things which are learned as by an art of rhetoric, would not be observed and noted and reduced to this system, unless they were first found in the genius of orators, what wonder if they be found in those also, whom "He" sends, who creates genius? Wherefore we may well confess that our canonical writers and teachers are not wise only but eloquent, with that eloquence which beseems their character."

Jerome, in applying to Amos words which Paul spoke of himself, "rude in speech but not in knowledge" 2 Corinthians 11:6, doubtless was thinking mostly of the latter words, for he adds, "For the same Spirit who spoke through all the prophets, spake in him." Dr. Lowth says happily (de Poesi Hebr. Prael. xxi.), "Jerome calls Amos, rude in speech but not in knowledge, implying of him what Paul modestly professed as to himself, on whose authority many have spoken of this prophet, as though he were altogether rude, ineloquent, unadorned. Far otherwise! Let any fair judge read his writings, thinking not who wrote them, but what he wrote, he will think that our shepherd was "in no wise behind the very chiefest" prophets; in the loftiness of his thoughts and the magnificence of his spirit, nearly equal to the highest, and in the splendor of his diction and the elegance of the composition scarcely inferior to any. For the same Divine Spirit moved by His inspiration Isaiah and Daniel in the court, David and Amos by the sheepfold; always choosing fitting interpreters of God's Will and sometimes perfecting praise out of the mouth of babes. Of some He uses the eloquence; others He makes eloquent."

It has indeed been noticed that in regularity of structure he has an elegance unique to himself. The strophaic form, into which he has cast the heavy prophecies of the two first chapters adds much to their solemnity; the recurring "burden" of the fourth chapter, "Yet have ye not returned unto Me, saith the Lord" Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-11, gives it a deep pathos of its own. Indeed no other prophet has bound his prophecies into one, with so much care as to their outward form, as this inspired shepherd. Amos (to use human terms) was not so much the poet as the sacred orator. One of those energetic turns which have been already instanced, would suffice to stamp the human orator. Far more, they have shaken through and through souls steeped in sin from the prophet's time until now. It has been said of human eloquence, "he lightened, thundered, he commingled Greece." The shepherd has shaken not one country, but the world; not by a passing earthquake, but by the awe of God which, with electric force, streamed through his words.

Some variation of dialect, or some influence of his shepherd-life upon his pronunciation, has been imagined in Amos. But it relates to five words only. In three, his orthography differs by a single letter from that found elsewhere in Hebrew. In two cases, the variation consists in the use of a different sibilant; the third in the use of a weaker guttural. Besides these, he uses a softer sound of the name Isaac, which also occurs in Jeremiah and a Psalm; and in another word, he, in common with two Psalms, employs a root with a guttural, instead of that common in Hebrew which has a strong sibilant. In four of these cases, Amos uses the softer form; in the fifth, we only know that the two sibilants were pronounced differently once, but cannot guess what the distinction was. The two sibilants are interchanged in several Hebrew words, and on no rule, that we can discover. In another of the sibilants, the change made by Amos is just the reverse of that of the Ephrainmites who had only the pronunciation of "s" for "sh"; "sibboleth" for "shibboleth." But the Ephraimites could not pronounce the "sh" at all; the variation in Amos is limited to a single word. The like variations to these instances in Amos are also found in other words in the Bible. On the whole, we may suspect the existence of a softer pronunciation in the South of Judaea, where Amos 54ed; but the only safe inference is, the extreme care with which the words have been handed down to us, just as the prophet spoke and wrote them.

It has been noticed already that Amos and Hosea together show, that all the Mosaic festivals and sacrifices, priests, prophets, a temple, were retained in Israel, only distorted to calf-worship Even the third-year's tithes they had not ventured to get rid of Amos supplies some yet more minute traits of ritual; that they had the same rules in regard to leaven Amos 4:5; that their altar too had horns (as prescribed in the law), on which the blood of the sacrifices was to be sprinkled (Amos 3:14, see Exodus 27:2; Exodus 29:12; Leviticus 4:25), they had the altar-bowls Amos 6:6 from where the blood of the victim was sprinkled , such as the princes of the congregation offered in the time of Moses Numbers 7:13, and their rich men, at times at least, plundered to drink wine from.

They had also true Nazarites, raised up among them, as well as true prophets; and they felt the weight of the influence of these religious people against them, since they tried by fraud or violence to make them break their vow Amos 2:12. Amos, while upbraiding their rich men for breaking the law between man and man, presupposes that the Law of Moses was, in this respect also, acknowledged among them. For in his words, "they turn aside the way of the meek" (Amos 2:7; Amos 5:12, see Exodus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:19; Deuteronomy 24:17; Deuteronomy 27:19) "they turn aside the poor in the gate" (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) "they take a ransom" Amos 5:12 (from the rich for their misdeeds), he retains the unique term of the Pentateuch; as also in that, "on clothes laid to pledge (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) they lie down by every altar;" "who make the Ephah small" (Amos 8:5, see Deuteronomy 25:14-15). "Balances of deceit" Amos 8:5 are the contrary of what are enjoined in the law, "balances of right" Leviticus 19:36.

In upbraiding them for a special impurity, forbidden in principle by the law Deuteronomy 23:1 he uses the sanction often repeated in the law "to profane My Holy Name" Amos 2:7; Leviticus 20:3. In the punishments which he mentions, he uses terms in which God threatens those punishments. The two remarkable words, rendered "blasting and mildew" Amos 4:9; Deuteronomy 28:22, occur only in Deuteronomy, and in Solomon's prayer founded upon it 1 Kings 8:37, and in Haggai Hag 2:17 where he is referring to Amos. In the words, "as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah" Amos 4:11; Deuteronomy 29:23, the special term and form of Deuteronomy, as well as the threat, are retained. The threat, "Ye have built houses of hewn stone, and ye shall not dwell therein; ye have planted pleasant vineyards, but ye shall not drink the wine thereof;" but blends and enlarges those in Deuteronomy Amo 5:11; Deuteronomy 28:30, Deuteronomy 28:39. The remarkable term describing their unrepentance is taken from the same (Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-10, see Deuteronomy 4:29).

So also the image of "gall and wormwood" (Amos 6:12, from Deuteronomy 29:18), two bitter plants, into which they turned judgment and righteousness. There are other verbal reminiscences of the Pentateuch, interwoven with the words of Amos, which presuppose that it was in the memory of both the prophet and his hearers in Israel (see Amos 2:2, Amos 2:10-11; Amos 3:2; Amos 6:1; Amos 7:16; Amos 9:8, Amos 9:12). Indeed, after that long slavery of 400 years in Egypt, the traditions of the spots, hallowed by God's intercourse with the patriarchs, probably even their relations to "Edom their brother" Amos 1:11, must have been lost. The book of Genesis did not embody popular existing traditions of this sort, but must have revived them. The idolatry of Beersheba , as well as that of Gilead, alluded to by Hosea, as also Jeroboam's choice of Bethel itself for the calf-worship , imply on the part of the idolaters a knowledge and belief of the history, which they must have learned from the Pentateuch. Doubtless, it had been a part of Jeroboam's policy to set up, opposite the exclusive claim for the temple at Jerusalem, rival places of traditionary holiness from the mercies of God to their forefathers, much as Muhammed availed himself of the memory of Abraham, to found his claim for an interest in Jerusalem. But these traditions too must have been received BY the people, not derived from them. They were not brought with them from Egypt. The people, enslaved, degraded, sensualized, and idolatry-loving, had no hearts to cherish the memories of the pure religion of their great forefathers, who worshiped the unimaged Self-existing God.

As Amos employed the language of the Pentateuch and cited the Book of Joel, so it seems more probable, that in the burden of his first prophecies , "I will send a fire upon ... and it shall devour the palaces of ..." he took the well-known words of Hosea Hos 7:14, and, by their use, gave a unity to their prophecies, than that Hosea, who uses no language except that of the Pentateuch, should, in the one place where he employs this form, have limited the "burden" of Amos to the one case of Judah. Besides, in Hosea, the words, declaring the destruction of the cities and palaces of Judah, stand in immediate connection with Judah's wrong temper in building them whereas in Amos they are insulated. Beside this, the language of the two prophets does not bear upon each other, except that both have the term "balances of deceit" (Hosea 12:8 (Hosea 12:7 in English); Amos 8:5), which was originally formed in contrast with what God had enjoined in the law, "balances of right," and which stands first in the Proverbs of Solomon Proverbs 11:1; Proverbs 20:23.

Of later prophets, Jeremiah renewed against Damascus the prophecy of Amos in his own words; only, the memory of Hazael having been obliterated perhaps in the destruction under Tiglath-Pileser, Jeremiah calls it not after Hazael, but by its own name and that of Benhadad Jeremiah 49:27. The words of Amos had once been fulfilled, and its people had been transported to Kir. Probably fugitives had again repopulated it, and Jeremiah intended to point out, that the sentence pronounced through Amos was not yet exhausted. On the similar ground probably, when upbraiding Ammon for the similar sins and for that for which Amos had denounced woe upon it, its endeavor to displace Israel Amos 1:13; Jeremiah 49:1, Jeremiah used the words of Amos, "their king shall qo into captivity - and his princes together" Amos 1:15; Jeremiah 49:3. In a similar manner, Haggai upbraids the Jews of his day for their impenitence under God's chastisements, in words varied in no essential from those of Amos Amo 4:9; Haggai 2:19. The words of Amos, so repeated to the Jews upon their restoration, sounded, as it were, from the desolate heritage of Israel, "Sin no more, lest a worse thing happen unto thee."

Other reminiscences of the words of Amos are only a part of the harmony of Scripture , the prophets in this way too indicating their unity with one another, that they use the words, the one of the other.

The might of Amos' teaching at the time, the state-priest Amaziah impressed on Jeroboam. Contemptuous toward Amos himself, Amaziah admitted the truth to Jeroboam. "The land is not able to bear all his (Amos') words." Doubtless, as the Jews were mad against Stephen, "not" being "able to resist the wisdom and Spirit by which he spake" Acts 6:10, so God accompanied with power His servant's words to His people. They had already seen God's words fulfilled against the houses of Jeroboam I, of Baasha, of Ahab. That same doom was now renewed against "the house of Jeroboam," and with it the prophecy of the dispersion of the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17, which Hosea contemporaneously foretold Hosea 1:6; Hosea 9:17. The two prophets of Israel confirmed one another, but also left themselves no escape. They staked the whole reputation of their prophecy on this definite issue. We know it to have been fulfilled on the house of Jeroboam; yet the house of Jeroboam was firmer than any before or after it.

We know of the unaccustomed captivity of the ten tribes. Had they not been carried captive, prophecy would have come to shame; and such in proportion is its victory. Each step was an installment, a pledge, of what followed. The death of Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, was the first step in the fulfillment of the whole; then probably, in the invasion of Pul against Menahem 2 Kings 15:19, followed the doom of Amaziah. God is not anxious to vindicate His word. He does not, as to Shebna Isaiah 22:17-18, or Amaziah, or the false prophets Ahab, Zedekiah Jeremiah 29:20-22, or Shemaiah Jeremiah 29:32, or Pashur Jeremiah 20:6, or other false prophets Jeremiah 14:15. At times, as in the case of Hananiah Jeremiah 28:17, Scripture records the individual fulfillment of God's judgments. Mostly, it passes by unnoticed the execution of God's sentence. The sentence of the criminal, unless reprieved, in itself implies the execution . The fact impressed those who witnessed it; the record of the judgment suffices for us.

Then followed, under Tiglath-pileser, the fulfillment of the prophecy as to Damascus Amos 1:5, and Gilead Amos 6:14. Under Sargon was fulfilled the prophecy on the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17; Amos 9:8. That on Judah Amos 2:5 yet waited 133 years, and then was fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar. A few years later, and he executed God's judgments foretold by Amos on their enemies, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Tyre Amos 1:9; Amos 2:3. Amos 1:6-8 : kings of Egypt, Assyria, and the Macedonian Alexander the Great fulfilled in succession the prophecy as to Philistia. So various were the human wills, so multitudinous the events, which were to bring about the simple words of the shepherd-prophet. Amos foretells the events; he does say, why the judgments should come. Amos does not foretell when, or through whom the judgments would come. Nevertheless, he foretells the events themselves absolutely, and they came. Like Joel, he foretells the conversion of the pagan and anticipates so far the prophecies of Isaiah, that God would work this through the restoration of the house of David, when fallen. It is a strange comment upon human greatness that the royal line was not to be employed in the salvation of the world until it was fallen! The royal palace had to become the hut of Nazareth before the Redeemer of the world could be born, whose glory and kingdom were not of this world, who came, to take nothing from us but our nature, that He might sanctify it, our misery, that He might bear it for us. Yet flesh and blood could not foresee it before it came, as flesh and blood could not believe it, after He came.

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Amos 1:1

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「牧人中的阿摩司的话」——"阿摩司开篇先陈明自己的微不足道,同时也陈明他的教师与训导者——圣灵——的大恩典,并将这一切都归于他的荣耀。"他像大卫、彼得、保罗、马太一样,同属"神所拣选、要叫强壮的羞愧的世上软弱之物"。他自己不过是牧人"中间"的一个牧人,但他所说的话并不是他自己的。那些话乃是他"看见"的——不是用肉身的眼睛,而是用"那能看见话语的异象,就是先见心中所见的异象"。这些话是"论到"以色列——更准确地说,是"临到"以色列——的话,是沉重地临到以色列沉重过犯之上的话。希伯来文中"看见"一词并非单指寻常的观看,而是指神所赐的异象。阿摩司说这些话是"他的"话,只是为了随即补明:这些话本是从神那里临到他的,他自己不过是神借以说话的人间器皿。

「大地震前二年」——这次地震显然必是极重大的地震之一,因为直到撒迦利亚的时代,它仍鲜活地留在人们的记忆之中,而阿摩司也称之为"那地震"。东方的地震,如里斯本大地震一样,会毁灭整座的城。在我们主降生之前不久的一次地震中,"约有一万人被埋在倒塌的房屋之下"。这场可怖的地震(撒迦利亚正是这样描述它的)乃是阿摩司所预言的神之不悦的其中一个前奏。在"地震"来到之先,赐下了两年的预警和悔改的时间;这地震是一个记号和开端,预示两国将进一步被震动——除非他们悔改。实际上,它就是那吞灭他们的闪电最初的闪光。

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The words of Amos, who was among the herdmen - "Amos begins by setting forth his own nothingness, and withal the great grace of his Teacher and Instructor, the Holy Spirit, referring all to His glory." He, like David, Peter, Paul, Matthew, was one of "the weak things of the world, whom God chose to confound the mighty." He was himself a herdsman only "among herdsmen;" but the words which he spake were not his own. They were words which he saw, not with eyes of flesh, but "with that vision wherewith words can be seen, the seer's vision in the mind." They were "words concerning," or rather "upon Israel," heavy words coming upon the heavy transgressions of Israel. The Hebrew word "saw" is not of mere sight, but of a vision given by God. Amos only says that they were "his" words, in order immediately to add, that they came to him from God, that he himself was but the human organ through which God spake.

Two years before the earthquake - This earthquake must plainly have been one of the greatest, since it was vividly in people's memories in the time of Zechariah, and Amos speaks of it as "the earthquake." The earthquakes of the east, like that of Lisbon, destroy whole cities. In one, a little before the birth of our Lord , "some ten thousand were buried under the ruined houses." This terrific earthquake (for as such Zechariah describes it) was one of the preludes of that displeasure of God, which Amos foretold. A warning of two years, and time for repentance, were given, "before the earthquake" should come, the token and beginning of a further shaking of both kingdoms, unless they should repent. In effect, it was the first flash of the lightning which consumed them.

