Barnes' Notes on the Bible · 다니엘 8장

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서론

Daniel 8 Introduction

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简体中文

本章分析

本章记述先知在伯沙撒王在位第三年所见的一个异象。先知当时在——或看似在——以拦省的一座城,即后来成为波斯帝国首都的书珊。他那时与政府无涉、也未受雇于政府(Daniel 5),而且设想他可以自由探访帝国中巴比伦以外的其他地区,也不是不合理的;因此,推想他曾去过那地方——当时是一座重要的城——并无不合理之处。也许那里有犹太人,他可能是去探访他们。又或者,异象的场景被置于乌莱河边的书珊,先知意在表明自己仿佛身在彼处,异象似乎就在他心中以那里为背景展开。但对他实际身在彼处的设想,并没有有效的反对理由;而且 Daniel 8:2 似乎正是这样断言的。

他在那里的时候,看见一只双角的公绵羊,一角高过另一角,它向西、向北、向南抵触,强大得无一能在它面前站立。他正观看的时候,见有一只公山羊从西而来,飞跃而行,脚几乎不沾地,两眼之间有一个非常的角。这公山羊攻击公绵羊,折断它的两角,将它完全制伏。公山羊变得极其强盛,但那大角终于折断,原处又长出四角。四角之中有一角长出一个小角,渐渐极其强大,向南、向东、向荣美之地——即巴勒斯坦地——扩展。这角强大到一个地步,似乎要攻击"天象"——即众星宿;它将其中一些抛落在地;它向天象之君自高自大;它使圣所中常献给君的燔祭止息,天象之君的圣所被拆毁。

有一位圣者向另一位圣者恳切询问,这情形要到几时才止息;所得到的回答是:到二千三百日,然后圣所就必洁净。随后加百列被差去使先知明白这异象。他宣告:双角的公绵羊代表玛代和波斯诸王;公山羊代表希腊王;两眼之间的大角代表头一王;那角折断后长出的四角,代表那国将要分成的四个王朝;而小角代表一个王,他面貌凶恶,能用双关的诈语,将要起来攻击万君之君,最终必被毁灭。这事的结果是,但以理有一段时期被异象压倒;随后他恢复过来,办理王的事务,但没有人明白这异象。

这是圣经中少数几段蒙指示向先知本人解释的预言之一,因此作为解释其他类似性质预言的钥匙,具有重要意义。论到玛代和波斯国、以及希腊国,经文有明确的陈述。把这预言的一部分应用于亚历山大大帝、以及他死后其国所分成的四个君主国,同样是确定的。而把其余部分应用于安提阿古·伊皮法尼,也几乎同样无可置疑;在这一点上,几乎所有释经者都一致。事实上,这一系列历史事件的应用是如此显著而清晰,以至于波菲利(Porphyry)主张,这一部分与但以理书的其他部分一样,是在事件发生之后写成的。两件事中必有一件是确定的——或是这段经文写在所述事件发生之后,或是但以理受了默示。任何单凭天然敏锐的人,都不可能如此准确、如此细致地预言这些事件。

随后的但以理书部分是以纯希伯来文写成的。本书从第二章第四节到第七章末的部分是用迦勒底文写的。关于这一点,见导论第四节 III.(1)。

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Analysis of the Chapter

This chapter contains an account of a vision seen by the prophet in the third year of the reign of Belshazzar. The prophet either was, or appeared to be, in the city of - afterward the capital of the Persian empire, in the province of Elam. To that place - then an important town - there is no improbability in supposing that he had gone, as he was then unconnected with the government, or not employed by the government Daniel 5, and as it is not unreasonable to suppose that he would be at liberty to visit other parts of the empire than Babylon. Possibly there may have been Jews at that place, and he may have gone on a visit to them. Or perhaps the scene of the vision may have been laid in Shushan, by the river Ulai, and that the prophet means to represent himself as if he had been there, and the vision had seemed to pass there before his mind. But there is no valid objection to the supposition that he was actually there; and this seems to be affirmed in Daniel 8:2.