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Amos 1:2

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「耶和华必吼叫」——阿摩司把自己的预言接续在约珥预言的末尾,为要在开篇即见证两人使命的同一,并预备人心看出:他自己的预言乃是对那些话语的展开,宣告神更临近、正在到来的审判。然而他所论的那更临近的审判,不过是约珥所预告之大日审判的前奏,也是雅各所预言"犹大支派的狮子"——基督——那末后可畏之声的前奏:"他蹲伏如公狮,躺卧如母狮,谁能惹动他?"(Genesis 49:9)经上说神"从锡安和耶路撒冷"发出他那可畏的"声音",因为在那里他设立了他的名,在那里他临在于他的教会之中。那可说是他自己的居所,是他借临在的记号所分别为圣的,尽管"天和天上的天尚且不足他居住"。阿摩司在预言的开头就警告以色列:神是住在那里,而不是住在他们分离自居的境况之中。耶利米对犹大使用同样的话时,所说的不是耶路撒冷,而是天上:"耶和华要从高天吼叫,从圣所发声"(Jeremiah 25:30)。这预言是对十支派或对外邦人发的:神从教会中说话。他从耶路撒冷发声,正如他所说:"训诲必出于锡安,耶和华的言语必出于耶路撒冷"(Isaiah 2:3),"因为那里有圣殿和神的敬拜;这表明神不在以色列的诸城——即设有金牛犊的但和伯特利——也不在撒玛利亚和耶斯列的王城,而在当时存于锡安和耶路撒冷的真宗教之中。"

「牧人的草场要悲哀」——先知或许出于对那所爱而离别之家园的深情,在他所预告的荒凉之中,头一个念头便是想到他自己牧人的草场。闻名的迦密山在相反方向很远的亚设支派境内。它的名字源于它的丰饶肥沃,也许意为"葡萄园与橄榄园之地"。在耶柔米的时代,那里"密布着橄榄树、灌木和葡萄园","连山顶也是可喜的牧场"。

迦密山是巴勒斯坦最醒目的自然景观之一。一条长十八英里的山岭,以一道远远伸入地中海的长而险峻的海岬作结,构成亚柯湾(即阿克湾)的南岸。它拔海一千二百英尺,"宛如本乡海岸的守护者"般巍然耸立;然而它又富于花、果、树木各样之美。它几乎总被称为"那迦密",即"那丰美的园地"。由于濒临大海,夜夜有浓露供应,使它常保清新,故盛夏之际依然青翠花开。旅行者描述它"一片青绿,山顶覆着冷杉和橡树,较低处是橄榄和月桂,处处水源极佳"。范德维尔德(Van de Velde)说:"我在加利利或沿岸平原所见过的花,没有一样不能在迦密山上重新找到。它仍是古时那座芬芳可爱的山。""它那五花八门的花卉世界,吸引了众多罕见而多彩的昆虫,以至于一个采集家可以足足忙碌一整年。""它是一座天然的花园和草药的宝库。"

它的牧场丰美,足与巴珊匹敌。"有许多清澈的溪流发源于此,其中最大的一股涌自以利亚之泉"(Jeremiah 50:19;Nahum 1:4)。它自身内蕴丰富。倘若连它也成了荒漠,还有什么能幸免呢?"这些事既行在有汁水的树上,那枯干的树将来怎么样呢?"(Luke 23:31)高低上下的一切,都要在同一场荒凉中同受击打;从南方的"牧人草场"直到北方的迦密山,全地尽然。而且,神一发声,事就如此成就。"他一吩咐,便都造成。"如今正相反,他一发声,迦密就枯干了。它的荣耀在眨眼之间就消逝了。神说了话,它就去了。

那倚赖神恩赐的,尚且存留;那倚赖人的,尽都消失。粗犷之美犹存,但那只是天然繁茂之美。一位曾探其深处的作者说:"一切都荒废了,全然是旷野。这极度的肥沃,在此尽归于人,于人无用而失落了。迦密的葡萄园如今在哪里?看地上那一长列一长列的石头,那些残存的墙基;它们会告诉你,在这如今你要费力穿越丛生纠结的灌木之处,古时躺着那些无可比拟的葡萄园——迦密正是因它们而得名。"

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The Lord will roar - Amos joins on his prophecy to the end of Joel's, in order at once in its very opening to attest the oneness of their mission, and to prepare people's minds to see, that his own prophecy was an expansion of those words, declaring the nearer and coming judgments of God. Those nearer judgments, however, of which he spake, were but the preludes of the judgments of the Great Day which Joel foretold, and of that last terrible voice of Christ, "the Lion of the tribe of Judah," of whom Jacob prophesies; "He couched, He lay down as a lion, and as a young lion; who shall raise Him up?" Genesis 49:9. God is said to "utter His" awful "voice from Zion and Jerusalem," because there He had set His Name, there He was present in His Church. It was, as it were, His own place, which He had hallowed by tokens of His presence, although "the heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain Him." In the outset of his prophecy, Amos warned Israel, that there, not among themselves in their separated state, God dwelt. Jeremiah, in using these same words toward Judah, speaks not of Jerusalem, but of heaven; "The Lord shall roar from on high, and utter His voice from His holy habitation" Jeremiah 25:30. The prophecy is to the ten tribes or to the pagan: God speaks out of the Church. He uttereth His Voice out of Jerusalem, as He saith, "Out of Zion shall go forth, the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem" Isaiah 2:3, "where was the Temple and the worship of God, to shew that God was not in the cities of Israel, that is, in Dan and Bethel, where were the golden calves, nor in the royal cities of Samaria and Jezreel, but in the true religion which was then in Zion and Jerusalem."

And the habitations of the shepherds shall mourn - Perhaps, with a feeling for the home which he had loved and left, the prophet's first thought amid the desolation which he predicts, was toward his own shepherd-haunts. The well-known Mount Carmel was far in the opposite direction in the tribe of Asher. Its name is derived from its richness and fertility, perhaps "a land of vine and olive yards." In Jerome's time, it was "thickly studded with olives, shrubs and vineyards." "Its very summit of glad pasturcs."

It is one of the most striking natural features of Palestine. It ends a line of hills, 18 miles long, by a long bold headland reaching out far into the Mediterranean, and forming the south side of the Bay of Acco or Acre. Rising 1,200 feet above the sea , it stands out "like some guardian of its native strand;" yet withal, it was rich with every variety of beauty, flower, fruit, and tree. It is almost always called "the Carmel," "the rich garden-ground." From its neighborhood to the sea, heavy dews nightly supply it with an ever-renewed freshness, so that in mid-summer it is green and flowery . Travelers describe it, as "quite green, its top covered with firs and oaks, lower down with olives and laurels, and everywhere excellently watered." "There is not a flower," says Van de Velde , "that I have seen in Galilee or on the plains along the coasts, that I do not find here again on Carmel. It is still the same fragrant lovely mountain as of old." : "Its varied world of flowers attracts such a number of the rarer vari-colored insects that a collector might for a whole year be richly employed." "It is a natural garden and repository of herbs."

Its pastures were rich, so as to equal those of Bashan. "It gives rise to a number of crystal streams, the largest of which gushes from the spring of Elijah" Jeremiah 50:19; Nahum 1:4. It had abundant supplies in itself. If it too became a desert, what else would be spared? "If they do these things in a green tree, what shall be done in the dry?" Luke 23:31. All, high and low, shall be stricken in one common desolation; all the whole land, fromm "the pastures of the shepherds" in the south to Mount Carmel in the North. And this, as soon as God had spoken. "He spake, and it was made." So now, contrariwise, He uttercth His Voice, and Carmel hath languished. Its glory hath passed away, as in the twinkling of an eye. God hath spoken the word, and it is gone.

What depended on God's gifts, abides; what depended on man, is gone. There remains a wild beauty still; but it is the beauty of natural luxuriance. "All," says one who explored its depths , "lies waste; all is a wilderness. The utmost fertility is here lost for man, useless to man. The vineyards of Carmel, where are they now? Behold the long rows of stones on the ground, the remains of the walls; they will tell you that here, where now with difficulty you force your way through the thick entangled copse, lay, in days of old, those incomparable vineyards to which Carmel owes its name."

3

Amos 1:3

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神这些威胁的次序,似乎是要使百姓愿意聆听。刑罚首先宣告在他们的仇敌身上,而且是因着那些仇敌直接或间接得罪他们、并得罪他们中间之神的罪。其次,就这些仇敌本身而论,其次序也不在于地点或时间,而在于他们与神子民的关系:从他们最强横的仇敌叙利亚开始;其次是非利士——虽较不强大、却古老而不止息的仇敌;再其次是推罗——它虽不像前两者那样施行压迫,却违背了前两者所没有的一种关系,就是从前友谊与盟约的纽带,并且因贪婪而心怀恶意、刚硬不仁;随后是以东、亚扪、摩押——他们连血缘的纽带也撕断了;最后、也是最近的一环,审判落在犹大身上——真神真实的敬拜原在他们中间,他们却轻看它。凡临到与我们同类之人身上的刑罚,都会在我们自己的良心中引起回响。以色列听见并轻易地信了神对别人的审判;它并不想去抗拒相信这些事。那么,它既相信神对与它同类之人的审判,又怎能拒绝把这话信在自己身上呢?"只要换一个名字,这故事说的就是你"——这句异教格言几乎已成谚语。这预言的进程定他们的罪,正如圣经上"写在经上……作为鉴戒"的话定基督徒的罪一样。"没有律法犯了罪的,也必不按律法灭亡"(Romans 2:12);那么,"在律法上犯了罪的,也必按律法受审判",岂不更甚。神的审判如雷云滚动,从这地转到那地,预告它的临近,最后要聚拢、集中在以色列自己身上——除非它悔改。在别人所受的惩罚中,它当读出自己所将受的;而且神离他们越近,就越当如此。"以色列"被放在最后,因为毁灭要极尽地落在它身上,并停留在那里。

「三番四次地犯罪」——这些话所表达的,不是在三样之外再加四样过犯,而是在先前的罪上再加一样,即最后一样罪;由此,本已满盈的罪的度量便溢了出来,神的忿怒随之临到。在其他出现类似说法的地方,所加的数目都是多出一,而且多半指比其余一切都更大的事。如"你六次遭难,他必救你;就是七次,灾祸也无法害你"(Job 5:19)——"就是"一词表明那第七次是比一切更重的患难,似乎要压垮人的忍耐。又如"你要分给七人,或给八个人"(Ecclesiastes 11:2)。七被用作整体的象征,因为"到第七日,神……歇了他一切创造的工",因此七这个数目大量进入犹太人的整个礼仪之中;全部时间都以七来量度。所以这准则乃是:"毫无限制地施与;那整体满足了,仍要施与。"再如箴言书那一连串的数字格言(箴言第30章),在每一组中,第四样都比前三样更大。"有三样不知足的,连不说'够'的共有四样"(Proverbs 30:15-16)——其余几样只是不得满足,第四样火却越烧越旺。"步行威武的有三样,连行走威武的共有四样"(Proverbs 30:29-31)——君王的道德威严显然大于其余几样。照样,"婢女接续主母"(Proverbs 30:21-23)比其余几样更难容忍、更加跋扈。人接近少女时的手段与隐藏,比自然界那些不留痕迹的事物——空中的鹰、磐石上的蛇、行过波浪的船(Proverbs 30:18-19)——更为诡诈。再如"在弟兄中布散纷争"(Proverbs 6:16-19),有一种特别的可憎,因为它不仅是罪,还制造蔓延的罪,并且毁坏别人身上最大的恩典——爱。杀害灵魂重于杀害身体,也需要更魔鬼般的伎俩。

这些事——约伯说,"神两次、三次向人行这一切的事,要从深坑救回人的灵魂"(Job 33:29)。神最后的恩典,无论是印记般封存那些善用前恩之人的诸般恩典,还是赐给那些虚耗了恩典之人的,都是他慈爱与宽容的极至之举。

在异教的诗歌里,作为他们已经遗忘之奥秘的痕迹,三也是神圣的整体;因此"三倍四倍有福"在他们中间表示一种甚至超过完全圆满之福的东西,即福分的满溢。

这些异邦民族的第四样过犯之所以单独提及,是因为先知并没有奉差遣"对他们"说话;他只是向以色列宣告那将要临到这些民族的惩罚的根由。三样过犯代表罪的总量,尚未招来极重的刑罚;第四样是决定性的罪,此后神不再宽容。虽然招来审判的是第四样,神到末了所惩罚的却不只是最后一样罪,而是先前的一切。先知不说"为第四样",而说"为三样,为四样",同时表明了两件事:神直到那最后一样罪——罪人之国的"罪孽满盈"之时(Genesis 15:16)——才施行惩罚;而且"那时"他惩罚的是全部,既惩罚那三样所描述的罪的整个总量,也惩罚那第四样。神长久忍耐、乐于赦免;但罪人一旦最终成为"忿怒的器皿"(Romans 9:22),神就惩罚他先前暂时放过的一切罪。

罪上加罪,新的罪由旧的罪中长出;它并不遮盖先前的罪,也不涂抹它们,而是增加那神所要惩罚的罪咎的总量。犹太人杀害圣子的时候,"世上一切义人的血,从义人亚伯的血起,直到巴拉加的儿子撒迦利亚的血"都"归到"他们身上(Matthew 23:35-36;Luke 11:50-51)。旧约之下众先知和神仆人的一切血都归在那世代身上。照样,每一个至死不悔改的罪人,也必为他一生中一切违背神律法的行为和光景受罚。罪越深,末后的定罪也越重。所以保罗论到那些"为自己积蓄忿怒,等候神震怒、显他公义审判的日子来到"的人(Romans 2:5)。义人靠着神的恩典,藉着恩典所成的每一件事,都为永远的赏赐加增一分;照样,恶人也以每一样罪,加增自己的定罪一分。

「大马士革」——大马士革是世界上最古老的城邑之一,也是世界交通的枢纽之一。它坐落在自己的平原中央——一片精耕细作的高原沃土,自前黎巴嫩山向东,宽约半度。西面和北面,平原藏在前黎巴嫩山脉之下;东面则有介于这片绿洲疆土与幼发拉底河之间的大沙漠作屏障。紧邻之处,有三座湖承受那滋润全地之余的水。巴拉达河(Barada,意为"冷河")与菲杰河(Fijeh,即传统的法珥法〔Pharpar〕,这名字恰当地描画了它湍急的水流)汇合后,沿城北穿城而过,主要注入三湖中央的巴赫雷特-埃尔-基布利耶(Bahret-el-kibliyeh,"南湖");据推测,湖水由此、也有一部分直接地,流入巴赫雷特-埃什-舒尔基耶(Bahret-esh-Shurkiyeh,"东湖")。阿瓦季河('Awaj,意为"弯河";或许就是古时的亚马拿〔Amana〕,"永不枯竭之河",与那些被灌溉耗尽的溪流相对)在大马士革旧日南界附近流过,大概把它与以色列约旦河东的北部领土——广义的巴珊和伊突(Jetur,即以土利亚)——分隔开来。这片区域的面积曾被测算为二百三十六平方地理英里。

这片空间与其说是量度了它疆域的大小,不如说是成了它统治的中心。然而它所供养的人口,远超同样面积在欧洲所能供养的。古代的大马士革人从周围受造界的面貌受到教益——每一条从岩石间涌出的小溪,其流经之处都有丰美的草木——于是以系统而勤劳的方式,利用黑门山或前黎巴嫩高地雪水不断的供应;这种勤劳,在我们北方气候里的人既无需要,也难以想象。波特(Porter)说:"没有巴拉达河,这座城就无法存在,平原必成焦干的荒漠;如今水道贯穿每一城区,几乎家家有喷泉涌流,无数沟渠在广大的平原上枝分蔓延,给它披上青翠与美装。有五条沟渠在河流进入平原之前,从不同的高度引水,沿着峡谷陡峭的岸边而行,有的地方凿穿坚固的岩石。北面的两条灌溉离城约一英里、山脚下的萨拉希耶,然后把平原较高的部分灌溉到将近二十英里之远。南面的三条中,一条引到五英里外人口稠密的达拉雅村;另外两条供应城市、郊区与园圃。"

每一处大小平原的每一处泉水,也都同样被利用。古时有话说,克里索罗阿斯河(Chrysorrhoas,即巴拉达河)"几乎全部消耗于人工水道之中";"大马士革因以灌溉饮尽克里索罗阿斯河而丰饶"。它沟渠的名字至今仍传下十四个;通常选出七八条主渠,而全部曾被数到多达七十条。任何技艺与劳力都不嫌过大:菲杰河的水由一条凿穿垂直崖壁的大水道输送。然而这还算不得什么:整个平原水道纵横交错,地下也凿有隧道。"河水在田野和园圃的地面漫流;底下另凿有沟渠,汇集渗过土壤的余水,以及下面小泉的水。这样汇集的水流被引到更低处,重新露出地表。""整个平原布满了这些奇特的水道,有的在地下绵延二三英里。当一条水道的水在地上散布生命与青翠之时,另一条支流正在收集新的水源。""昔日这些水道遍布整个平原直到湖边,使每一处的田野园圃都得到灌溉。"

因此,大马士革自古以秀美著称。它白色的建筑,嵌在环城果园的浓绿之中,宛如翡翠环绕的钻石。果园西面几乎延伸到前黎巴嫩山,"并沿巴拉达河两侧向东伸展数英里;它们覆盖的地面周长约二十五(或三十)英里,使四郊成为人间的乐园"。因此阿拉伯人说:"地上若有伊甸园,那就是大马士革;若在天上,地上的大马士革也与之相似。"然而这秀美也正是它的力量。推罗的威廉(William of Tyre)说:"这河水量丰沛,供应两岸的果园,果树密植,沿城墙向东流去。城的西面和北面,被果园远远地环卫,如同茂密的树林,向黎巴嫩方向绵延四五英里。这些果园是极其有力的防御;因为树木稠密、道路狭窄,从那一边接近城去,看来艰难,几乎不可能。"直到今日还有话说:"大马士革真正的防御在于它的园林;这些园林形成果树的森林和树篱、围墙、壕沟的迷宫,周围超过七里格,对任何一个穆斯林敌军也会构成不小的障碍。"

选址的优势无疑使它早早被选中。它位于从亚洲腹地通往地中海、通往推罗、甚至通往埃及的最佳路线上。基大老玛和与他同盟的四王,无疑正是取道于此,因为他们最先击打的地方是在乔兰(即高隆尼提斯)的亚斯他录迦宁(Genesis 14:5-6);然后他们沿约旦西侧向南扫荡,先击打亚扪之地的"苏西人"(大概就是散送冥,Deuteronomy 2:20),再击打"基列亭平原的以米人",在摩押地(Deuteronomy 2:9、2:11),然后是"西珥山的何利人,直到伊勒巴兰"(大概是以其得名的海湾边的以拉他)。他们也是从原路返回,因为亚伯拉罕在大马士革附近的何把追上了他们(Genesis 14:15)。大马士革当时已是主要的城邑,何把正是单凭与它的关系才为人所知。亚伯拉罕自己遵神的命令从哈兰(希腊人的卡赖〔Charrae〕)来时——无论是经过提弗萨("渡口",即塔普萨克斯〔Thapsacus〕),还是取幼发拉底河更北的渡口——走的也是这条路线。他用以替以撒娶妻、且一度是他继承人的那位最亲信的仆人,乃是大马士革人(Genesis 15:2-3);这事实表明亚伯拉罕与大马士革有某种亲密的关系。在我们纪元开始之时,亚伯拉罕的名字在大马士革之地仍受尊崇;有一个村子以他命名,叫"亚伯拉罕的居所";当地史家尼古拉斯(Nicolas)说,亚伯拉罕从巴比伦以外的地往迦南去的路上,曾在大马士革作王。他仆人的名字"以利以谢"——"我的神是帮助"——表明那时这仆人也是敬拜独一之神的。大马士革这名字,大概表明其创建者奋进有力的品格。

像旧约中其他与亚兰相关的名字一样,这名字既与出于共同先祖亚兰的出身相合,便是亚兰语的。它并不是分派给以色列的疆土,以色列也从未骚扰它。它大概以自己的政策揣度大卫防御性的征服,便与攻击大卫的其他叙利亚人联合,结果被征服、设防驻军,成了藩属(2 Samuel 8:5-6)。它当时大概是一股从属的势力——无论是因琐巴王哈大底谢个人的卓越,还是别的原因;哈大底谢确实卓然突出,大马士革人只居次要地位。

与此相符,圣经第一次提到大马士革王国,乃是利逊的王朝——他是哈大底谢的仆人,逃亡后聚结成打劫的匪帮,随后在大马士革定居作王(1 Kings 11:23-24)。在此之前,圣经只提到大马士革的民,没有提到他们的王。他们本地的史家承认,大马士革人在大卫的时代是挑衅者、且一直如此,同时却遮掩他们屡次的败绩,又说他们的王父子相承、接连十代——这大概是任何君主国中都未有所闻的事。"一位本地人亚达(Adad)得了大权,作了大马士革和叙利亚其余地方(腓尼基除外)的王。他与犹太王大卫交战,多番对垒,最后在幼发拉底河被击败;他却以骁勇著称,被视为最杰出的君王。他死后,他的后裔相继作王十代,每一代从父亲承受'哈达'(Hadad)这名字,连同国位,像埃及的多利买家一样。第三代权势最大,为雪他祖父战败之耻,攻打犹太人,蹂躏了现今称为撒玛利亚的地方。"他们无法咽下这败绩——那还是他们自己招来的。