While there, he saw a ram with two horns, one higher than the other, pushing westward, and northward, and southward, so powerful that nothing could oppose him. As he was looking on this, he saw a he-goat come from the west, bounding along, and scarcely touching the ground, with a single remarkable horn between his eyes. This he-goat attacked the ram, broke his two horns, and overcame him entirely. The he-goat became very strong, but at length the horn was broken, and there came up four in its place. From one of these there sprang up a little horn that became exceeding great and mighty, extending itself toward the south, and the east, and the pleasant land - the land of Palestine. This horn became so mighty that it seemed to attack "the host of heaven" - the stars; it cast some of them down to the ground; it magnified itself against the Prince of the host; it caused the daily sacrifice in the temple to cease, and the sanctuary of the Prince of the host was cast down.

An earnest inquiry was made by one saint to another how long this was to continue, and the answer was, unto two thousand and three hundred days, and that then the sanctuary would be cleansed. Gabriel is then sent to explain the vision to the prophet, and he announces that the ram with the two horns represented the kings of Media and Persia; the goat, the king of Greece; the great horn between his eyes, the first king; the four horns that sprang up after that was broken, the four dynasties into which the kingdom would be divided; and the little horn, a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sentences, and that would stand up against the Prince of princes, and that would ultimately be destroyed. The effect of this was, that Daniel was overcome by the vision for a certain time; afterward he revived, and attended to the business of the king, but none understood the vision.

This is one of the few prophecies in the Scriptures that are explained to the prophets themselves, and it becomes, therefore, important as a key to explain other prophecies of a similar character. Of the reference to the kingdom of Media and Persia, and to the kingdom of Greece, there is an express statement. The application of a portion of the prophecy to Alexander the Great, and to the four monarchies into which his kingdom was divided at his death, is equally certain. And there can be as little doubt of the application of the remainder to Antiochus Epiptianes, and in this, nearly all expositors are agreed. Indeed, so striking and clear is the application to this series of historical events, that Porphyry maintained that this, as well as other portions of Daniel, were written after the events occurred. One of two things, indeed, is certain - either that this was written after the events here referred to occurred, or that Daniel was inspired. No man by any natural sagacity could have predicted these events with so much accuracy and particularity.

The portion of Daniel which follows is in pure Hebrew. The portion of the book from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh chapter was written in Chaldee. On this point, see Intro. Section IV. III.((1).

1

Daniel 8:1

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伯沙撒王在位第三年 —— 关于伯沙撒,见但以理书第五章导论第二节。

见有异象现与我 —— 这异象看来是他在清醒时、或在魂游象外之际临到他的;前一个异象则是在他睡着时发生的(Daniel 7:1)。比较 Daniel 8:17-18,那里先知描述自己因这异象力不能胜,俯伏在地。这景象看来是在光天化日之下、他完全清醒时,在他心意之前经过的。比较巴兰的例子(Numbers 24:4):"得见全能者的异象,眼目睁开而仆倒的人。"

是在先前所见的异象之后 —— 那异象发生在伯沙撒元年(Daniel 7:1)。

영문 원문

In the third year of the reign of king Belshazzar - In regard to Belshazzar, see Intro. to Daniel 5 Section II.

A vision appeared unto me - This vision appears to have occurred to him when awake, or in an ecstasy; the former one occurred when he was asleep, Daniel 7:1. Compare Daniel 8:17-18, where the prophet represents himself as overpowered, and as falling down to the earth on account of the vision. The representation would seem to have been made to pass before his mind in open day, and when he was fully awake. Compare the case of Balaam, Numbers 24:4 : "Which saw the vision of the Almighty, falling into a trance, but having his eyes open."

After what appeared unto me at the first - That occurred in the first year of Belshazzar, Daniel 7:1.

2

Daniel 8:2

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我见了异象的时候 —— 异象向我显现时我便观看;或说,我在异象中看见某些事物呈现在我面前。"异象"一词见 Daniel 1:17 的注释。这里的意思似乎是说,一个异象向但以理显现,他就恳切地注视它,为要明白其中的含义。

我以为在书珊城中 —— 正如本章导论所述,这可能意味着他似乎身在其处,或异象的场景被呈现为在那里;但最自然的解释是,但以理本人当时确实在那里。至于他为何在那里——是因公务还是因私事——他没有直接告诉我们。然而从 Daniel 8:27——"然后起来办理王的事务"——看来,他当时极可能在王前供职。这一假设与 Daniel 5:10-11 的记载并不冲突;那里当字迹显于宫墙之上时,太后告诉伯沙撒,"在你国中有一人,他里头有圣神的灵"等——有人或可据此反驳说,但以理当时并不为王所知,故不可能受雇于王;然而事实可能是,他确曾以政府官员的身份受雇于王,只是他具有揭示异象含义的这种能力,或已被遗忘。

他可能在公职上任事,但他对王之父所尽的服务,以及他解释梦与异象的非凡技能,未必立即浮现于惊惶失措的君主及其臣仆的心头。书珊即苏萨,是苏西亚纳的首城,古列以后成为波斯的首都,是波斯诸王的主要居所(Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:2-5)。它位于乌莱乌斯河即科阿斯佩斯河畔,大概就在今日苏斯村所在之处。——见 Rennel《希罗多德地理学》;Kinneir《波斯帝国回忆录》;K. Porter《游记》ii. 4, 11;Ritter《地学·亚洲篇》9: 294;《图画圣经》(Pict. Bib.)本处。在苏斯有广袤的废墟,从一端到另一端也许绵延十二英里;与该国的其他废墟一样,由土丘与瓦砾构成,上面覆盖着碎砖和有色瓷砖的残片。在这些土丘的脚下,有所谓但以理之墓,是一座小建筑,建在该地相信安放先知遗骸之处。

这建筑外观显然是现代的,但若不是相信这里就是先知坟墓的所在,就没有什么能促使人把它建造在它如今矗立的地方——Malcolm《波斯史》第1卷第255、256页。苏斯城如今是一片阴郁的荒野,为狮子、鬣狗和其他猛兽所栖。——见 Kitto 的 Cyclop.,"Shushan"条。约翰·金尼尔爵士说,对这些野兽的畏惧迫使蒙蒂思先生和他自己在环绕但以理之墓的墙内过夜。关于那墓,约翰·马尔科姆爵士说:"那是一座小建筑,但足以庇护几名看守先知遗骸的托钵僧;他们靠敬虔香客的施舍维生,那些香客前来朝拜圣墓。如今托钵僧是苏萨仅有的居民;各种野兽在昔曾矗立着人类技艺所建最宏伟宫殿的地方自由游荡。"——第一卷第255、256页。关于苏萨废墟的描述,见《图画圣经》本处。这座城距塞琉西亚约四百五十罗马里;据 Pliny(6, 27)记载,它建成边长约一百二十斯塔迪亚的方形。它是波斯诸王的夏都(《居鲁士的教育》8, 6, 10),因为他们春天在埃克巴坦那度过,秋冬两季在巴比伦度过。见 Lengerke 本处注释。亚历山大大帝就是在这座城里娶了大流士·科多曼努斯的女儿斯塔特拉。这名字的意思是百合花,大概是因城的美丽而得——Lengerke。罗森米勒认为,这里的异象之所以被描述为在这城向但以理显现,是因为它将成为波斯未来的都城,也因为异象的许多部分与波斯有关。见 Maurer 本处注释。

在宫中 —— 这个词(בירה bı̂yrâh)意为堡垒、城堡、设防的宫殿。——见 Gesenius。参 Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:5; Esther 2:5; Esther 8:14; Esther 9:6, 9:11-12。这个词之所以加给这城,似乎是因为它是一处设防之地。它不仅适用于王宫本身、即王的居所,也适用于整个毗邻的城。不必设想但以理在王宫本身之内,只须认为他在这座以此名称呼的城中。

在以拦省 —— 见 Isaiah 11:11 的注释。这个省东接波斯本土,西邻巴比伦尼亚,北界玛代,南濒波斯湾。其大小约为波斯之半,比英格兰略小。——见 Kitto 的 Cyclop.。它大概被尼布甲尼撒征服,在伯沙撒时代处于巴比伦的统治之下。书珊在以拦王国作为独立王国存续期间,无疑是该国的首都;在它负巴比伦之轭期间,仍是这省的省会,直到被古列作为帝国的一部分征服为止。此后它成为玛代-波斯联合帝国诸首都之一。但以理访问这城并在那里看见异象时,它正是一个省的省会。或许他后来就住在那里,并死在那里。