所罗门在位后期,利逊使哈达的侵略死灰复燃。十支派分裂之后,大马士革的敌意便集中于紧邻它们的以色列。亚比雅曾与便哈达之父结盟(1 Kings 15:19)。便哈达在亚撒晚年多疑的日子,应亚撒之请,立刻背弃与巴沙的盟约(2 Chronicles 16:2-7;1 Kings 15:20),转而攻击巴沙。便哈达一世又从暗利手中夺取城邑,并在撒玛利亚城内强索"街市"——大概是大马士革人的居留区(1 Kings 20:34)。便哈达二世有"三十二个"藩属"王"(1 Kings 20:1、1 Kings 20:24)——像迦南诸王那样各自据有一城一小片地的依附君王——率领他们进攻撒玛利亚,意图掳掠(1 Kings 20:6-7),并可能借掳掠之机占据或摧毁它。靠神的帮助,他们两次被击败;第二次,当他们直接向神的能力挑战时(1 Kings 20:22-25、1 Kings 20:28),败得如此彻底,若非亚哈被人乞怜的话奉承得晕了头(1 Kings 20:31-32),叙利亚本不再有能力欺压以色列。便哈达许诺归还他父亲从以色列夺去的城邑,并在大马士革为以色列人设一居留区(1 Kings 20:34)。

这应许若已兑现,基列的拉末必在更早的时候就已归了叙利亚,因为三年之后,亚哈联合约沙法、违背神的旨意,试图收复它,竟死在阵前(1 Kings 22)。基列的拉末既在叙利亚手中,其以北的一切、约旦河东但与玛拿西的一半,也必已被叙利亚征服。除了那次使撒玛利亚山穷水尽、神以恐慌溃散亚兰军的大围城(2 Kings 7:6)之外,在亚哈谢与约兰的十四年间,便哈达和哈薛对以色列只行劫掠之师。据亚述铭文,便哈达曾三次败于亚述王沙曼努巴尔,哈薛两次。便哈达似乎采攻势,与赫人诸王、哈马人和腓尼基人结盟;哈薛则是独自受攻,被逼退守前黎巴嫩山,大概沦为藩属。亚述的编年史只记亚述的胜利。"耶和华藉乃缦使亚兰人得胜"(2 Kings 5:1)这句简短的话,大概指亚述藉他受了一次显著的挫折,因为叙利亚需要"得胜"脱离的敌人别无其他。那次从撒玛利亚退兵之后,他甚至在拉末城前一场大战中败于约兰——约兰虽在此役受伤(2 Kings 8:29)——连拉末也失掉了(2 Kings 9:14-15)。一个合理的推测是:耶户以政治上的臣服投靠亚述,招来了以利沙所预告的灾祸。哈薛大概成了神惩罚以色列的工具,虽然他不过是要向那既怕又曾苦害他的强权报复耶户的归顺。以色列既失去犹大的援助,便更容易成为猎物。哈薛不仅夺去以色列约旦河东的全部(2 Kings 10:32-33),更使全境开阔之地再无以色列人安然居住之处。直到神"赐给以色列一位拯救者",他们才能"如先前往帐棚里居住"(2 Kings 13:5)。哈薛把征服推进到迦特(2 Kings 12:17),大概意在打通与埃及的连线。他"用一小队人"击败了犹大的大军(2 Chronicles 24:23-24)。他进逼耶路撒冷时,犹大王约阿施用圣殿中和自己府库里一切分别为圣的和俗的金子把他买通(2 Kings 12:18)。以色列王约阿施从便哈达三世手中收回约旦河此边的城邑(2 Kings 13:25);耶罗波安二世则收复了全部失地,甚至收回了大马士革和哈马(2 Kings 14:28)。然而此后,大马士革还要在利汛手下恢复实力,成为犹大的威胁,并因它对犹大的侵攻,给自己带来毁灭。这时的大马士革大概与我们相仿:是一个富庶、重商、又好战的民族,但还不是制造业的民族(见 Amos 3:12 注释)。它作为转口贸易大集散地的财富(今日仍是如此),为战争提供了筋骨。它用以与推罗贸易的"白羊毛"(Ezekiel 27:18),表明它拥有沙漠中一大片边远地土,那里的羊出产最白的羊毛。因此,除了平原上的人口之外,它无疑还有大批依附于它的游牧部众。

「我必不免去她的刑罚」——按字面是"我必不使它转回"。这神所不使之转回的,究竟是什么?阿摩司没有明说。沉默往往比言语更有力量。他不提它,反倒更使人心里意会到:这是一件早已临到他们身上、要淹没他们的东西,是神长久拦住的东西;如今神既不再拦阻,它就必冲入,而且因为先前曾被约束,就带着更可怕、更势不可挡之力。罪与刑罚被神的一条大法则系在一起。神的怜悯长久拦住刑罚,只容他些许不悦的表记显露,免得罪恶的灵魂或百姓没有警告。当他不再拦阻时,他道德治理的法则便循其常轨。异教的经验之谈也说:"惩罚虽有迟缓的脚步,却少有不追上走在前头的恶人。"

「因为他们以打粮的铁器打过基列」——耶柔米记述,这器具是"一种车,下面在铁轮上滚动,装着齿;这样,它既能打出谷粒,又把秸秆碾碎切段,作牲口的饲料,以代替干草"。一件几乎同名、极为相似的农具,至今仍在叙利亚和埃及使用。以利沙曾向哈薛预告他对以色列的残忍:"他们的坚固城你必放火焚烧,他们的少年人你必用刀杀死,又要摔死他们的婴孩,剖开他们的孕妇"(2 Kings 8:12)。哈薛像一切在罪中渐渐沉溺的人一样,以为断无此事,却行了出来。在耶户的日子,"哈薛在约旦河东攻击以色列人,占据平原之地——从约旦河东起,夺了基列全地、迦得人、流便人、玛拿西人之地,从靠近亚嫩谷边的亚罗珥起,就是基列和巴珊"(2 Kings 10:32-33);在耶户的儿子约哈斯的日子,"他欺压他们……亚兰王灭绝他们的军兵,如打谷的尘土一般,只给约哈斯留下五十马兵、十辆战车、一万步兵"(2 Kings 13:7)。这里所说的死法,虽更可怖,大概并不比许多别的更重;更远不及某些所谓基督教法庭所用过的。它在箴言中被列为极刑(Proverbs 20:26),以赛亚也如此暗示(Isaiah 28:28)。大卫曾因圣经未说明的缘由,把它加于亚扪人(2 Samuel 12:31;1 Chronicles 20:3)。大概不是这刑罚本身,而是要如此根绝神子民的企图,使这审判临到大马士革。

狄奥多勒(Theodoret)设想了一种更骇人的加重情节:孕妇连同孩子正是这样被杀的——"他们把上述的妇人如同抛入打谷场一般,用带齿的铁轮残忍地把她们像谷穗一样碾了出来。"

这里的基列无疑当取其最广的意义,包括以色列在约旦河东的一切疆土;正如在哈薛征服的记载中,"基列全地"(2 Kings 10:32-33)被解释为凡分给两个半支派的一切,并且包括狭义的基列,与巴珊有别。约书亚也照样记着:"流便子孙和迦得子孙、玛拿西半支派的人……回往基列地,到自己的地业去"(Joshua 22:9)。在那横跨两度纬度、全然秀美的地带,哈薛把他灭绝之战推进到每一个太平的村庄和家园,不饶恕活着的,也不饶恕未出生的。

영문 원문

The order of God's threatenings seems to have been addressed to gain the hearing of the people. The punishment is first denounced upon their enemies, and that, for their sins, directly or indirectly, against themselves, and God in them. Then, as to those enemies themselves, the order is not of place or time, but of their relation to God's people. It begins with their most oppressive enemy, Syria; then Philistia, the old and ceaseless, although less powerful, enemy; then Tyre, not an oppressor, as these, yet violating a relation which they had not, the bonds of a former friendship and covenant; malicious also and hardhearted through covetousness. Then follow Edom, Ammon, Moab, who burst the bonds of blood also. Lastly and nearest of all, it falls on Judah, who had the true worship of the true God among them, but despised it. Every infliction on those like ourselves finds an echo in our own consciences. Israel heard and readily believed God's judgments upon others. It was not tempted to set itself against believing them. How then could it refuse to believe of itself, what it believed of others like itself? "Change but the name, the tale is told of thee ," was a pagan saying which has almost passed into a proverb. The course of the prophecy convicted "them," as the things written in Holy Scripture "for our ensamples" convict Christians. "If they" who "sinned without law, perished without law" Romans 2:12, how much more should they who "have sinned in the law, be judged by the law." God's judgments rolled round like a thunder-cloud, passing from land to land, giving warning of their approach, at last to gather and center on Israel itself, except it repent. In the visitations of others, it was to read its own; and that, the more, the nearer God was to them. "Israel" is placed the last, because on it the destruction was to fall to the uttermost, and rest there.

For three transgressions and for four - These words express, not four transgressions added to the three, but an additional transgression beyond the former, the last sin, whereby the measure of sin, which before was full, overflows, and God's wrath comes. So in other places, where the like form of words occurs, the added number is one beyond, and mostly relates to something greater than all the rest. So, "He shall deliver thee in six troubles; yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee" Job 5:19. The word, "yea," denotes, that the seventh is some heavier trouble, beyond all the rest, which would seem likely to break endurance. Again, "give a portion to seven, and also to eight" Ecclesiastes 11:2. Seven is used as a symbol of a whole, since "on the seventh day God rested from all which He had made," and therefore the number seven entered so largely into the whole Jewish ritual. All time was measured by seven.

The rule then is; "give without bounds; when that whole is fulfilled, still give." Again in that series of sayings in the book of Proverbs Prov. 30, the fourth is, in each, something greater than the three preceding. "There are three" things that "are never satisfied;" yea, "four" things "say not," it is "enough" Proverbs 30:15-16. The other things cannot be satisfied; the fourth, fire, grows fiercer by being fed. Again, "There be three" things "which go well; yea, four are comely in going" Proverbs 30:29-31. The moral majesty of a king is obviously greater than the rest. So "the handmaid which displaceth her mistress" Proverbs 30:21-23 is more intolerable and overbearing than the others. The art and concealment of man in approaching a maiden is of a subtler kind than things in nature which leave no trace of themselves, the eagle in the air, the serpent on the rock, the ship in its pathway through the waves Proverbs 30:18-19. Again, "Sowing discord among brethren" Proverbs 6:16-19, has a special hatefulness, as not only being sin, but causing widewasting sin, and destroying in others the chief grace, love. Soul-murder is worse than physical murder, and requires more devilish art.

These things - Job says, "worketh God twice and thrice with man, to bring back his soul from the pit" Job 33:29. The last grace of God, whether sealing up the former graces of those who use them, or vouchsafed to those who have wasted them, is the crowning act of His love or forbearance.

In pagan poetry also, as a trace of a mystery which they had forgotten, three is a sacred whole; from where "thrice and fourfold blessed" stands among them for something exceeding even a full and perfect blessing, a super-abundance of blessings.

The fourth transgression of these pagan nations is alone mentioned. For the prophet had no mission to "them;" he only declares to Israel the ground of the visitation which was to come upon them. The three transgressions stand for a whole sum of sin, which had not yet brought down extreme punishment; the fourth was the crowning sin, after which God would no longer spare. But although the fourth drew down His judgment, God, at the last, punishes not the last sin only, but all which went before. In that the prophet says, not, "for the fourth," but "for three transgressions and for four," he expresses at once, that God did not punish until the last sin, by which "the iniquity" of the sinful nation became "full" Genesis 15:16, and that, "then," He punished for all, for the whole mass of sin described by the three, and for the fourth also. God is longsuffering and ready to forgive; but when the sinner finally becomes a "vessel of wrath" Romans 9:22, He punishes all the earlier sins, which, for the time, He passed by.

Sin adds to sin, out of which it grows; it does not overshadow the former sins, it does not obliterate them, but increases the mass of guilt, which God punishes. When the Jews killed the Son, there, "came on" them "all the righteous bloodshed upon the earth, from the blood of righteous Abel unto the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias" Matthew 23:35-36; Luke 11:50-51. All the blood of all the prophets and servants of God under the Old Testament came upon that generation. So each individual sinner, who dies impenitent, will be punished for all which, in his whole life, he did or became, contrary to the law of God. Deeper sins bring deeper damnation at the last. So Paul speaks of those who "treasure up to" themselves "wrath against the Day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God" Romans 2:5. As good people, by the grace of God, do, through each act done by aid of that grace, gain an addition to their everlasting reward, so the wicked, by each added sin, add to their damnation.

Of Damascus - Damascus was one of the oldest cities in the world, and one of the links of its contact. It lay in the midst of its plain, a high table-land of rich cultivation, whose breadth, from Anti-libanus eastward, was about half a degree. On the west and north its plain lay sheltered under the range of Anti-libanus; on the east, it was protected by the great desert which intervened between its oasis-territory and the Euphrates. Immediately, it was bounded by the three lakes which receive the surplus of the waters which enrich it. The Barada (the "cold") having joined the Fijeh, (the traditional Pharpar" , a name which well designates its tumultuous course ), runs on the north of, and through the city, and then chiefly into the central of the three lakes, the Bahret-el-kibliyeh, (the "south" lake;) thence, it is supposed, but in part also directly, into the Bahret-esh-Shurkiyeh (the "east" lake ). The 'Awaj (the "crooked") (perhaps the old Amana, "the never-failing," in contrast with the streams which are exhausted in irrigation) runs near the old south boundary of Damascus , separating it probably from the northern possessions of Israel beyond Jordan, Bashan (in its widest sense), and Jetur or Ituraea. The area has been calculated at 236 square geographical miles .

This space rather became the center of its dominions, than measured their extent. But it supported a population far beyond what that space would maintain in Europe. Taught by the face of creation around them, where the course of every tiny rivulet, as it burst from the rocks, was marked by a rich luxuriance , the Damascenes of old availed themselves of the continual supply from the snows of Hermon or the heights of Anti-libanus, with a systematic diligence , of which, in our northern clime, as we have no need, so we have no idea. "Without the Barada," says Porter , "the city could not exist, and the plain would be a parched desert; but now aqueducts intersect every quarter, and fountains sparkle in almost every dwelling, while innumerable canals extend their ramifications over the vast plain, clothing it with verdure and beauty. Five of these canals are led off from the river at different elevations, before it enters the plain. They are carried along the precipitous banks of the ravine, being in some places tunnelled in the solid rock. The two on the northern side water Salahiyeh at the foot of the hills about a mile from the city, and then irrigate the higher portions of the plain to the distance of nearly twenty miles. Of the three on the south side, one is led to the populous village Daraya, five miles distant; the other two supply the city, its suburbs, and gardens."

The like use was made of every fountain in every larger or lesser plain. Of old it was said , "the Chrysorrhoas (the Barada) "is nearly expended in artificial channels." : "Damascus is fertile through drinking up the Chrysorrhoas by irrigation." Fourteen names of its canals are still given ; and while it has been common to select 7 or 8 chief canals, the whole have been counted up even to 70 . No art or labor was thought too great. The waters of the Fijeh were carried by a great aqueduct tunnelled through the side of the perpendicular cliff . Yet this was as nothing. Its whole plain was intersected with canals, and tunneled below. : "The waters of the river were spread over the surface of the soil in the fields and gardens; underneath, other canals were tunnelled to collect the superfluous water which percolates the soil, or from little fountains and springs below. The stream thus collected is led off to a lower level, where it comes to the surface. : "The whole plain is filled with these singular aqueducts, some of them running for 2 or 3 miles underground. Where the water of one is diffusing life and verdure over the surface, another branch is collecting a new supply." "In former days these extended over the whole plain to the lakes, thus irrigating the fields and gardens in every part of it."

Damascus then was, of old, famed for its beauty. Its white buildings, embedded in the deep green of its engirdling orchards, were like diamonds encircled by emeralds. They reach nearly to Anti-libanus westward , "and extend on both sides of the Barada some miles eastward. They cover an area at last 25 (or 30) miles in circuit, and make the environs an earthly Paradise." Whence the Arabs said , "If there is a garden of Eden on earth, it is Damascus; and if in heaven, Damascus is like it on earth." But this its beauty was also its strength. "The river," says William of Tyre , "having abundant water, supplies orchards on both banks, thick-set with fruit-trees, and flows eastward by the city wall. On the west and north the city was far and wide fenced by orchards, like thick dense woods, which stretched four or live miles toward Libanus. These orchards are a most exceeding defense; for from the density of the trees and the narrowness of the ways, it seemed difficult and almost impossible to approach the city on that side." Even to this day it is said , "The true defense of Damascus consists in its gardens, which, forming a forest of fruit-trees and a labyrinth of hedges, walls and ditches, for more than 7 leagues in circumference, would present no small impediment to a Mussulman enemy."

The advantage of its site doubtless occastoned its early choice. It lay on the best route from the interior of Asia to the Mediterranean, to Tyre, and even to Egypt. Chedorlaomer and the four kings with him, doubtless, came that way, since the first whom they smote were at Ashteroth Karnaim Genesis 14:5-6 in Jaulan or Gaulonitis, and thence they swept on southward, along the west side of Jordan, smiting, as they went, first the "Zuzim," (probably the same as the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:2 O) in Ammonitis; then "the Emim in the plain of Kiriathaim" in Moab Deuteronomy 9, 11, then "the Horites in Mount Seir unto Elparan" (probably Elath on the Gulf called from it.) They returned that way, since Abraham overtook them at Hobah near Damascus Genesis 14:15. Damascus was already the chief city, through its relation to which alone Hobah was known. It was on the route by which Abraham himself came at God's command from Haran (Charrae of the Greeks) whether over Tiphsaeh ("the passage," Thapsacus) or anymore northern passage over the Euphrates. The fact that his chief and confidential servant whom he entrusted to seek a wife for Isaac, and who was, at one time, his heir, was a Damascene Genesis 15:2-3, implies some intimate connection of Abraham with Damascus. At the time of our era, the name of Abraham was still held in honor in the country of Damascus ; a village was named from him "Abraham's dwelling;" and a native historian Nicolas said, that he reigned in Damascus on his way from the country beyond Babylon to Canaan. The name of his servant "Eliezer" "my God is help," implies that at this time too the servant was a worshiper of the One God. The name Damascus probably betokened the strenuous , energetic character of its founder.