我见异象又如在乌莱河边 —— 这条河流经书珊(苏萨)城旁,注入底格里斯河与幼发拉底河的合流。Pliny(《博物志》vi. 81)称之为乌莱乌斯(Eulaeus);但希腊作家一般以科阿斯佩斯(Choaspes)之名描述它。——希罗多德 v. 49;斯特拉波 xv. 728。它如今名为凯拉(Kerah),土耳其人称之为卡拉苏(Karasu)。它从苏斯(苏萨)废墟以西流过,在科尔纳以下约二十英里处注入阿拉伯河(Shat-ul-Arab)。——见 Kinneir《波斯帝国地理回忆录》第96、97页。并见 Kitto 的 Cyclop.,"Ulai"条。

영문 원문

And I saw in a vision - I looked as the vision appeared to me; or I saw certain things represented to me in a vision. On the word vision, see the notes at Daniel 1:17. The meaning here would seem to be that a vision appeared to Daniel, and that he contemplated it with earnestness, to understand what it meant.

That I was at Shushan - As remarked in the introduction to this chapter, this might mean that he seemed to be there, or that the vision was represented to him as being there; but the most natural construction is to suppose that Daniel was actually there himself. Why he was there he has not informed us directly - whether he was on public business, or on his own. From Daniel 8:27, however - "Afterward I rose up, and did the king's business" - it would seem most probable that he was then in the service of the king. This supposition will not conflict with the statement in Daniel 5:10-11, in which the queen-mother, when the handwriting appeared on the wall of the palace informs Belshazzar that there was "a man in his kingdom in whom was the spirit of the holy gods, etc." - from which it might be objected that Daniel was at that time unknown to the king, and could not have been in his employ, for it might have been a fact that he was in the employ of the king as an officer of the government, and yet it may have been forgotten that he had this power of disclosing the meaning of visions.

He may have been employed in the public service, but his services to the father of the king, and his extraordinary skill in interpreting dreams and visions may not at once have occurred to the affrighted monarch and his courtiers. Shushan, or Susa, the chief town of Susiana, was the capital of Persia after the time of Cyrus, in which the kings of Persia had their principal residence, Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:2-5. It was situated on the Eulaeus or Choaspes, probably on the spot now occupied by the village Shus. - Rennel, Geog. of Herodotus; Kinneir, Mem. Pers. Emp.; K. Porter's Travels, ii. 4, 11; Ritter, Erdkunde, Asien, 9: 294; Pict. Bib. in loc. At Shus there are extensive ruins, stretching perhaps twelve miles from one extremity to the other, and consisting, like the other ruins in that country, of hillocks of earth, and rubbish, covered with broken, pieces of brick and colored tile. At the foot of these mounds is the so-called tomb of Daniel, a small building erected on the spot where the remains of Daniel are believed in that region to rest.

It is apparently modern, but nothing but the belief that this was the site of the prophet's sepulchre could have led to its being built in the place where it stands - Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, i. 255, 256. The city of Shus is now a gloomy wilderness, inhabited by lions, hyenas, and other beasts of prey. - Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Shushan." Sir John Kinneir says that the dread of these animals compelled Mr. Monteith and himself to take shelter for the night within the walls that encompass Daniel's tomb. Of that tomb Sir John Malcolm says, "It is a small building, but sufficient to shelter some dervishes who watch the remains of the prophet, and are supported by the alms of pious pilgrims, who visit the holy sepulchre. The dervishes are now the only inhabitants of Susa; and every species of wild beast roams at large over the spot on which some of the proudest palaces ever raised by human art once stood." - Vol. i. pp. 255, 256. For a description of the ruins of Susa, see Pict. Bib. in loc. This city was about 450 Roman miles from Seleucia, and was built, according to Pliny, 6; 27, in a square of about 120 stadia. It was the summer residence of the Persian kings (Cyrop. 8, 6, 10), as they passed the spring in Ecbatana, and the autumn and winter in Babylon. See Lengerke, in loc. It was in this city that Alexander the Great married Stateira, daughter of Darius Codomanus. The name means a lily, and was probably given to it on account of its beauty - Lengerke. Rosenmuller supposes that the vision here is represented to have appeared to Daniel in this city because it would be the future capital of Persia, and because so much of the vision pertained to Persia. See Maurer, in loc.

In the palace - This word (בירה bı̂yrâh) means a fortress, a castle, a fortified palace. - Gesenius. See Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:5; Esther 2:5; Esther 8:14; Esther 9:6, Esther 9:11-12. It would seem to have been given to the city because it was a fortified place. The word applied not only to the palace proper, a royal residence, but to the whole adjacent city. It is not necessary to suppose that Daniel was in the palace proper, but only that he was in the city to which the name was given.

Which is in the province of Elam - See the notes at Isaiah 11:11. This province was bounded on the east by Persia Proper, on the west by Babylonia, on the north by Media, and on the south by the Persian Gulf. It was about half as large as Persia, and not quite as large as England. - Kitto's Cyclo. It was probably conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, and in the time of Belshazzar was subject to the Babylonian dominion, Shushan had been doubtless the capital of the kingdom of Elam while it continued a separate kingdom, and remained the capital of the province while it was under the Babylonian yoke, and until it was subdued as a part of the empire by Cyrus. It was then made one of the capitals of the united Medo-Persian empire. It was when it was the capital of a province that it was visited by Daniel, and that he saw the vision there. Possibly he may have dwelt there subsequently, and died there.

And I was by the river of Ulai - This river flowed by the city of Shushan, or Susa, and fell into the united stream of the Tigris and the Euphrates. It is called by Pliny (Nat. Hist. vi. 81) Eulaeus; but it is described by Greek writers generally under the name of Choaspes. - Herod. v. 49; Strabo, xv. p. 728. It is now known by the name Kerah, called by the Turks Karasu. It passes on the west of the ruins of Shus (Susa), and enters the Shat-ul-Arab about twenty miles below Korna. - Kinneir, Geog. Mem. of the Persian Empire, pp. 96, 97. See Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Ulai"

3

Daniel 8:3

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我举目观看 —— 就是在异象中看见,或说眼前似乎有这样的景象。

站在河边 —— 就是在河岸上。

见有双角的公绵羊 —— 解释这个表号的含义不会有任何差错,因为 Daniel 8:20 明说它代表玛代和波斯二王。王国联合的权势由公绵羊本身代表;有两个权势或王国联合这一事实,则由公绵羊的两角代表。

两角都高 —— 两角都表明强大的权势。

这角高过那角,更高的是后长的 —— 后来长起的较高一角代表波斯,它成了两国中更强大的势力,以致玛代之名终于几乎被废弃,联合王国在希腊史中以波斯帝国著称。玛代或亚述的势力较为古老,波斯却成了最强大的。

영문 원문

Then I lifted up mine eyes and saw - And saw in vision, or there seemed to be before me.

There stood before the river - On the bank of the river.

A ram which had two horns - There can be no error in explaining the design of this symbol, for in Daniel 8:20 it is expressly said that it denoted the two kings of Media and Persia. The united power of the kingdom was denoted by the ram itself; the fact that there were two powers or kingdoms combined, by the two horns of the ram.

And the two horns were high - Both indicating great power.

But one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last - The higher horn springing up last denotes Persia, that became the more mighty power of the two, so that the name Media became finally almost dropped, and the united kingdom was known in Grecian history as the Persian The Median or Assyrian power was the older, but the Persian became the most mighty.