Like the other names connected with Aram in the Old Testament , it is, in conformity with the common descent from Aram, Aramaic. It was no part of the territory assigned to Israel, nor was it molested by them. Judging, probably, of David's defensive conquests by its own policy, it joined the other Syrians who attacked David, was subdued, garrisoned, and became tributary 2 Samuel 8:5-6. It was at that time probably a subordinate power, whether on the ground of the personal eminence of Hadadezer king of Zobah, or any other. Certainly Hadadezer stands cut conspicuously; the Damascenes are mentioned only subordinately.

Consistently with this, the first mention of the kingdom of Damascus in Scripture is the dynasty of Rezon son of Eliada's, a fugitive servant of Hadadezer, who formed a marauding band, then settled and reigned in Damascus 1 Kings 11:23-24. Before this, Scripture speaks of the people only of Damascus, not of their kings. Its native historian admits that the Damascenes were, in the time of David, and continued to be, the aggressors, while he veils over their repeated defeats, and represents their kings, as having reigned successively from father to son, for ten generations, a thing unknown probably in any monarchy. : "A native, Adad, having gained great power, became king of Damascus and the rest of Syria, except Phoenicia. He, having carried war against David, king of Judaea, and disputed with him in many battles, and that finally at the Euaphrates where he was defeated, had the character of a most eminent king for prowess and valor. After his death, his descendants reigned for ten generations, each receiving from his father the name (Hadad) together with the kingdom, like the Ptolemies of Egypt. The third, having gained the greatest power of all, seeking to repair the defeat of his grandfather, warring against the Jews, wasted what is now callcd Samaritis." They could not brook a defeat, which they had brought upon themselves.

Rezon renewed, throughout the later part of Solomon's reign, the aggression of Hadad. On the schism of the ten tribes, the hostility of Damascus was concentrated against Israel who lay next to them. Abijam was in league with the father of Benhadad 1 Kings 15:19. Benhadad at once broke his league with Baasha at the request of Asa in his later mistrustful days 1 Chronicles 16:2-7, and turned against Baasha (1 Chronicles 16:2-7 and 1 Kings 15:20). From Omri also Benhadad I took cities and extorted "streets," probably a Damascus quarter, in Samaria itself 1 Kings 20:34. Benhadad II had "thirty-two" vassal "kings" 1 Kings 20:1, 1 Kings 20:24, (dependent kings like those of Canaan, each of his own city and little territory,) and led them against Samaria, intending to plunder it 1 Kings 20:6-7, and, on occasion of the plundering, probably to make it his own or to destroy it. By God's help they were twice defeated; the second time, when they directly challenged the power of God 1 Kings 20:22-25, 1 Kings 20:28, so signally that, had not Ahab been flattered by the appeal to his mercy 1 Kings 20:31-32, Syria would no more have been in a condition to oppress Israel. Benhadad promised to restore the cities which his father had taken from Israel, and to make an Israel-quarter in Damascus 1 Kings 20:34.

If this promise was fulfilled, Ramoth-Gilead must have been lost to Syria at an earlier period, since, three years afterward, Ahab perished in an attempt, by aid of Jehoshaphat, against the counsels of God, to recover it 1 Kings 22. Ramoth-Gilead being thus in the hands of Syria, all north of it, half of Dan and Manasseh beyond Jordan, must also have been conquered by Syria. Except the one great siege of Samaria, which brought it to extremities and which God dissipated by a panic which He infused into the Syrian army 2 Kings 7:6. Benhadad and Hazael encouraged only marauding expeditions against Israel during the 14 years of Ahaziah and Jehoram. Benhadad was, according to Assyrian inscriptions defeated thrice, Hazael twice, by Shalmanubar king of Assyria . Benhadad appears to have acted on the offensive, in alliance with the kings of the Hittites, the Hamathites and Phoenicians ; Hazael was attacked alone, driven to take refuge in Anti-libanus, and probably became tributary .

Assyrian chronicles relate only Assyrian victories. The brief notice, that through Naaman "the Lord gave deliverance to Syria" 2 Kings 5:1, probably refers to some signal check which Assyria received through him. For there was no other enemy, from whom Syria had to be "delivered." Subsequently to that retreat from Samaria, he even lost Ramoth 2 Kings 9:14-15 to Jehoram after a battle before it 2 Kings 8:29, in which Jehoram was wounded. It is a probable conjecture that Jehu, by his political submission to Assyria, drew on himself the calamities which Elisha foretold. Hazael probably became the instrument of God in chastening Israel, while he was avenging Jehu's submission to a power whom he dreaded and from whom he had suffered. Israel, having lost the help of Judah, became the easier prey. Hazael not only took from Israel all east of Jordan 2 Kings 10:32-33, but made the whole open country unsafe for the Israelites to dwell in.

Not until God "gave Israel a saviour," could they "dwell in their tents as beforetime" 2 Kings 13:5. Hazael extended his conquests to Gath 2 Kings 12:17, intending probably to open a connecting line with Egypt. "With a small company of men" he defeated a large army of Judah 2 Chronicles 24:23-24. Joash, king of Judah, bought him off, when advancing against Jerusalem, with everything of gold, consecrated or civil, in the temple or in his own treasures 2 Kings 12:18. Jehoash recovered from Benhadad III the cities this side Jordan 2 Kings 13:25; Jeroboam II, all their lost territories and even Damascus and Hamath 2 Kings 14:28. Yet after this, it was to recover its power under Rezin, to become formidable to Judah, and, through its aggressions on Judah, to bring destruction on itself. At this time, Damascus was probably, like ourselves, a rich, commercial, as well as warlike, but not as yet a manufacturing (see the note at Amos 3:12) nation. Its wealth, as a great emporium of transit-commerce, (as it is now) furnished it with sinews for war. The "white wool" Ezekiel 27:18, in which it traded with Tyre, implies the possession of a large outlying tract in the desert, where the sheep yield the whitest wool. It had then doubtless, beside the population of its plain, large nomadic hordes dependent upon it.

I will not turn away the punishment thereof - Literally, "I will not turn it back." What was this, which God would not turn back? Amos does not express it. Silence is often more emphatic than words. Not naming it, he leaves it the rather to be conceived of by the mind, as something which had been of old coming upon them to overwhelm them, which God had long stayed back, but which, since He would now stay it no longer, would burst in, with the more terrific and overwhelming might, because it had been restrained before. Sin and punishment are by a great law of God bound together. God's mercy holds back the punishment long, allowing only some slight tokens of His displeasure to show themselves, that the sinful soul or people may not be unwarned. When He no longer withholds it, the law of His moral government holds its course. "Seldom," said pagan experience , "hath punishment with lingering foot parted with the miscreant, advancing before."

Because they have threshed Gilead with threshing instruments of iron - The instrument, Jerome relates here, was "a sort of wain, rolling on iron wheels beneath, set with teeth; so that it both threshed out the grain and bruised the straw and cut it in pieces, as food for the cattle, for lack of hay." A similar instrument, called by nearly the same name, is still in use in Syria and Egypt. Elisha had foretold to Hazael his cruelty to Israel; "Their strong holds thou wilt set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children, and rip up their women with child" 2 Kings 8:12. Hazael, like others gradually steeped in sin, thought it impossible, but did it. In the days of Jehu, "Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel from Jordan eastward; all the land of Gilead, the Gadites and the Reubenites and the Manassites, from Arorer which is by the River Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan" 2 Kings 10:32-33; in those of Jehoahaz, Jehu's son, "he oppressed them, neither did he leave of the people to Jehoahaz but fifty horsemen and ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen, for the king of Syria had destroyed them, and had made them like the dust by threshing" 2 Kings 13:7. The death here spoken of, although more ghastly, was probably not more severe than many others; not nearly so severe as some which have been used by Christian Judicatures. It is mentioned in the Proverbs, as a capital punishment Proverbs 20:26; and is alluded to as such by Isaiah Isa 28:28. David had had, for some cause unexplained by Holy Scripture, to inflict it on the Ammonites 2 Samuel 12:31; 1 Chronicles 20:3. Probably not the punishment in itself alone, but the attempt so to extirpate the people of God brought down this judgment on Damascus.

Theodoret supposes the horrible aggravation, that it was thus that the women with child were destroyed with their children, "casting the aforesaid women, as into a sort of threshing-floor, they savagely threshed them out like ears of grain with saw-armed wheels."

Gilead is here doubtless to be taken in its widest sense, including all the possessions of Israel, east of Jordan, as, in the account of Hazael's conquests, "all the land of Gilead" 2 Kings 10:32-33 is explained to mean, all which was ever given to the two tribes and a half, and to include Gilead proper, as distinct from Basan. In like way Joshua relates, that "the children of Reuben and the children of Gad and the ha! f tribe of Manasseh returned to go into the country of Gilead, to the land of their possessions" Joshua 22:9. Throughout that whole beautiful tract, including 2 12 degrees of latitude, Hazael had carried on his war of extermination into every peaceful village and home, sparing neither the living nor the unborn.

4

Amos 1:4

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「我必降火在哈薛的家」——这火大概既是实际的火,即战争中焚烧城邑的火(因为他接着说"必吞灭便哈达的宫殿"),也如古谚所言,象征战争中其他一切的严酷:"有火从希实本发出,有火焰从西宏的城出来,烧尽了摩押的亚珥和亚嫩高处的诸主"(Numbers 21:28);又象征全能神的不悦,如他所说:"我的怒气如火着起,烧到阴间的深处"(Deuteronomy 32:22)。因为这火所毁坏的,不仅是属血气的建筑,更是"哈薛的家",即他的全家。在这些预言中,向那七个民族七次宣告了火的报应——这是一切不义将被扔入之永火的形象。

「便哈达的宫殿」——哈薛既谋杀了他的主人便哈达、篡了他的王位,便给他儿子起了那被他谋害之主人的名字,大概是为了使自己的家系与古王朝相连。便哈达——即偶像"哈达"(或作"太阳")的儿子或敬拜者——曾是旧王朝两位王的名字。当时在位的是便哈达三世。先知预告这以血奠立的王朝将彻底灭亡。这预言大概应验在哈薛家的覆灭上;亚哈斯时代叙利亚王利汛与哈薛家并无已知的关系。战败——如便哈达三世败于攻取大马士革本身的耶罗波安二世——常常是篡位王朝的终结:它除了成功之外别无可敬的凭据,失败便使它惟一的资格归于无效。"哈薛"这名字意为"神所看的",隐约承认独一的神,正如"神是善的"他比勒(Tab-el)、"神所认识的"以利亚大(El-iada)一样;这样的承认,也夹杂在那些偶像崇拜的名字之中——"临门是善的"他伯利们(Tab-Rimmon)、"哈达是帮助"哈大底谢(Hadad-ezer)、以及哈达或便哈达。恶人滥用神的一切受造物、典章和安排。因此,正如西拿基立所自夸的:"我上来攻击毁灭这地,岂没有耶和华的意思吗?耶和华对我说:上去攻击那地,毁灭它"(Isaiah 36:10);哈薛大概也利用以利沙的预言,自命为神的鞭子,并自视为那"神所看的人"。

预知将来,是一件可畏的恩赐。正如"惟有全知才能驾驭全能",超人的知识也需要超人的智慧与圣洁的恩赐。哈薛似乎藉着那本该成为他警戒的知识,反而在罪中刚硬了自己。他大概早已怀着杀意——若主人不死于自然之死便下手——来到以利沙面前;以利沙把他读给了他自己看。但他极可能以以利沙曾预告他必作王(2 Kings 8:13)为理由,为自己已蓄谋的事自辩;在屠杀神子民之时,又自命为神的器皿——他事实上也确是。"神的鞭子"们知道自己是什么,尽管他们既以罪恶的方式成就神的旨意,罪并不因此减轻(见 Hosea 1:4 注释)。我们曾听见一位基督教皇帝常常谈论他的"使命",尽管他的"使命"已经使许多基督徒流血。

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And I will send a fire on the house of Hazael - The fire is probably at once material fire, whereby cities are burned in war, since he adds, "it shall devour the palaces of Benhadad," and also stands as a symbol of all other severity in war as in the ancient proverb, "a fire is gone out from Heshbon, a flame from the city of Sihon; it hath consumed Ar of Moab, the lords of the high places of Arnon" Numbers 21:28; and again of the displeasure of Almighty God, as when He says, "a fire is kindled in Mine anger, and it shall burn unto the lowest hell" Deuteronomy 32:22. For the fire destroys not the natural buildings only, but "the house of Hazael," that is, his whole family. In these prophecies, a sevenfold vengeance by fire is denounced against the seven people, an image of the eternal fire into which all iniquity shall be cast.

The palaces of Benhadad - Hazael, having murdered Benhadad his master and ascended his throne, called Iris son after his murdered master, probably in order to connect his own house with the ancient dynasty. Benhadad, that is, son or worshiper of the idol "Hadad," or "the sun," had been the name of two of the kings of the old dynasty. Benhadad III was at this time reigning. The prophet foretells the entire destruction of the dynasty founded in blood. The prophecy may have had a fulfillment in the destruction of the house of Hazael, with whose family Rezin, the king of Syria in the time of Ahaz, stands in no known relation. Defeats, such as those of Benhadad III by Jeroboam II who took Damascus itself, are often the close of an usurping dynasty. Having no claim to regard except success, failure vitiates its only title. The name Hazael, "whom God looked upon," implies a sort of owning of the One God, like Tab-el, "God is good," El-iada', "whom God knoweth," even amid the idolatry in the names, Tab-Rimmon, "good is Rimmon;" Hadad-ezer, "Hadad is help;" and Hadad, or Benhadad. Bad men abuse every creature, or ordinance, or appointment of God. It may be then that, as Sennacherib boasted, "am I now come up without the Lord against this land" to destroy it? the Lord said unto me, Go up against this land and destroy it" Isaiah 36:10; so Hazael made use of the prophecy of Elisha, to give himself out as the scourge of God, and thought of himself as one "on whom God looked."

Knowledge of futurity is an awful gift. As "Omniscience alone can wield Omnipotence," so superhuman knowledge needs superhuman gifts of wisdom and holiness. Hazael seemingly hardened himself in sin by aid of the knowledge which should have been his warning. Probably he came to Elisha, with the intent to murder his master already formed, in case he should not die a natural death; and Elisha read him to himself. But he very probably justified himself to himself in what he had already purposed to do, on the ground that Elisha had foretold to him that he should be king over 2 Kings 8:13, and, in his massacres of God's people, gave himself out as being, what he was, the instrument of God. "Scourges of God" have known themselves to be what they were, although they themselves were not the less sinful, in sinfully accomplishing the Will of God (see the note at Hosea 1:4). We have heard of a Christian Emperor, who has often spoken of his "mission," although his "mission" has already cost the shedding of much Christian blood.

5

Amos 1:5

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在 Isaiah 51:8,伊甸被提为一处人尽皆知的国度,并以肥沃著称:

"耶和华必安慰锡安, 安慰她一切的荒场, 使她的旷野像伊甸, 使她的沙漠像耶和华的园囿。"

同样,在 Ezekiel 27:23,我们见到伊甸与哈兰、干尼并提。干尼大概就是 Genesis 10:10 的甲尼、Isaiah 10:9 的迦勒挪,无疑位于美索不达米亚,因为它是与已知位于该处的诸城并提的(另参 Ezekiel 31:9、Ezekiel 31:16、Ezekiel 31:18)。这一切经文都证明确有这样一个国度,并证明它或在美索不达米亚境内,或在其毗邻之地;如今已无法指明它确切的疆界。

「从特拉撒」——这地方在圣经别处没有提及,因此其位置无从知晓。按上下文,它应在美索不达米亚。古地名的失落与更迭如此频繁,往往无法确定其确切的位置。

「我必折断大马士革的门闩」——在东方,每一座城都设防;坚固城邑的门包上铁皮,使仇敌无法焚烧;门内用铜闩(1 Kings 4:13)或铁闩(Psalm 107:16;Isaiah 45:2;比较 Isaiah 48:14;Jeremiah 51:30)闩住。门两侧有塔楼环卫,门上加盖楼堡,于是那本是全城最薄弱、仇敌最易接近之处,反成了最坚固的防线。在豪兰,至今仍存有高九至十英尺、厚一英尺半的整块巨石凿成的大门与城门,与这种门相称的"沉重门闩的闩槽"也"仍可看见"。城墙或被攻城锤撞松,或被土垒越过;坚固的城门很少被正面强攻;而一旦破口打开,城门便从里面敞开。"折断门闩",就等于把城敞开在仇敌面前,任他随意出入。大马士革王国的全部力量都在首都:它既是帝国的都城,也就等于帝国本身。所以神说,他必亲自粉碎他们一切抵抗的手段,粉碎一切能拦阻仇敌长驱直入的东西。

「剪除亚文平原的居民」——按字面是"虚谷的居民":"比卡"(Bik'ah)指山间的宽谷。这里无疑是指那至今仍被阿拉伯人称为埃尔布卡、被推罗的威廉称为拉布克亚(La Boquea)的富丽谷地,位于黎巴嫩与前黎巴嫩之间,即狭义的古叙利亚谷地(Coele-Syria)。它处于高地,是那条沿约旦河、死海和亚拉巴直抵红海的长深山谷的延续。从南端的卡拉特埃什沙基夫到胡姆斯(埃米萨),其全长曾计为七天的路程;南端渐窄,北端渐宽,但直到利比拉以北十英里,才谈得上失去谷地之性。

谷的中部是巴勒贝克,即海利奥波利斯;据说古时埃及的太阳崇拜,就是从他们的"太阳城"传到那里。巴勒贝克,正如废墟所仍见证的,充满了对太阳的敬拜。而那整条美丽的谷地——"一片壮丽的景观",据说"铺满青翠与美色","是一颗深卧于群山之谷中的宝石"——乃是一座偶像的堡垒。巴力黑门这名字,把黑门山本身——那高耸于谷东南端之上、终年积雪的高峰——与巴力即太阳的敬拜连在一起,而且从士师的时代就如此(Judges 3:3)。巴力迦得这名字,把"黎巴嫩谷"——大概就是大谷的南端——与同一敬拜相连,其时还在约书亚以先(Joshua 11:17;Joshua 12:7;Joshua 13:5)。