4

Daniel 8:4

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我看见那公绵羊往西、往北、往南抵触 —— 表示联合王国的诸次征服。经文没有提到东方,因为玛代-波斯帝国的征服没有一个方向是朝那里扩展的。然而,再没有什么能比这幅图景更贴切地表达玛代-波斯帝国实际成就的诸次征服了。在西面,其征服囊括巴比伦尼亚、美索不达米亚、叙利亚和小亚细亚;在北面,囊括科尔基斯、亚美尼亚、伊比利亚和里海周围的地区;在南面,囊括巴勒斯坦、古实、埃及和利比亚。——Lengerke。这玛代-波斯的权势被描绘为来自东方。Isaiah 41:2:"谁从东方兴起一人……";Isaiah 46:11:"我召鸷鸟从东方来……"。

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I saw the ram pushing westward, and northward, and southward - Denoting the conquests of the united kingdom. The east is not mentioned, for none of the conquests of the Medo-Persian empire extended in that direction: Yet nothing could better express the conquests actually made by the Medo-Persian empire than this representation. On the west the conquests embraced Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Asia Minor; on the north, Colchis, Armenia, Iberia, and the regions around the Caspian Sea; and on the south, Palestine, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Lybia. - Lengerke. This Medo-Persian power is represented as coming from the east. Isaiah 41:2 : "who raised up the righteous man from the east, etc." Isaiah 46:11 : "calling a ravenous bird from the east, etc."

He did according to his will, and became great - This expresses well also the character of the Medo-Persian empire. It extended over a great part of the known world, subduing to itself a large portion of the earth. In its early conquests it met with no successful opposition, nor was it stayed until it was subdued by Greece - as at Leuctra and Marathon, and then as it was finally overthrown by Alexander the Great.

5

Daniel 8:5

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我正思想的时候 —— 就是说,我正观看这异象的时候。这是一个自然会引起注意、也不易明白的异象。它显然指某个正企图征服的联合势力,但我们不应以为但以理会轻易明白其中的意思。整个场景都属于未来——因为在伯沙撒的时候,玛代波斯势力尚未巩固,公羊所代表的征服延续多年,而公山羊所代表的更远远伸展到未来。

见有一只公山羊从西而来 —— 在 Daniel 8:21,这被称为"公山羊"。这表号的应用毫无疑义,因为 Daniel 8:21 明说它是"希腊王"。它所代表的,是希腊在亚历山大大帝手下统一、并出征征服那庞大波斯帝国时的势力。为说明这一点,并表明以公山羊为马其顿势力表号的恰当性,可以留意:这表号以各种方式常与马其顿相关联,并且出于某种原因,山羊被用作那势力的象征。Taylor Combe 先生向《卡尔梅特词典》编者提供的几件事实,表明以山羊为表号指马其顿的恰当性,并表明这暗示在后世会很容易被理解。这里从 Taylor 的《卡尔梅特词典》v. 410-412 所载他的记述加以节录。

(1) 马其顿人的第一王卡拉努斯(Caranus)于主前814年开始作王。他受山羊引导来到埃德萨城、并在那里建立王座时把城名改为埃盖(AEgae)一事,很值得注意:Urbem Edessam, ob memoriam muneris AEgas populam AEgeadas.——查士丁(Justin),lib. vii. c. 1。马其顿历史上这一重要事件,会早早提示人采用山羊作为马其顿的表号。

(2) 发现了作为马其顿象征的山羊青铜像。Combe 先生说:"我近来得到一个机会,购得一尊独角的古山羊青铜像,那是马其顿的古象征。由于表现古国之典型的雕像极为罕见,而且迄今未曾有人注意到马其顿的青铜或大理石象征,请容我以下面的几点观察相扰"等等。他接着说:"送请鉴定的这尊山羊像是在小亚细亚掘出的,由一个贫穷的土耳其人连同其他古物带到本国。"所附的版画是这像的描摹。稍加审视便显出我们面前这表现的恰当性。Combe 先生随后说:"不仅马其顿和色雷斯的许多个别城邑使用这图型,而且马其顿王国本身——它是欧洲诸王国中我们有正规连贯历史的最古老者——也以一只山羊为代表,其特点是有独角。"

(3) 卡拉努斯之后约三百年,亚米他一世(Amyntas the First)在位、约主前547年时,马其顿人受入侵的威胁,向波斯人纳贡。在波斯波利斯的一根壁柱上,似乎以对本题大有启发的方式记载了这件事:一只山羊额中长出巨大的角,旁边有一个穿波斯服装的人用左手握住那角,表明马其顿的臣服。下面所附即所指的图形,它醒目地表明这表号使用之早。