巴勒贝克这名字,大概是古名巴力比卡(Baal-bik'ah)——"谷之巴力"——的缩写,与邻近的巴力黑门相对。"整座黑门山环列着庙宇。""有八九座庙宇聚在它四周";更值得注意的是,有一座庙的朝向恰"为捕捉太阳从黑门山顶升起的第一缕光线";而山两侧的庙宇也都朝向它,如朝着一个中心。

在耶柔米的时代,异教徒仍崇敬山顶一座著名的庙宇。在中央峰顶——高于谷底三千英尺、冬季不可攀登之处,东望旷野日出、西观海上日落——至今仍可见一圈巨石砌成的圆形墙基,一座粗朴的古庙;后来在其中又建起一座希腊艺术的庙宇。"前黎巴嫩山脉的另外三座峰顶上,也有极古的废墟。""布卡谷及其四缘满是类似的建筑。"

"黎巴嫩、前黎巴嫩和其间的谷地,遍布古庙。"有些确属希腊式,另一些则是叙利亚-腓尼基式;希腊式庙宇大概是从叙利亚-腓尼基式复兴而来。巴勒贝克那些"巨大的基座,被推测属于一座更早的庙宇"。新名"海利奥波利斯"(太阳城)不过是以所拜对象(太阳)之名,代替了"主"这称号。异教诸帝若非其异教声名投合了他们的迷信或政策,绝不会在叙利亚谷地的一座庙上挥霍如此浩大而奇异的费用和华丽工艺。在黎巴嫩西坡的阿夫卡(阿菲卡),阿多尼斯河源之处有维纳斯庙,是最可憎的叙利亚偶像崇拜的中心,"是一切放荡之徒的作恶学校"。

在海利奥波利斯,人还"无耻地使自己的妻女蒙羞"。叛教者尤利安(Julian the Apostate)年间异教在那里的大爆发,显明其偶像崇拜何等根深蒂固。因此,阿摩司大概是称那整条美丽山谷之民所居之谷为"虚妄之谷"或"罪孽之谷",向他们宣判:他们全然陷于那使叙利亚蒙羞的最坏偶像崇拜。这里,作为偶像崇拜的营垒,神主要的审判将要临到;这里的居民要被"剪除",即全然除灭;对其余各地,所宣判的只是被掳。亚述诸王并不罕于处死藐视其宗教的人,因此他们可能在不知不觉中执行了神的判决。

「伯伊甸」——一个专有而含意的名字:Beth-Eden,即"欢乐之家"。这名字与亚述的伊甸(2 Kings 19:12;Isaiah 37:12;Ezekiel 27:23)一样,为别于人类第一个家园,读作"埃登"(EH-den),而非"伊登"(EE-den)。因名字相近,比卡谷近旁两处、谷中一处,被认为就是这"欢乐之家"。

其一,就位置与气候而论最美的,是那个大概被误读为埃登(Ehden)的地方:一座马龙派村庄,"有四五百家,坐落在一道精耕细作之富谷的坡上",在从的黎波里往雪松林去的路上、贝什拉伊附近。其气候被形容为十个月的春天;"山坡开成层层梯田,直上山巅";各处满是至丰富、至美丽的草木;"五谷倾入人的怀抱,酒无度量地注入他的杯"。"谷坡一片青翠,比山更为丰产;黎巴嫩的泉四处涌流,清新、凉爽、声如乐音。"的黎波里的富家至今仍到那里避暑,"气候因雪山的临近而和缓,草木因海上吹来的柔风而繁茂"。它至今仍被称为"黎巴嫩的乐园"。

其二,贝特詹内(Beit-el-Janne),字面即"乐园之家",正是伯伊甸的阿拉伯语译名。它"卧在黎巴嫩(黑门)山根之下,涌出清水",推罗的威廉说,"因此被称为'欢乐之家'"。它位于一道稍见开阔的窄谷中,离大马士革平原约三刻钟的路程,在该城往巴尼亚斯去的路上约二十七英里处。"上下四周无数的岩凿坟墓,见证这遗址的古远。"它把自己的名字给了詹纳尼河(乐园河)——构成大马士革第二条大河阿瓦季河的两条溪流之一。

其三,是希腊人的帕拉迪苏斯(Paradisus),老底嘉三城之一,与圣经之名只是偶然相合:他们的帕拉迪苏斯指的不是人间的乐园,而是"猎苑"。其地正适合此用;但在那水源如此丰沛、土壤肥得似乎不烦人力便自披盛装的国度里,这大概是古帕拉迪苏斯的旧址,却荒芜得不可救药。伯伊甸也许是大马士革王属下一位藩王的居所,要随其宗主的倾覆同遭灭亡;也许是大马士革王自己的夏宫——在他倚靠假神、仿佛置身欢乐乐园之中时,神要在那里把他全然剪除。财富和人的任何偶像,都不能庇护人脱离神。亚当因罪被逐出乐园;大马士革的君王也照样被逐出他们行乐与犯罪之地。

「亚兰人必被掳到吉珥」——叙利亚(亚兰)在大马士革治下,也许当时已囊括幼发拉底河此岸从前分裂而成的诸小国;至少,经上把它当作一个整体来提,没有早前史书中"伯利合亚兰、琐巴亚兰、玛迦亚兰"那些附加的称谓。被掳之前,大马士革被称为"叙利亚的头"(Isaiah 7:8)。

"吉珥"被认为是:(一)伊比利亚近库尔河之地,库尔河与阿拉克斯河汇合,近里海,在亚美尼亚以北;(二)希腊人称为库雷纳(Kourena)或库尔纳(Kourna)的城,在南米底亚的马尔杜斯河上;(三)一城名卡里内(Karine),即今之凯伦德(Kerend)。第一种最有可能,因为它最为人熟知;库尔(Kur)大概构成今日"库尔吉斯坦"——我们的"格鲁吉亚"——之名的一部分。至少,位于库尔河以南的亚美尼亚,在楔形铭文中常被提及为亚述诸王征战并得胜之地。西拿基立那两个弑父的儿子,逃往他们父帝国的一处远地,与逃出帝国之外,可能性是一样的(Isaiah 37:38);他们逃往那里,也许正是以撒哈顿后来对那地开战的理由。那地方历来为被逐出别国之人提供庇护。亚美尼亚人晚出的本族传说,把一些从美索不达米亚逃来躲避巴比伦王彼勒之轭的人,算作他们最早的居民。无论这些个别传说价值如何,其山间的谷地确实是逃亡者天然的庇护所。

大概因着某种暴政——如亚述人当年在宁录面前逃奔的那种——亚兰人最早寄身于亚美尼亚和格鲁吉亚的群山之中,其后又散布到我们后来发现他们的美索不达米亚低地。然而"亚兰"之名与"亚美尼亚"毫无关联;亚美尼亚本身也不是那地的本名,大概是希腊人从他们听来的名字演化而成。亚兰(Aram)意为"高",显然是描述闪的这个儿子、以及其他同名者的某种品质;相反,迦南(不论是否预示他日后因参与含的罪而堕落的品格)也许意为"屈身"。但亚兰并无"高地"之义,迦南也无"低地"之义——那不过是近人的臆说。

叙利亚人的先祖,是自愿地、在神那美善全智的护理之下,从吉珥被带出来的;叙利亚人却要违背己意,被带回吉珥。大马士革的亚兰人曾被领到一片以肥沃秀美著称、素来并被今日仍被人誉为乐园之地。如今,他们既已被奢侈消磨,就要被迁回那严峻却有益健康的、他们所自出的气候。他们既滥用神所赐的力量图谋根除以色列,如今自己也要被全然拔除。阿摩司所预告的被掳是完全的——照那词的意思,是使那地居民尽被掳空的迁移。这样的被掳,除了十支派,他只对这两个民族作绝对的预告(对亚扪的王和首领也是如此,Amos 1:15);对推罗、非利士诸城、以东、亚扪、摩押,都没有。这刑罚当时并未临到叙利亚,而是临到利汛的日子——他也曾欺压犹大。罪既未断绝,刑罚也就延及后代。

提革拉毗列色在此后约五十年把他们掳去,并杀了利汛(2 Kings 16:9)。论到这两个民族,阿摩司是绝对地预告被掳。而当时没有任何属人的可能性,没有任何根据——除非出于神的默示——能特别指着这两个民族预言此事。他们被掳发生得太晚,非人的远见所能逆料;又早于犹大被掳足够久,其应验本足以使犹大警醒——只要他们肯。整族迁移的政策,后来成为波斯和晚期亚述帝国的常策,而就我们所知,在先知的时代还全然不属于东方的政策。埃及征服者塞索斯特里斯早于阿摩司几个世纪,据说曾把所征服诸族的"许多人"、"一大群人"聚拢来,用于他的建筑和运河。

连这记载也得不到埃及碑铭的支持;希腊人归于塞索斯特里斯的功业,被认为是第十九王朝两位君王——塞托斯一世与拉美西斯二世——的事迹,掺和了第十二王朝的乌萨尔泰森三世与第十八王朝图特摩斯三世的事迹。但从战场带走少量俘虏,与政治性地迁移一个民族,完全是两回事:其中毫无系统性或计划性,不过是把战争送到手里的用作奴仆。埃及诸王利用这一资源,是为在他们的宏大工程——或实用或虚荣——上节省本族子民的劳力。这些被使用的俘虏不过是奴隶群体,与别国在矿场和田亩中劳作的人相似。他们也同样使用和平迁入的以色列人:他们早期的工程用本地劳力完成;在图特摩斯三世以后——其治下有最早以俘虏服苦役的图景——他们在鼎盛时期便可以爱惜本族子民了。他们输入劳力,不是靠奴隶买卖,而是靠战争。努比亚被并入埃及,努比亚俘虏当然不在本族之地、而在埃及北部服役;亚细亚俘虏则用在努比亚。但他们是战役中的俘虏,不是整个人口;是埃及土地上的外来成分,不是属民人口的互换。无疑,那与以色列一同"从埃及上来"的"闲杂人"(Exodus 12:38),部分就是这些受过同样重轭苦役的亚细亚俘虏。

后期亚述、巴比伦和波斯那些强制迁移的目的与规模则完全不同:其意图是把人民迁离本土,或至多只留下那些因稀少贫穷而无力反叛的人。楔形铭文在很大的程度上,向我们展示了亚述诸王自述的征服记录。但是,尽管撒珥根、西拿基立、以撒哈顿较晚的铭文一再提到人口的迁移,阿舒尔丹尼帕(Asshurdanipal)或阿舒拉赫巴勒(Asshurakhbal)较早的编年史,只提到把士兵掳为囚、把妇女掳去;也提到收纳奴隶为贡物、牛羊的数目、所掳走的财物产业和诸民的诸神。此外,王所叙述的,是他怎样把武装的人或百姓钉死、刺死、处死;但在他任何一次出征中,都没有提到人口的迁移。现代作者常常假定民族迁移是亚洲诸王世代相承的政策,但在这个时期以前,找不到一个实例。它似乎是一项晚出的政策,最早由提革拉毗列色对大马士革和巴勒斯坦东部、北部施行,却被先知在它被采用之前许久预告了。这大概出于经验:他们发现,若让这些民族留在故土,就无法使他们依附自己。就我们的知识所及,先知是在尚无任何此类迁移先例之时,预告了这些民族的被迁。

영문 원문

In Isaiah 51:8, Eden is referred to as a country well known, and as distinguished for its fertility:

For Yahweh shall comfort Zion;

He will comfort all her waste places,

And he will make her wilderness like Eden,

And her desert like the garden of Yahweh.

Thus also in Ezekiel 27:23, we find Eden mentioned in connection with Haran and Canneh. Canneh was probably the same as Calneh Genesis 10:10, the Calno of Isaiah Isa 10:9, and was, doubtless, situated in Mesopotamia, since it is joined with cities that are known to have been there (compare also Ezekiel 31:9, Ezekiel 31:16, Ezekiel 31:18). All these passages demonstrate that there was such a country, and prove also that it was either in Mesopotamia, or in a country adjacent to Mesopotamia. It is not, however, possible now to designate its exact boundaries.

In Telassar - This place is nowhere else mentioned in the Scriptures. Nothing, therefore, is known of its situation. The connection demands that it should be in Mesopotamia. The names of ancient places were so often lost or changed that it is often impossible to fix their exact locality.

Amos 1:5I will also break the bar of Damascus - In the East, every city was fortified; the gates of the stronger cities were cased in iron, that they might not be set on fire by the enemy; they were fastened within with bars of brass 1 Kings 4:13 or iron (Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2; compare Isaiah 48:14; Jeremiah 51:3 O). They were flanked with towers, and built over, so that what was naturally the weakest point and the readiest access to an enemy became the strongest defense. In Hauran the huge doors and gates of a single stone 9 and 10 feet high , and 1 12 foot thick , are still extant, and "the place for the ponderous bars," proportioned to such gates, "may yet be seen." The walls were loosened with the battering-ram, or scaled by mounds: the strong gate was seldom attacked; but, when a breach was made, was thrown open from within. The "breaking of the bar" laid open the city to the enemy, to go in and come out at his will. The whole strength of the kingdom of Damascus lay in the capital. It was itself the seat of the empire and was the empire itself. God says then, that He Himself would shiver all their means of resistance, whatever could hinder the inroad of the enemy.

And cut off the inhabitant from the plain of Aven - Literally, "from the vale of vanity," the "Bik'ah" being a broad vale between hills . Here it is doubtless the rich and beautiful valley, still called el-bukaa by the Arabs, La Boquea by William of Tyre , lying between Lebanon and Anti-libanus, the old Coele-Syria in its narrowest sense. It is, on high ground, the continuation of that long deep valley which, along the Jordan, the Dead sea, and the Arabah, reaches to the Red Sea. lts extreme length, from its southern close at Kal'at-esh-shakif to Hums (Emesa) has been counted at 7 days journey ; it narrows toward its southern extremity, expands at its northern, yet it cannot any how be said to lose its character of a valley until 10 miles north of Riblah .

Midway, on its ," was Baalbek, or Heliopolis, where the Egyptian worship is said to have been brought of old times from their "city of the sun ." Baalbek, as the ruins still attest, was full of the worship of the sun. But the whole of that beautiful range, "a magnificent vista" , it has been said, "carpeted with verdure and beauty" , "a gem lying deep in its valley of mountains," was a citadel of idolatry. The name Baal-Hermon connects Mount Hermon itself, the snow-capped height which so towers over its southeast extremity, with the worship of Baal or the sun, and that, from the time of the Judges Jdg 3:3. The name Baal-gad connects "the valley of Lebanon," that is, most probably the south end of the great valley, with the same worship, anterior to Joshua Jos 11:17; Joshua 12:7; Joshua 13:5.

The name Baalbek is probably an abbreviation of the old name, Baal-bik'ah , "Baal of the valley," in contrast with the neighboring Baalhermon. : "The whole of Hermon was girded with temples." : "Some eight or ten of them cluster round it," and, which is more remarkable, one is built" to catch the first beams of the sun rising over Hermon;" and temples on its opposite sides face toward it, as a sort of center .

In Jerome's time, the pagan still reverenced a celebrated temple on its summit . On the crest of its central peak, 3,000 feet above the glen below, in winter inaccessible, beholding far asunder the rising and the setting sun on the eastern desert and in the western sea, are still seen the foundations of a circular wall or ring of large stones, a rude temple, within which another of Grecian art was subsequently built . "On three other peaks of the Anti-libanus range are ruins of great antiquity" . : "The Bukaa and its borders are full of the like buildings."

"Lebanon, Anti-lebanon and the valleys between are thronged with ancient temples" . Some indeed were Grecian, but others Syro-Phoenician. The Grecian temples were probably the revival of Syro-Phoenician. The "massive substructions of Baalbek are conjectured to have been those of an earlier temple." The new name "Heliopolis" only substituted the name of the object of worship (the sun) for its title Lord. The pagan emperors would not have lavished so much and such wondrous cost and gorgeous art on a temple in Coele-Syria, had not its pagan celebrity recommended it to their superstition or their policy. On the west side of Lebanon at Afca, (Apheca) was the temple of Venus at the source of the River Adonis , a center of the most hateful Syrian idolatry , "a school of misdoing for all profligates."

At Heliopolis too, men "shamelessly gave their wives and daughters to shame." The outburst of paganism there in the reign of Julian the Apostate shows how deeply rooted was its idolatry. Probably then, Amos pronounces the sentence of the people of that whole beautiful vale, as "valley of vanity" or "iniquity" , being wholly given to that worst idolatry which degraded Syria. Here, as the seat of idolatry, the chief judgments of God were to fall. Its inhabitants were to be cut off, that is, utterly destroyed; on the rest, captivity is the only sentence pronounced. The Assyrian monarchs not unfrequently put to death those who despised their religion , and so may herein have executed blindly the sentence of God.

From the house of Eden - A Proper, but significant, name, "Beth-Eden," that is, "house of pleasure." The name, like the Eden of Assyria 2 Kings 19:12; Isaiah 37:12; Ezekiel 27:23, is, in distinction from man's first home, pronounced "EH-den," not "EE-den" . Two places near, and one in, the Bik'ah have, from similarity of name, been thought to be this "house of delight."

  1. Most beautiful now for situation and climate, is what is probably mispronounced Ehden; a Maronite Village "of 4 or 500 families, on the side of a rich highly-cultivated valley" near Beshirrai on the road from Tripolis to the Cedars. Its climate is described as a ten months spring ; "the hills are terraced up to their summits;" and every place full of the richest, most beautiful, vegetation; "grain is poured out into the lap of man, and wine into his cup without measure." "The slopes of the valleys, one mass of verdure, are yet more productive than the hills; the springs of Lebanon gushing down, fresh, cool and melodious in every direction ." The wealthier families of Tripoli still resort there for summer, "the climate being tempered by the proximity of the snow-mountains, the most luxuriant vegetation favored by the soft airs from the sea . "It is still counted" the Paradise of Lebanon."

2.-Beit-el-Janne, literally, "house of Paradise," is an Arabic translation of Beth-Eden. It "lies under the root of Libanus, (Hermon) gushing forth clear water, whence," says WilIiam of Tyre , "it is called 'house of pleasure.'" It lies in a narrow valley, where it widens a little, about 34 of an hour from the plain of Damascus , and about 27 miles from that city on the way from Banias. : "Numerous rock-tombs, above and around, bear testimony to the antiquity of the site." It gives its name to the Jennani (Paradise River), one of two streams which form the second great river near Damascus, the Awadj.

  1. The third, the Paradisus of the Greeks, one of the three towns of Laodicene , agrees only accidentally with the Scripture name, since their Paradisus signifies not an earthly Paradise, but a "hunting-park." For this the site is well suited; but in that country so abounding in water, and of soil so rich that the earth seems ready, on even slight pains of man, to don itself in luxuriant beauty, what probably is the site of the old Paradisus, is hopelessly barren Beth-Eden may have been the residence of one of the subordinate kings under the king of Damascus, who was to be involved in the ruin of his suzerain; or it may have been a summer-residence of the king of Damascus himself, where, in the midst of his trust in his false gods, and in a Paradise, as it were, of delight, God would cut him off altogether. Neither wealth nor any of a man's idols protect against God. As Adam, for sin, was expelled from Paradise, so the rulers of Damascus from the place of their pleasure and their sin.

And the people of Syria shall go into captivity - Syria or Aram perhaps already included, under the rule of Damascus, all the little kingdoms on this side of the Euphrates, into which it had been formerly sub-divided. At least, it is spoken of as a whole, without any of the additions which occur in the earlier history, Aram-beth-rehob, Aramzobah, Aram-Maachah. Before its captivity Damascus is spoken of as "the head of Syria" Isaiah 7:8.

Into Kir - Kir has been identified:

(1) with the part of Iberia near the River Kur which unites with the Araxes, not far from the Caspian, to the north of Armenia;

(2) a city called by the Greeks Kourena or Kourna on the River Mardus in southern Media;

(3) a city, Karine , the modern Kerend .

The first is the most likely, as the most known; the Kur is part probably of the present name Kurgistan, our "Georgia." Armenia at least which lay on the south of the River Kur, is frequently mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions, as a country where the kings of Assyria warred and conquered . The two parricide sons of Sennacherib are as likely to have fled Isaiah 37:38 to a distant portion of their father's empire, as beyond it. Their flight there may have been the ground of Esarhaddon's war against it . It has at all times afforded a shelter to those expelled from others' lands . The domestic, though late, traditions of the Armenians count as their first inhabitants some who had fled out of Mesopotamia to escape the yoke of Bel, king of Babylon . Whatever be the value of particular traditions, its mountain-valleys form a natural refuge to fugitives.

On occasion of some such oppression, as that from which Asshur fled before Nimrod , Aram may have been the first of those who took shelter in the mountains of Armenia and Georgia, and thence spread themselves, where we afterward find them, in the lowlands of Mesopotamia. The name Aram, however, is in no way connected with Armenia, which is itself no indigenous name of that country, but was probably formed by the Greeks, from a name which they heard . The name Aram, "lofty," obviously describes some quality of the son of Shem, as of others who bore the name . Contrariwise, Canaan, (whether or no anticipating his future degraded character as partaking in the sin of Ham) may signify "crouching." But neither has Aram any meaning of "highland," nor Canaan of "lowland," as has of late been imagined. .

From Kir the forefathers of the Syrians had, of their own will, been brought by the good all-disposing Providence of God; to Kir should the Syrians, against their will, be carried back. Aram of Damascus had been led to a land which, for its fertility and beauty, has been and is still praised as a sort of Paradise. Now, softened as they were by luxury, they were to be transported back to the austere though healthy climate, from where they had come. They had abused the might given to them by God, in the endeavor to uproot Israel; now they were themselves to be utterly uprooted. The captivity which Amos foretells is complete; a captivity by which (as the word means) the land should be bared of its inhabitants. Such a captivity he foretells of no other, except the ten tribes. He foretells it absolutely of these two nations alone , of the king and princes of Ammon Amos 1:15, not of Tyre, or the cities of Philistia, or Edom, or Ammon, or Moab. The punishment did not reach Syria in those days, but in those of Rezin who also oppressed Judah. The sin not being cut off; the punishment too was handed down.

Tiglath-pileser carried them away, about 50 years after this, and killed Rezin 2 Kings 16:9. In regard to these two nations, Amos foretells the captivity absolutely. Yet at this time, there was no human likelihood, no ground, except of a divine knowledge, to predict it of these two nations especially. They went into captivity too long after this for human foresight to predict it; yet long enough before the captivity of Judah for the fulfillment to have impressed Judah if they would. The transportation of whole populations, which subsequently became part of the standing policy of the Persian and of the later Assyrian Empires, was not, as far as we know, any part of Eastern policy at the time of the prophet. Sesostris, the Egyptian conqueror, some centuries before Amos, is related to have brought together "many men," "a crowd," from the nations whom he had subdued, and to have employed them on his buildings and canals.

Even this account has received no support from the Egyptian monuments, and the deeds ascribed by the Greeks to Sesostris have been supposed to be a blending of those of two monarchs of the xix. Dynasty, Sethos I and Raamses II, interwoven with those of Ousartesen III((Dynasty xii.) and Tothmosis III((Dyn. xviii). But the carrying away of tiny number of prisoners from fields of battle is something altogether different from the political removal of a nation. It had in it nothing systematic or designed. It was but the employment of those whom war had thrown into their hands, as slaves. The Egyptian monarchs availed themselves of this resource, to spare the labor of their native subjects in their great works of utility or of vanity. But the prisoners so employed were but a slave population, analogous to those who, in other nations, labored in the mines or in agriculture.

They employed in the like way the Israelites, whom they had received peacefully. Their earlier works were carried on by native labor . After Tothmosis III, in whose reign is the first representation of prisoners employed in forced labor , they could, during their greatness, spare their subjects. They imported labor, not by slave trade, but through war. Nubia was incorporated with Egypt , and Nubian prisoners were, of course, employed, not in their own country but in the north of Egypt; Asiatic prisoners in Nubia . But they were prisoners made in a campaign, not a population; a foreign element in Egyptian soil, not an interchange of subject-populations. Doubtless, "the mixed multitude" Exodus 12:38, which "went up with" Israel from Egypt, were in part these Asiatic captives, who had been subjected to the same hard bondage.

The object and extent of those forced transportations by the later Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians were altogether different. Here the intention was to remove the people from their original seat, or at most to leave those only who, from their fewness or poverty, would be in no condition to rebel. The cuneiform inscriptions have brought before us, to a great extent, the records of the Assyrian conquests, as given by their kings. But whereas the later inscriptions of Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, mention repeatedly the deportation of populations, the earlier annals of Asshurdanipal or Asshurakhbal relate the carrying off of soldiers only as prisoners, and women as captives . They mention also receiving slaves as tributes, the number of oxen and sheep, the goods and possessions and the gods of the people which they carry off .

Else the king relates, how he crucified or impaled or put to death men at arms or the people generally, but in no one of his expeditions does he mention any deportation. Often as modern writers assume, that the transportation of nations was part of the hereditary policy of the Monarchs of Asia, no instances before this period have been found. It appears to have been a later policy, first adopted by Tiglath-pileser toward Damascus and east and north Palestine, but foretold by the prophet long before it was adopted. It was the result probably of experience, that they could not keep these nations in dependence upon themselves while they left them in their old abodes. As far as our knowledge reaches, the prophet foretold the removal of these people, at a time when no instance of any such removal had occurred.

6

Amos 1:6

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Gaza - Was the southernmost city of the Philistines, as it was indeed of Canaan Genesis 10:19 of old, the last inhabited place at the beginning of the desert, on the way from Phoenicia to Egypt . Its situation was wonderfully chosen, so that, often as a Gaza has been destroyed, a new city has, if even after long intervals, risen up again in the same immediate neighborhood . The fragments of the earlier city became materials for the later. It was first Canaanite Genesis 10:19; then Philistine; then, at least after Alexander, Edomite ; after Alexander Janneus, Greek ; conquered by Abubekr the first Khalif, it became Arabian; it was desolated in their civil wars, until the Crusaders rebuilt its fort ; then again, Muslim. In the earliest times, before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Gaza was the south angle of the border of the Canaanites, from where it turned to the south of the Dead Sea. Even then it was known by its name of strength, 'Azzah "the strong," like our "Fort."

For a time, it stood as an island-fort, while the gigantic race of the Avvim wandered, wilder probably than the modern Bedaween, up to its very gates. For since it is said, "the Avvim dwelt in open villages as far as Gaza" Deuteronomy 2:23; plainly they did not dwell in Gaza itself, a fortified town. The description assigns the bound of their habitations, up to the furthest town on the southeast, Gaza. They prowled around it, infested it doubtless, but did not conquer it, and were themselves expelled by the Caphtorim. The fortress of the prince of Gaza is mentioned in the great expedition of Tothmosis III , as the conquest of Ashkelon was counted worthy of mention in the monuments of Raamses II . It was strengthened doubtless by giving refuge to the Anakim, who, after Joshua had expelled them "from Hebron" and neighboring cities, "and the mountains of Judah and Israel, remained in Gaza, in Gath, and in Ashdod" Joshua 11:21-23.

Its situation, as the first station for land-commerce to and from Egypt, whether toward Tyre and Sidon, or Damascus and the upper Euphrates, or toward Petra, probably aggrandized it early. Even when the tide of commerce has been diverted into other channels, its situation has been a source of great profit. A fertile spot, touching upon a track through a desert, it became a mart for caravans, even those which passed, on the pilgrim-route to Mekka, uniting traffic with their religion. Where the five cities are named together as unconquered, Gaza is mentioned first, then Ashdod Joshua 13:3. Samson, after he had betrayed his strength, was "brought down to Gaza" Judges 16:21, probably as being their strongest fortress, although the furthest from "the valley of Sorek ," where he was ensnared.

There too was the vast temple of Dagon, which became the burying-place of so many of his worshipers. In Solomon's reign it was subject to Israel 1 Kings 4:21. After the Philistine inroad in the time of Ahaz 2 Chronicles 28:18, and their capture of towns of Judah in the south and the low country, Shephelah, Hezekiah drove them back as far as Gaza 2 Kings 18:8, without apparently taking it. Its prince was defeated by Sargon , whose victory over Philistia Isaiah foretold Isaiah 14:29. Sennacherib gave to its king, together with those of Ascalon and Ekron , "fortified and other towns which" he "had spoiled," avowedly to weaken Judah; "so as to make his (Hezekiah's) country small;" probably also as a reward for hostility to Judah. Greek authors spcak of it, as "a very large city of Syria" , "a great city" . Like other cities of old, it was, for fear of pirates, built at some distance from the sea (Arrian says "2 12 miles"), but had a port called, like that of Asealea , Maiuma , which itself too in Christian times became a place of importance .

Because they carried away the whole captivity - Literally, "a complete captivity;" complete, but for evil; a captivity in which none were spared, none left behind; old or young, woman or child; but a whole population (whatever its extent) was swept away. Such an inroad of the Philistines is related in the time of Jehoram 2 Chronicles 21:16.

To deliver them up to Edom - Literally, "to shut them up to Edom," in the power of Edom, their bitter enemy, so that they should not be able to escape, nor be restored. The hands, even if not the land, of Edom were already dyed in the blood of Jacob "their brother" Joel 3:19. "Any whither but there," probably would cry the crowd of helpless captives. It was like driving the shrinking flock of sheep to the butcher's shambles, reeking with the gore of their companions. Yet therefore were they driven there to the slaughter. Open markets there were for Jewish slaves in abundance. "Sell us, only not to slaughter." "Spare the greyheaded;" "spare my child," would go up in the ears of those, who, though enemies, understood their speech. But no! Such was the compact of Tyre and Philistia and Edom against the people of God. Not one was to be spared; it was to be "a complete captivity;" and that, to Edom. The bond was fulfilled. "Whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he too shall cry and shall not be heard" Proverbs 21:13. Joel mentions the like sin of the Philistines and Phoenicians, and foretold its punishment Joel 3:4-6. That in the reign of Jehoram is the last which Scripture mentions, but was not therefore, of necessity or probably, the last. Holy Scripture probably relates only the more notable of those border-raids. Unrepented sin is commonly renewed. Those strong Philistine fortresses must have given frequent, abundant opportunity for such inroads; as now too it is said in Arabia, "the harvest is to the stronger;" and while small protected patches of soil in Lebanon, Hauran, etc. are cultivated, the open fertile country often lies uncultivated , since it would be cultivated only for the marauder. Amos renews the sentence of Joel, forewarning them that, though it seemed to tarry, it would come.

7

Amos 1:7

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But - Literally, "and." Thus had Gaza done, and thus would God do; "I will send a fire upon Gaza." The sentence on Gaza stands out, probably in that it was first in power and in sin. It was the merchant-city of the five; the caravans parted from it or passed through it; and so this sale of the Jewish captives was ultimately effected through them. First in sin, first in punishment. Gaza was strong by nature and by art. "The access to it also," Arrian notices , "lay through deep sand." We do not hear of its being taken, except in the first times of Israel under the special protection of God Judges 1:1-2, Judges 1:18, or by great conquerors. All Philistia, probably, submitted to David; we hear of no special conquest of its towns 2 Samuel 8:1. Its siege cost Alexander 2 months , with all the aid of the engines with which he had taken Tyre, and the experience which he had there gained. The Egyptian accounts state, that when besieged by Tothmosis III it capitulated . Thenceforth, it had submitted neither to Egypt nor Assyria. Yet Amos declared absolutely, that Gaza should be destroyed by fire, and it was so. Sennacherib first, then, after Jeremiah had foretold anew the destruction of Gaza, Ashkelon, and the Philistines, Pharaoh Necho "smote Gaza" Jeremiah 47:1. Yet who, with human foresight only, would undertake to pronounce the destruction of a city so strong?

8

Amos 1:8

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And I will cut off the inhabitant from Ashdod - Ashdod, as well as Ekron, have their names from their strength; Ashdod, "the mighty," like Valentia; Ekron, "the firm-rooted." The title of Ashdod implied that it was powerful to inflict as to resist. It may have meant, "the waster." It too was eminent in its idolatry. The ark, when taken, was first placed in its Dagon-temple 1 Samuel 5:1-7; and, perhaps, in consequence, its lord is placed first of the five, in recounting the trespass-offerings which they sent to the Lord 1 Samuel 6:17. Ashdod (Azotus in the New Testament now a village, Esdud or Shdood ), lay 34 or 36 miles from Gaza , on the great route from Egypt northward, on that which now too is most used even to Jerusalem. Ashkelon lay to the left of the road, near the sea, rather more than halfway.

Ekron (Akir, now a village of 50 mud-houses ), lay a little to the right of the road northward from Gaza to Lydda (in the same latitude as Jamnia, Jabneel) on the road from Ramleh to Belt Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). Ekron, the furthest from the sea, lay only 15 miles from it. They were then a succession of fortresses, strong from their situation, which could molest any army, which should come along their coast. Transversely, in regard to Judah, they enclosed a space parallel to most of Judah and Benjamin. Ekron, which by God's gift was the northern line of Judah Joshua 15:11, is about the same latitude as Ramah in Benjamin; Gaza, the same as Carmel (Kurmul). From Gaza lay a straight road to Jerusalem; but Ashkelon too, Ashdod, and Ekron lay near the heads of valleys, which ran up to the hill-country near Jerusalem .

This system of rich valleys, in which, either by artificial irrigation or natural absorption, the streams which ran from the mountains of Judah westward fertilized the grainfields of Philistia, aforded equally a ready approach to Philistine marauders into the very heart of Judah. The Crusaders had to crown with castles the heights in a distant circle around Ashkelon , in order to restrain the incursions of the Muslims. (In such occasions doubtless, the same man-stealing was often practiced on lesser scales, which here, on a larger scale, draws down the sentence of God. Gath, much further inland, probably formed a center to which these maritime towns converged, and united their system of inroads on Judah.

These five cities of Philistia had each its own petty king (Seren, our "axle"). But all formed one whole; all debated and acted together on any great occasion; as in the plot against Samson Judges 16:5, Judges 16:8, Judges 16:18, the sacrifice to Dagon in triumph over him, where they perished Judges 16:23, Judges 16:27, Judges 16:30; the inflictions on account of the ark 1 Samuel 5:8, 1 Samuel 5:11; 1 Samuel 6:4, 1 Samuel 6:12, 1 Samuel 6:16, 1 Samuel 6:18; the great attack on Israel 1 Samuel 7:7, which God defeated the Mizpeh; the battle when Saul fell, and the dismissal of David 1 Samuel 31:2, 1 Samuel 31:6-7; 1 Chronicles 12:19. The cities divided their idolatry also, in a manner, between them, Ashdod being the chief seat of the worship of Dagon , Ashkelon, of the corresponding worship of Derceto , the fish-goddess, the symbol of the passive principle in re-production. Ekron was the seat of the worship of Baalzebub and his oracle, from where he is called "the god of Ekron" 2 Kings 1:2-3, 2 Kings 1:16.

Gaza, even after it had become an abode of Greek idolatry and had seven temples of Greek gods, still retained its worship of its god Marna ("our Lord") as the chief . It too was probably "nature" and to its worship they were devoted. All these cities were as one; all formed one state; all were one in their sin; all were to be one in their punishment. So then for greater vividness, one part of the common infliction is related of each, while in fact, according to the custom of prophetic diction, what is said of each is said of all. King and people were to be cut off from all; all were to be consumed with fire in war; on all God would, as it were, "turn" (literally, "bring back") His Hand, visiting them anew, and bringing again the same punishment upon them. In truth these destructions came upon them, again and again, through Sargon, Hezekiah, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander, the Maccabees.