(4) 主前413年,马其顿的阿基劳斯(Archelaus)在位时,该王一枚钱币的背面出现只有一只角的羊头。这枚以独角著称的钱币有两种变体:一种(第1号)由佩勒兰(Pellerin)制版,另一种(第2号)保存于已故 W. Hunter 博士的收藏柜中。

(5) Combe 先生说:"佛罗伦萨藏品中有一块雕石,既印证了已说过的内容,又迄今未被人理解,我认为值得一提。从这块雕石的图样可以看出:双角的羊头与独角的山羊头,无非是指以各自合宜的表号所代表的波斯王国与马其顿王国。但从这两个特征性图型相结合的情形看,这块雕石极可能是在亚历山大大帝征服波斯之后镌刻的。"这些评论和图解将表明这里所用表号的恰当性,也表明后世会多么容易理解它。没有证据表明但以理知道山羊曾是马其顿的表号;即便他知道,也没有证据表明他能凭任何天然的敏锐,猜到由这表号所代表的势力会成为玛代和波斯的征服者。因此,与此相关的每一情形只会更清楚地表明他是在默示的影响之下。约瑟夫斯断言(《犹太古史》xi. 8),当亚历山大在耶路撒冷时,大祭司把但以理论到他的预言指给他看,而这事实是他向犹太人施与重要恩惠的因由。若真有这样的事,这里所提的情形表明亚历山大会多么容易认出对他本国和他自己的指涉,也表明约瑟夫斯所说这是使他善待犹太民族的手段,是何等可信。这一受人质疑的记载的可信性,在牛顿《论预言》(Newton on the Prophecies)pp. 241-246 中有考察。

遍行全地 —— 他仿佛行经整个世界——恰当地代表了亚历山大的行动;他征服了当时所知的世界,并据说因再没有别的世界可征服而哭泣。

脚不沾尘 —— 边注作"在地上无人触动他"。然而正文的翻译比边注更正确。他仿佛跳跃前行、脚不触地——表示他行动与征服的迅速。类似而极为优美的描述,见于维吉尔《埃涅阿斯纪》vii. 806 以下论卡米拉(Camillia)的诗:

"Cursu pedum pravertere ventos.

Illa vel intactae segetis per summa volaret

Gramina, nec teneras cursu laesisset aristas,

Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti

Ferretiter, celeres nec tingeret aequore plantas"

没有比但以理所用的语言更能表达亚历山大大帝之迅速征服的了。他死于三十三岁的盛年,二十一岁时被选为希腊人对抗波斯人的统帅,因此他用于征服和公职生涯的全部时间不过十二年;然而在那段时间里,他使世界屈服于他的武力。只要对他的神速行动略一回顾,便显出这里描述的恰当。主前334年,他入侵波斯,在格拉尼库斯河战役中击败波斯人;主前333年,他在伊苏斯战役中再次击败他们,征服了帕提亚、巴克特里亚、赫卡尼亚、索格迪亚纳和小亚细亚;主前332年,他征服推罗和埃及,并建造亚历山大城;主前331年,他击败大流士·科多曼努斯,并于主前330年完成对波斯帝国的征服;主前328年,他击败印度王波鲁斯(Porus),进军直达恒河。因此,在这短短几年内,他以比以往任何征服都更迅速、更果断的征服,踏遍了当时所知世界的几乎全部。

这山羊两眼当中有一非常的角 —— 山羊代表马其顿势力,而这一切势力都集中于亚历山大一人身上——无疑由这独角所代表——仿佛希腊的全部能力都集中在他身上。边注作"外观之角"。这与希伯来文相合——译作"非常"的词(חזוּת châzût)本义为外观、样貌,继而指显眼或非凡之物。直译当为"外观之角",即显眼的、大的角。—— Gesenius, "Lex.