Ashdod - Uzziah about this time "brake down its walls and built cities about" 2 Chronicles 26:6 it, to protect his people from its inroads. It recovered, and was subsequently besieged and taken by Tartan, the Assyrian General under Sargon Isaiah 20:1 (about 716 b.c.). Somewhat later, it sustained the longest siege in man's knowlege, for 29 years, from Psammetichus king of Egypt (about 635 b.c.). Whence, probably Jeremiah, while he speaks of Ashkelon, Gaza, Ekron, mentions "the remnant of Ashdod" Jeremiah 25:20 only. Yet, after the captivity, it seems to have been the first Philistine city, so that the Philistines were called Ashdodites Nehemiah 4:7, and their dialect Ashdodite Nehemiah 13:24. They were still hostile to the Jews Nehemiah 4:7. The war, in which Judas Maccabaeus spoiled Ashdod and other Philistine cities (1 Macc. 5:68), was a defensive war against a war of extermination. "The nations round about" (1 Macc. 5:1, 2), it is said at the beginning of the account of that year's campaign, "thought to destroy the generation of Jacob that was among them, and thereupon they began to slay and destroy the people." Jonathan, the brother of Judas, "set fire to Azotus and the cities round about it (1 Macc. 10:82, 84), after a battle under its walls, to which his enemies had challenged him. The temple of Dagon in it was a sort of citadel (1 Macc. 10:83).

Ashkelon is mentioned as a place of strength, taken by the great conqueror, Raamses II. Its resolute defense and capture are represented, with its name as a city of Canaanites, on a monument of Karnac . Its name most naturally signifies "hanging." This suits very well with the site of its present ruins, which "hang" on the side of the theater or arc of hills, whose base is the sea. This, however, probably was not its ancient site (see the note at Zephaniah 2:4). Its name occurs in the wars of the Maccabees, but rather as submitting readily (1 Macc. 10:86; 11:60). Perhaps the inhabitants had been changed in the intervening period. Antipater, the Edomite father of Herod, courted, we are told , "the Arabs and the Ascalonites and the Gazites." "Toward the Jews their neighbors, the inhabitants of the Holy land," Philo says to the Roman emperor, "the Ascalonites have an irreconcilable aversion, which will come to no terms." This abiding hatred burst out at the beginning of the war with the Romans, in which Jerusalem perished. The Ascalonites massacred 2500 Jews dwelling among them . The Jews "fired Ascalon and utterly destroyed Gaza" .

Ekron was apparently not important enough in itself to have any separate history. We hear of it only as given by Alexander Bales "with the borders thereof in possession" (1 Macc. 10:89) to Jonathan the Maccabee. The valley of Surar gave the Ekronites a readier entrance into the center of Judaea, than Ascalon or Ashdod had. In Jerome's time, it had sunk to "a very large village."

The residue of the Philistines shall perish - This has been thought to mean "the rest" (as in Jeremiah 39:3; Nehemiah 7:72) that is, Gath, (not mentioned by name anymore as having ceased to be of any account (see the note at Amos 6:3)) and the towns, dependent on those chief cities . The common (and, with a proper name, universal ) meaning of the idiom is, "the remnant," those who remain over after a first destruction. The words then, like those just before, "I will bring again my hand against Ekron," foretell a renewal of those first judgments. The political strength which should survive one desolation should be destroyed in those which should succeed it. In tacit contrast with the promises of mercy to the remnant of Judah (see above the note at Joel 2:32), Amos foretells that judgment after judgment should fall upon Philistia, until the Philistines ceased to be anymore a people; as they did.

9

Amos 1:9

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The last crowning sin, for which judgment is pronounced on Tyre, is the same as that of Philistia, and probably was enacted in concert with it. In Tyre, there was this aggravation, that it was a violation of a previous treaty and friendship. It was not a covenant only, nor previous friendliness only; but a specific covenant, founded on friendship which they forgat and brake. If they retained the memory of Hiram's contact with David and Solomon, it was a sin against light too. After David had expelled the Jebusites from Jerusalem, "Hiram King of Tyre sent messengers to David, and cedar trees and carpenters and masons; and they built David a house" 2 Samuel 5:11. The Philistines contrariwise invaded him 2 Samuel 5:17. This recognition of him by Hiram was to David a proof, "that the Lord had established him king over Israel, and that He had exalted his kingdom for His people, Israel's sake" 2 Samuel 5:12.

Hiram seems, then, to have recognized something super-human in the exaltation of David. "Hiram was ever a lover of David" 1 Kings 5:1. This friendship he continued to Solomon, and recognized his God as "the" God. Scripture embodies the letter of Hiram; "Because the Lord hath loved his people, He hath made thee king over them. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, that made heaven and earth, who hath given to David a wise son - that he might build are house for the Lord" . He must have known then the value which the pious Israelites attached to the going up to that temple. A later treaty, offered by Demetrius Nicator to Jonathan, makes detailed provision that the Jews should have "the feasts and sabbaths and new moons and the solemn days and the three days before the feast and the three days after the feast, as days of immunity and freedom."

The three days before the feast were given, that they might go up to the feast. Other treaties guarantee to the Jews religious privileges . A treaty between Solomon and Hiram, which should not secure any religious privileges needed by Jews in Hiram's dominion, is inconceivable. But Jews were living among the Zidonians (see the note at Joel 3:6). The treaty also, made between Hiram and Solomon, was subsequent to the arrangement by which Hiram was to supply cedars to Solomon, and Solomon to furnish the grain of which Hiram stood in need 1 Kings 5:7-11. "The Lord gave Solomon wisdom, as He promised him" 1 Kings 5:12; and, as a fruit of that wisdom, "there was peace between Hiram and Solomon; and they two made a covenant." The terms of that covenant are not there mentioned; but a covenant involves conditions. it was not a mere peace; but a distinct covenant, sanctioned by religious rites and by sacrifice.

"This brotherly covenant Tyre remembered not," when they delivered up to Edom "a complete captivity," all the Jews who came into their hands. It seems then, that that covenant had an special provision against selling them away from their own land. This same provision other people made for love of their country or their homes; the Jews, for love of their religion. This covenant Tyre remembered not, but brake. They knew doubtless why Edom sought to possess the Israelites; but the covetousness of Tyre fed the cruelty of Edom, and God punished the broken appeal to Himself.

10

Amos 1:10

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I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre - Tyre had long ere this become tributary to Assyria. Asshur-ban-ipal (about 930 b.c.,) records his "taking tribute from the kings of all the chief Phoenician cities as Tyre, Sidon, Biblus and Aradus" . His son Shalmanubar records his taking tribute from them in his 21st year about 880, b.c.), as did Ivalush III , and after this time Tiglath-pileser II , the same who took Damascus and carried off its people, as also the east and north of Israel. The Phoenicians had aided Benhadad, in his unsuccessful war or rebellion against Shalmanubar , but their city had received no hurt. There was nothing, in the time of Amos, to indicate any change of policy in the Assyrian conquerors.

They had been content hitherto with tribute from their distant dependencies; they had spared them, even when in arms against them. Yet Amos says absolutely in the name of God, "I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre," and the fire did fall, first from Shalamaneser or Sargon his successor, and then from Nebuchadnezzar. The Tyrians (as is men's custom) inserted in their annals their successes, or the successful resistance which they made for a time. They relate that , "Elulaeus, king of Tyre, reduced the Kittiaeans (Cypriotes) who had revolted. The king of Assyria invaded all Phoenicia, and returned, having made peace with all. Sidon and Ace and old Tyre, and many other cities revolted from the Tyrians, and surrendered to the king of Assyria. Tyre then not obeying, the king returned against them, the Phoenicians manning 60 ships for him." These, he says, were dispersed, 500 prisoners taken; the honor of Tyre intensified. "The king of Assyria, removing, set guards at the river and aqueducts, to hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This they endured for 5 years, drinking from the wells sunk."

The Tyrian annalist does not relate the sequel. He does not venture to say that the Assyrian King gave up the siege, but, having made the most of their resistance, breaks off the account. The Assyrian inscriptions say, that Sargon took Tyre , and received tribute from Cyprus, where a monument has been found, bearing the name of Sargon . It is not probable that a monarch who took Samaria and Ashdod, received tribute from Egypt, the "Chief of Saba," and "Queen of the Arabs," overran Hamath, Tubal, Cilicia, Armenia, reduced Media, should have returned baffled, because Tyre stood out a blockade for 5 years. Since Sargon wrested from Tyre its newly-recovered Cyprus, its insular situation would not have protected itself. Nebuchadnezzar took it after a 13 years' siege (Ezekiel 26:7-12, see the notes at Isaiah 23).

11

Amos 1:11

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Edom - God had impressed on Israel its relation of brotherhood to Edom. Moses expressed it to Edom himself , and, after the suspicious refusal of Edom to allow Israel to march on the highway through his territory, he speaks as kindly of him, as before; "And when we passed by from our brethren, the children of Esau" Deuteronomy 2:8. It was the unkindness of worldly politics, and was forgiven. The religious love of the Egyptian and the Edomite was, on distinct grounds, made part of the law. "Thou shalt not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother: thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian; because thou wast a stranger in his land" Deuteronomy 23:7. The grandchild of an Egyptian or of an Edomite was religiously to become as an Israelite Deuteronomy 23:8. Not a foot of Edomite territory was Israel to appropriate, however provoked. It was God's gift to Edom, as much as Canaan to Israel. "They shall be afraid of you, and ye shall take exceeding heed to yourselves. Quarrel not with them, for I will give you, of their land, no, not so much as the treading of the sole of the foot, for I have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:4-5.

From this time until that of Saul, there is no mention of Edom; only that the Maonites and the Amalekites, who oppressed Israel Judges 6:3; Judges 10:12, were kindred tribes with Edom. The increasing strength of Israel in the early days of Saul seems to have occasioned a conspiracy against him, such as Asaph afterward complains of; "They have said, come and let us cut them off from being a nation, that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance. For they have consulted together with one consent, they are confederate against Thee; the tabernacles of Edom and the Ishmaelites; of Moab and the Hagarenes; Gebal and Ammon and Amalek; the Philistines with the inhabitants of Tyre; Assur also is joined with them; they have been an arm to the children of Lot" Psalm 83:4-8. Such a combination began probably in the time of Saul. "He fought against all his enemies on every side; against Moab, and against the children of Ammon, and against the king of Edom, and against the Philistines" 1 Samuel 14:47.

They were "his enemies," and that, round about, encircling Israel, as hunters did their prey. "Edom," on the south and southeast; "Moab" and "Ammon" on the east; the Syrians of "Zobah" on the north; the Philistines on the west enclosed him as in a net, and he repulsed them one by one. "Whichever why he turned, he worsted" them. It follows "he delivered Israel out of the hands of them that spoiled them" 1 Samuel 14:48. The aggression was from Edom, and that in combination with old oppressors of Israel, not from Saul . The wars of Saul and of David were defensive wars. Israel was recovering from a state of depression, not oppressing. "The valley of salt" 2 Samuel 8:13, where David defeated the Edomites, was also doubtless within the borders of Judah, since "the city of salt" was Joshua 15:62; and the valley of salt was probably near the remarkable "mountain of salt," 5 56 miles long, near the end of the Dead Sea , which, as being Canaanite, belonged to Israel. It was also far north of Kadesh, which was "the utmost boundary" of Edom Numbers 20:16.

From that Psalm too of mingled thanksgiving and prayer which David composed after the victory, "in the valley of salt" (Psalm 60:1-12 title), it appears that, even after that victory, David's army had not yet entered Edom. "Who will bring me into the strong city? who will lead me into Edom?" Psalm 60:9. That same Psalm speaks of grievous suffering before, "in" which God had "cast" them "off" and "scattered" them; "made the earth tremble and cleft it;" so that "it reeled" Psalm 60:1-3, Psalm 60:10. Joab too had "returned" from the war in the north against the Syrians of Mesopotamia, to meet the Edomites. Whether in alliance with the Syrians, or taking advantage of the absence of the main army there, the Edomites had inflicted some heavy blow on Israel; a battle in which Abishai killed 18,000 men 1 Chronicles 18:12 had been indecisive. The Edomites were relpalsed by the rapid counter-march of Joab. The victory, according to the Psalm, was still incomplete 1 Chronicles 18:1, 1 Chronicles 18:5, 1 Chronicles 18:9-12. David put "garrisons in Edom" 2 Samuel 8:14, to restrain them from further outbreaks. Joab avenged the wrong of the Edomites, conformably to his character 1 Kings 11:16; but the fact that "the captain of the host" had "to go up to bury the slain" (1 Kings 11:15. It should be rendered, not, after he had slain, but, and he killed, etc.), shows the extent of the deadly blow, which he so fearfully avenged.

The store set by the king of Egypt on Hadad, the Edomite prince who fled to him 1 Kings 11:14-20, shows how gladly Egypt employed Edom as an enemy to Israel. It has been said that he rebelled and failed . Else it remained under a dependent king appointed by Judah, for 1 12 century (1 Kings 22:47; 2 Kings 3:9 ff). One attempt against Judah is recorded 2 Chronicles 20:10, when those of Mount Seir combined with Moab and Ammon against Jehoshaphat after his defeat at Ramoth-gilead. They had penetrated beyond Engedi 2 Chronicles 20:2, 2 Chronicles 20:16, 2 Chronicles 20:20, on the road which Arab marauders take now , toward the wilderness of Tekoa, when God set them against one another, and they fell by each other's hands 2 Chronicles 20:22-24. But Jehoshaphat's prayer at this time evinces that Israel's had been a defensive warfare. Otherwise, he could not have appealed to God, "the children of Ammon and Moab and mount Seir, whom Thou wouldest not let Israel invade when they came out of the land of Egypt, but they turned from them, and destroyed them not, behold, they reward us, to come to cast us out of Thy possession, which Thou hast given us to inherit" 2 Chronicles 20:10-11.

Judah held Edom by aid of garrisons, as a wild beast is held in a cage, that they might not injure them, but had taken no land from them, nor expelled them. Edom sought to cast Israel out of God's land. Revolts cannot be without bloodshed; and so it is perhaps the more probable, that the words of Joel, "for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land" Joel 3:19, relate to a massacre of the Jews, when Esau revolted from Jehoram 2 Kings 8:20-22. We have seen, in the Indian Massacres, how every living being of the ruling power may, on such occasions, be sought out for destruction. Edom gained its independence, and Jehoram, who sought to recover his authority, escaped with his life by cutting through the Edomite army by night 2 Kings 8:21. Yet in Amaziha's time they were still on the offensive, since the battle wherein he defeated them, was again "in the valley of salt" 2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chronicles 25:11, 2 Chronicles 25:14.

Azariah, in whose reign Amos prophesied, regained Elath from them, the port for the Indian trade 2 Chronicles 26:2. Of the origin of that war, we know nothing; only the brief words as to the Edomite invasion against Ahaz, "and yet again had the Edomites come, and smitten in Judah, and carried captive a captivity" 2 Chronicles 28:17, attest previous and, it may be, habitual invasions. For no one such invasion had been named. It may probably mean, "they did yet again, what they had been in the habit of doing." But in matter of history, the prophets, in declaring the grounds of God's judgments, supply much which it was not the object of the historical books to relate. "They" are histories of God's dealings with His people, His chastisements of them or of His sinful instruments in chastising them. Rarely, except when His supremacy was directly challenged, do they record the ground of the chastisements of pagan nations. Hence, to those who look on the surface only, the wars of the neighboring nations against Israel look but like the alternations of peace and war, victory and defeat, in modern times. The prophets draw up the veil, and show us the secret grounds of man's misdeeds and God's judgments.

Because he did pursue his brother - The characteristic sin of Edom, and its punishment are one main subject of the prophecy of Obadiah, inveterate malice contrary to the law of kindred. Eleven hundred years had passed since the birth of their forefathers, Jacob and Esan. But, with God, eleven hundred years had not worn out kindred. He who willed to knit together all creation, human beings and angels, in one in Christ Ephesians 1:10, and, as a means of union, "made of one blood all nations of people for to dwell on all the face of the earth" Acts 17:26, used all sorts of ways to impress this idea of brotherhood. "We" forget relationship mostly in the third generation, often sooner; and we think it strange when a nation long retains the memories of those relationships . God, in His law, stamped on His people's minds those wider meanings. To slay a man was to slay a "brother" Genesis 9:5.

Even the outcast Canaan was a brother Genesis 9:25 to Shem and Ham. Lot speaks to the men of Sodom amidst their iniquities, "my brethren" Genesis 19:7; Jacob so salutes those unknown to him Genesis 29:4. The descendants of Ishmael and Isaac were to be brethren; so were those of Esau and Jacob Genesis 16:12; Genesis 25:18. The brotherhood of blood was not to wear out, and there was to be a brotherhood of love also Genesis 27:29, Genesis 27:37. Every Israelite was a brother ; each tribe was a brother to every other Deuteronomy 10:9; Deuteronomy 18:2; Judges 20:23, Judges 20:28; the force of the appeal was remembered, even when passion ran high 2 Samuel 2:26. It enters habitually into the divine legislation. "Thou shall open thy hand wide unto thy brother Deuteronomy 15:11; if thy brother, a" Hebrew, sell himself to thee Deuteronomy 15:12; thou shalt not see thy brother's ox or his sheep go astray and hide thyself from them Deuteronomy 22:1-4; if thy brother be waxen poor, then shalt thou relieve him, though a stranger and a sojourner, that he may live with thee" (Leviticus 25:35-39; add Leviticus 19:17; Deuteronomy 24:7, Deuteronomy 24:10, Deuteronomy 24:14).

In that same law, Edom's relationship as a brother was acknowledged. It was an abiding law that Israel was not to take land, nor to refuse to admit him into the congregation of the Lord. Edom too remembered the relation, but to hate him. The nations around Israel seem to have been little at war with one another, bound together by common hatred against God's people. Of their wars indeed we should not hear, for they had no religious interest. They would be but the natural results of the passions of unregenerate nature. Feuds there doubtless were and forays, but no attempts at permanent conquest or subdual. Their towns remain in their own possession . Tyre does not invade Philistia; nor Philistia, Tyre or Edom. But all combine against Israel. The words, "did pursue his brother with the sword," express more than is mentioned in the historical books.

To "pursue" is more than to fight. They followed after, in order to destroy a remnant, "and cast off all pity:" literally, and more strongly, "corrupted his compassions, tendernesses." Edom did violence to his natural feelings, as Ezekiel, using the same word, says of Tyre, "corrupting Ezekiel 28:17 his wisdom," that is, perverting it from the end for which God gave it, and so destroying it. Edom "steeled himself," as we say, against his better feelings," his better nature," "deadened" them. But so they do not live again. Man is not master of the life and death of his feelings, anymore than of his natural existence. He can destroy; he cannot re-create. And he does, so far, "corrupt," decay, do to death, his own feelings, whenever, in any signal instance, he acts against them. Edom was not simply unfeeling. He destroyed all "his tender yearnings" over suffering, such as God has put into every human heart, until it destroys them. Ordinary anger is satisfied and slaked by its indulgence; malice is fomented and fed and invigorated by it. Edom ever, as occasion gratified his anger; "his anger did tear continually;" yet, though raging as some wild ravening animal, without control, "he kept his wrath for ever," not within bounds, but to let it loose anew. He retained it when he ought to have parted with it, and let it loose when he ought to have restrained it.

"What is best, when spoiled, becomes the worst," is proverbial truth. : "As no love wellnigh is more faithful than that of brothers, so no hatred, when it hath once begun, is more unjust, no odium fiercer. Equality stirs up and inflames the mind; the shame of giving way and the love of preeminence is the more inflamed, in that the memory of infancy and whatever else would seem to gender good will, when once they are turned aside from the right path, produce hatred and contempt." They were proverbial sayings of paganism, "fierce are the wars of brethren" , and "they who have loved exceedingly, they too hate exceedingly." : "The Antiochi, the Seleuci, the Gryphi, the Cyziceni, when they learned not to be all but brothers, but craved the purple and diadems, overwhelmed themselves and Asia too with many calamities."

12

Amos 1:12

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But - (And I, in My turn and as a consequence of these sins) will send a fire upon Teman "Teman," say Eusebius and Jerome , "was a country of the princes of Edom, which had its name from Teman son of Eliphaz, son of Esau Genesis 36:11, Genesis 36:15. But even to this day there is a village, called Teman, about 5 (Eusebius says 15) miles from Petra, where there is also a Roman garrison, from which place was Eliphaz, king of the Themanites." It is, however, probably the district which is meant, of which Bozra was then the capital. For Amos when speaking of cities, uses some word to express this, as "the palaces of Benhadad, the wall of Gaza, of Tyrus, of Rabbah;" here he simply uses the name Teman, as he does those of Moab and Judah. Amos does not mention Petra, or Selah, for Amaziah had taken it, and called it Joktheel, "which God subdued," which name it for some time retained 2 Kings 14:7.

Bozrah - (Literally, which cuts off approach) is mentioned, as early as Genesis Gen 36:33, as the seat of one of the elective kings who, in times before Moses, reigned over Edom. It lay then doubtless in Idumea itself, and is quite distinct from the Bozrah of Hauran or Auranitis, from which Jerome also distinguishes it. : "There is another Bosor also, a city of Esau, in the mountains of Idumea, of which Isaiah speaks." There is yet a small village of the like name (Busaira "the little Bozrah") which "appears," it is said , "to have been in ancient times a considerable city, if we may judge from the ruins which surround the village." It has now "some 50 houses, and stands on an elevation, on the summit of which a small castle has been built." The name however, "little Bozrah," indicates the existence of a "great Bozrah," with which its name is contrasted, and is not likely to have been the place itself . Probably the name was a common one, "the strong place" of its neighborhood . The Bozrah of Edom is either that little vilage, or is wholly blotted out.

13

Amos 1:13

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Ammon - These who receive their existence under circumstances, in any way like those of the first forefathers of Moab and Ammon, are known to be under physical as well as intellectual and moral disadvantages. Apart from the worst horrors, on the one side reason was stupefied, on the other it was active in sin. He who imprinted His laws on nature, has annexed the penalty to the infraction of those laws. It is known also how, even under the Gospel, the main character of a nation remains unchanged. The basis of natural character, upon which grace has to act, remains, under certain limits, the same. Still more in the unchanging east. Slave-dealers know of certain hereditary good or evil qualities in non-Christian nations in whom they traffic. What marvel then that Ammon and Moab retained the stamp of their origin, in a sensual or passionate nature? Their choice of their idols grew out of this original character and aggravated it.

They chose them gods like themselves, and worsened themselves by copying these idols of their sinful nature. The chief god of the fierce Ammon was Milehem or Molech, the principle of destruction, who was appeased with sacrifices of living children, given to the fire to devour. Moab, beside its idol Chemosh, had the degrading worship of Baal Peor Numbers 25:1-3, reproductiveness the counterpart of destruction. And, so. in fierce or degrading rites, they worshiped the power which belongs to God, to create, or to destroy. Moab was the seducer of Israel at Shittim Numbers 25:1-3. Ammon, it has been noticed, showed at different times a special wanton ferocity . Such was the proposal of Nahash to the men of Jabesh-Gilead, when offering to surrender, "that I may thrust out all your right eyes and lay it for a reproach unto all Israel" 1 Samuel 11:1-3.

Such was the insult to David's messengers of peace, and the hiring of the Syrians in an aggressive war against David 2 Samuel 10:1-6. Such, again, was this war of extermination against the Gileadites. On Israel's side, the relation to Moab and Ammon had been altogether friendly. God recalled to Israel the memory of their common descent, and forbade them to war against either. He speaks of them by the name of kindness, "the children of Lot," the companion and friend of Abraham. "I will not give thee of their land for a possession, because I have given it unto the children of Lot for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:9, Deuteronomy 2:19. Akin by descent, their history had been alike. Each had driven out a giant tribe; Moab, the Emim; Ammon, the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:10-11, Deuteronomy 2:20-21. They had thus possessed themselves of the tract from the Arnon, not quite half way down the Dead Sea on its east side, to the Jabbok, about half-way between the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee . Both had been expelled by the Amorites, and had been driven, Moab, behind the Arnon, Ammon, behind the "strong border" Numbers 21:24 of the upper part of the Jabbok, what is now the Nahr Amman, "the river of Ammon," eastward.

The whole of what became the inheritance of the 2 12 tribes, was in the hands of the Amorites, and threatened very nearly their remaining possessions; since, at "Aroer that is before Rabbah" Joshua 13:25, the Amorites were already over against the capital of Ammon; at the Arnon they were but 2 12 hours from Ar-Moab, the remaining capital of Moab. Israel then, in destroying the Amorites, had been at once avenging and rescuing Moab and Ammon; and it is so far a token of friendliness at this time, that, after the victory at Edrei, the great "iron bedstead" of Og was placed in "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11. Envy, jealousy, and fear, united them to "hire Balaam to curse Israel" Deuteronomy 23:4, although the king of Moab was the chief actor in this Numbers 22-24, as he was in the seduction of Israel to idoltary Numbers 25:1-3. Probably Moab was then, and continued to be, the more influential or the more powerful, since in their first invasion of Israel, the Ammonites came as the allies of Eglon king of Moab. "He gathered unto him the children of Ammon and Amalek Judges 3:13. And" they "served Eglon." Yet Ammon's subsequent oppression must have been yet more grievous, since God reminds Israel of His delivering them from the Ammonites Judges 10:11, not from Moab. There we find Ammon under a king, and in league with the Philistines Judges 10:7, "crashing and crushing for 18 years all the children of Israel in Gilead." The Ammonites carried a wide invasion across the Jordan against Judah, Benjamin and Ephraim Judges 10:9, until they were subdued by Jephthah. Moab is not named; but the king of Ammon claims as my land Judges 11:13, the whole which Moab and Ammon had lost to the Amorites and they to Israel, "from Arnon unto Jabbok and unto Jordan" Judges 11:13.

The range also of Jephthah's victories included probably all that same country from the Arnon to the neighborhood of Rabbah of Ammon . The Ammonites, subdued then, were again on the offensive in the fierce siege of Jabesh-Gilead and against Saul (see above the note at Amos 1:11). Yet it seems that they had already taken from Israel what they had lost to the Amorites, for Jabesh-Gilead was beyond the Jabbok ; and "Mizpeh of Moab," where David went to seek the king of Moab 1 Samuel 22:3, was probably no other than the Ramoth-Mizpeh Joshua 13:26 of Gad, the Mizpeh Judges 11:29 from where Jephthah went over to fight the Ammonites. With Hanan, king of Ammon, David sought to remain at peace, on account of some kindness, interested as it probably was, which his father Nahash had shown him, when persecuted by Saul 2 Samuel 10:2.

It was only after repeated attempts to bring an overwhelming force of the Syriains against David, that Rabbah was besieged and taken, and that awful punishment inflicted. The severity of the punishment inflicted on Moab and Ammon, in that two-thirds of the fighting men of Moab were put to death 2 Samuel 8:2, and fighting men of "the cities of Ammon" 2 Samuel 12:31 were destroyed by a ghastly death, so different from David's treatment of the Philistines or the various Syrians, implies some extreme hostility on their part, from which there was no safety except in their destruction. Moab and Ammon were still united against Jehoshaphat 2 Chronicles 20, and with Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoiakim 2 Kings 24:2, whom they had before sought to stir up against the king of Babylon Jeremiah 27:3. Both profited for a time by the distresses of Israel, "magnifying" themselves "against her border" Zephaniah 2:8, and taking possession of her cities after the 2 12 tribes has been carried away by Tiglath-pileser. Both united in insulting Judah, and (as it appears from Ezekiel EZechariah 25:2-8), out of jealousy against its religious distinction.

When some of the scattered Jews were reunited under Gedaliah, after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, it was a king of Ammon, Baalis, who instigated Johanan to murder him Jeremiah 40:11-14; Jeremiah 41:10. When Jerusalem was to be rebuilt after the return from the captivity, Ammonites and Moabites Nehemiah 2:10, Nehemiah 2:19; Nehemiah 4:1-3, "Sanballat the Horonite" (that is, out of Horonaim, which Moab had taken to itself Isaiah 15:5; Jeremiah 48:3, Jeremiah 48:5, Jeremiah 48:34.) "and Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite," were chief in the opposition to it. They helped on the persecution by Antiochus (1 Macc. 5:6). Their anti-religious character, which showed itself in the hatred of Israel and the hire of Balaam, was the ground of the exclusion of both from admission "into the congregation of the Lord forever" Deuteronomy 23:3. The seduction of Solomon by his Ammonite and Moabite wives illustrates the infectiousness of their idolatry. While he made private chapels "for all his strange wives, to burn incense and sacrifice to their gods" 1 Kings 11:8, the most stately idolatry was that of Chemosh and Molech, the abomination of Moab and Ammon . For Ashtoreth alone, besides these, did Solomon build high places in sight of the temple of God, on a lower part of the Mount of Olives 2 Kings 23:13.

They have ripped up the women with child in Gilead - Since Elisha prophesied that Hazael would be guilty of this same atrocity, and since Gilead was the scene of his chief atrocities , probably Syria and Ammon were, as of old, united against Israel in a war of extermination. It was a conspiracy to displace God's people from the land which He had given them, and themselves to replace them. The plan was effective; it was, Amos says, executed. They expelled and "inherited Gad" Jeremiah 49:1. Gilead was desolated for the sins for which Hosea rebuked it; "blood had blood." It had been "tracked with blood" (see the note at Hosea 6:8); now life was sought out for destruction, even in the mother's womb. But, in the end, Israel, whose extermination Ammon devised and in part effected, survived. Ammon perished and left no memorial.

That they might enlarge their border - It was a horror, then, exercised, not incidentally here and there, or upon a few, or in sudden stress of passion, but upon system and in cold blood. We have seen lately, in the massacres near Lebanon, where male children were murdered on system, how methodically such savageness goes to work. A massacre, here and there, would not have "enlarged their border." They must haw carried on these horrors then, throughout all the lands which they wished to possess, making place for themselves by annihilating Israel, that there might be none to rise up and thrust them from their conquests, and claim their old inheritance. Such was the fruit of habitually indulged covetousness. Yet who beforehand would have thought it possible?

14

Amos 1:14

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I will kindle afire in the wall of Rabbah - Rabbah, literally, "the great," called by Moses "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11, and by later Greeks, "Rabathammana" , was a strong city with a yet stronger citadel. Ruins still exist, some of which probably date back to these times. The lower city "lay in a valley bordered on both sides by barren hills of flint," at 12 an hour from its entrance. It lay on a stream, still called by its name Moyet or Nahr Amman, "waters" or "river of Ammon," which ultimately falls into the Zurka (the Jabbok) . "On the top of the highest of the northern hills," where at the divergence of two valleys it abuts upon the ruins of the town, "stands the castle of Ammon, a very extensive rectangular building," following the shape of the hill and wholly occupying its crest. "Its walls are thick, and denote a remote antiquity; large blocks of stone are piled up without cement, and still hold together as well as if they had been recently placed; the greater part of the wall is entire. Within the castle are several deep cisterns."

There are remains of foundations of a wall of the lower city at its eastern extremity . This lower city, as lying on a river in a waterless district, was called the "city of waters" 2 Samuel 12:27, which Joab had taken when he sent to David to come and besiege the Upper City. In later times, that Upper City was resolutely defended against Antiochus the Great, and taken, not by force but by thirst . On a conspicuous place on this castle-hill, stood a large temple, some of its broken columns 3 12 feet in diameter , probably the Grecian successor of the temple of its idol Milchom. Rabbah, the capital of Ammon, cannot have escaped, when Nebuchadnezzar , "in the 5th year of his reign, led an army against Coele-Syria, and, having possessed himself of it, warred against the Ammonites and Moabites, and having made all these nations subject to him, invaded Egypt, to subdue it."

Afterward, it was tossed to and fro in the desolating wars between Syria and Egypt. Ptolemy II called it from his own surname Philadelphia , and so probably had had to restore it. It brought upon itself the attack of Antiochus III and its own capture, by its old habit of marauding against the Arabs in alliance with him. At the time of our Lord, it, with "Samaria, Galilee and Jericho," is said by a pagan to be "inhabited by a mingled race of Egyptians, Arabians and Phoenicians." It had probably already been given over to "the children of the East," the Arabs, as Ezekiel had foretold Ezekiel 25:4. In early Christian times Milchom was still worshiped there under its Greek name of Hercules . Trajan recovered it to the Roman empire , and in the 4th century it, with Bostra , was still accounted a "vast town most secured by strong walls," as a frontier fortress "to repel the incursions of neighboring nations." It was counted to belong to Arabia . An Arabic writer says that it perished before the times of Muhammed, and covered a large tract with its ruins . It became a station of pilgrims to Mecca, and then, until now, as Ezekiel foretold , a stable for camels and a couching place.

I will kindle a fire in the wall - It may be that the prophet means to speak of some conflagration from within, in that he says not, as elsewhere, "I will send afire upon," but, "I will kindle a fire in" Amos 1:4, Amos 1:7, Amos 1:10, Amos 1:12; Amos 2:2, Amos 2:5. But "the shouting" is the battle-cry (Job 39:25; Jeremiah 20:16; Zephaniah 1:16, etc.) of the victorious enemy, the cheer of exultation, anticipating its capture. That onslaught was to be resistless, sweeping, like a whirlwind, all before it. The fortress and walls of Rabbah were to yield before the onset of the enemy, as the tents of their caravans were whirled flat on the ground before the eddying of the whirlwinds from the desert, burying all beneath them.

15

Amos 1:15

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And their king - The king was commonly, in those nations, the center of their energy. When "he and his princes" were "gone into captivity," there was no one to make head against the conqueror, and renew revolts. Hence, as a first step in the subdual, the reigning head and those who shared his counsels were removed. Ammon then, savage as it was in act, was no ill-organized horde. On the contrary, barren and waste as all that country now is, it must once have been highly cultivated by a settled and laborious people. The abundance of its ruins attests the industry and habits of the population. "The whole of the country," says Burckhardt , "must have been extremely well cultivated, to have afforded subsistence to the inhabitants of so many towns." "The low hills are, for the most part, crowned with ruins." Of the "thirty ruined or deserted places, which including Amman," have been even lately "counted east of Assalt" (the village which probably represents Ramoth-Gilead, "about 16 miles west of Philadelphia that is, Amman) several are in Ammonitis. Little as the country has been explored, ruins of large and important towns have been found south-southeast. and south of Amman .

Two hours southeast of Amman, Buckingham relates , "an elevation opened a new view before us, in the same direction. On a little lower level, was a still more extensive track of cultivated plain than that even which we had already passed - Throughout its whole extent were seen ruined towns in every direction, both before, behind, and on each side of us; generally seated on small eminences; all at a short distance from each other; and all, as far as we had yet seen, bearing evident marks of former opulency and consideration. There was not a tree in sight as far as the eye could reach; but my guide, who had been over every part of it, assured me that the whole of the plain was covered with the finest soil, and capable of being made the most productive grain-land in the world - For a space of more than thirty miles there did not appear to me a single interruption of hill, rock or wood, to impede immediate tillage.

The great plain of Esdraelon, so justly celebrated for its extent and fertility, is inferior in both to this plain of Belkah. Like Esdraelon, it appears to have been once the seat of an active and numerous population; but in the former the monuments of the dead only remain, while here the habitations of the living are equally mingled with the tombs of the departed, all thickly strewn over every part of the soil from which they drew their sustenance." Nor does the crown, of a "talent of gold weight, with precious stones" 2 Samuel 12:30, belong to an uncivilized people. Such hordes too depend on the will and guidance of their single Skeikh or head. This was a hereditary kingdom 2 Samuel 10:1. The kings of Ammon had their constitutional advisers. These were they who gave the evil and destructive counsel to insult the ambassadors of David. Evil kings have evermore evil counselors. It is ever the curse of such kings to have their own evil, reflected, anticipated, fomented, enacted by bad advisers around them. "Hand in hand the wicked shall not be unpunished" Proverbs 11:21. They link together, but to drag one another into a common destruction. Together they had counseled against God; "king and princes together," they should go into captivity.

There is also doubtless, in the word Malcham, a subordinate allusion to the god whom they worshiped under the title Molech or Malchom. Certainly Jeremiah "seems" so to have understood it. For, having said of Moab, "Chemosh shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together" Jeremiah 48:7, he says as to Ammon, in the self-same formula and almost in the words of Amos ; "Malcham shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together." Zephaniah ZEphesians 1:5 also speaks of the idol under the same name Malcham, "their king." Yet since Ammon had kings before this time, and just before their subdual by Nebuchadnezzar, and king Baalis Jeremiah 40:14 was a murderer, it is hardly likely that Jeremiah too should not have included him in the sentence of his people, of whose sins he was a mainspring. Probably, then, Amos and Jeremiah foretell, in a comprehensive way, the powerlessness of all their stays, human and idolatrous. All in which they trusted should not only fail them, but should be carried captive from them.