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And as I was considering - As I was looking on this vision. It was a vison which would naturally attract attention, and one which would not be readily understood. It evidently denoted some combined power that was attempting conquest, but we are not to suppose that Daniel would readily understand what was meant by it. The whole scene was future - for the Medo-Persian power was not yet consolidated in the time of Belshazzar, and the conquests represented by the ram continued through many years, and those denoted by the he-goat extended still much further into futurity.

Behold, an he-goat came from the west - In Daniel 8:21, this is called the "rough-goat," There can be no doubt as to the application of this, for in Daniel 8:21 it is expressly said that it was "the king of Grecia." The power represented is that of Greece when it was consolidated under Alexander the Great, and when he went forth to the subjugation of this vast Persian empire. It may serve to illustrate this, and to show the propriety of representing the Macedonian power by the symbol of a goat, to remark that this symbol is often found, in various ways, in connection with Macedon, and that, for some reason, the goat was used as emblematic of that power. A few facts, furnished to the editor of Calmet's Dictionary, by Taylor Combe, Esq., will show the propriety of this allusion to Macedonia under the emblem of a goat, and that the allusion would be readily understood in after-times. They are condensed here from his account in Taylor's Calmet, v. 410-412.

(1) Caranus, the first king of the Macedonians, commenced his reign 814 years before the Christian era. The circumstance of his being led by goats to the city of Edessa, the name of which, when he established there the seat of his kingdom, he converted into AEgae, is well worthy of remark: Urbem Edessam, ob memoriam muneris AEgas populam AEgeadas. - Justin, lib. vii. c. 1. The adoption of the goat as an emblem of Macedon would have been early suggested by an important event in their history.

(2) bronze figures of a goat have been found as the symbol of Macedon. Mr. Combe says, "I have lately had an opportunity of procuring an ancient bronze figure of a goat with one horn, which was the old symbol of Macedon. As figures representing the types of ancient countries are extremely rare, and as neither a bronze nor marble symbol of Macedon has been hitherto noticed, I beg leave to trouble you with the few following observations, etc." He then says, "The goat which is sent for your inspection was dug up in Asia Minor, and was brought, together with other antiquities, into this country by a poor Turk." The annexed engraving is a representation of this figure. The slightest inspection of this figure will show the propriety of the representation before us. Mr. Combe then says, "Not only many of the individual towns in Macedon and Thrace employed this type, but the kingdom itself of Macedon, which is the oldest in Europe of which we have any regular and connected history, was represented also by a goat, with this peculiarity, that it had but one horn."

(3) In the reign of Amyntas the First, nearly 300 years after Caranus, and about 547 years before Christ, the Macedonians, upon being threatened with an invasion, became tributary to the Persians. In one of the pilasters of Persepolis, this very event seems to be recorded in a manner that throws considerable light on this subject. A goat is represented with an immense horn growing out of the middle of his forehead, and a man in a Persian dress is seen by his side, holding the horn with his left hand, by which is signified the subjection of Macedon. The subjoined is the figure referred to, and it strikingly shows how early this symbol was used.

(4) In the reign of Archelaus of Macedon, 413 b.c., there occurs on the reverse of a coin of that king the head of a goat having only one horn. Of this coin, so remarkable for the single horn, there are two varieties, one (No. 1) engraved by Pellerin, and the oth. er (No. 2) preserved in the cabinet of the late Dr. W. Hunter.

(5) "there is a gem," says Mr. Combe, "engraved in the Florentine collection, which, as it confirms what has been already said, and has not hitherto been understood, I think worthy of mention. It will be seen by the drawing of this gem that nothing more or less is meant by the ram's head with two horns, and the goat's head with one, than the kingdoms of Persia and Macedon, represented under their appropriate symbols. From the circumstance, however; of these characteristic types being united, it is extremely probable that the gem was engraved after the conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great." These remarks and illustrations will show the propriety of the symbol used here, and show also how readily it would be understood in after-times. There is no evidence that Daniel understood that this ever had been a symbol of Mace-donia, or that, if he had, he could have conjectured, by any natural sagacity, that a power represented by that symbol would have become the conqueror of Media and Persia, and every circumstance, therefore, connected with this only shows the more clearly that he was under the influence of inspiration. It is affirmed by Josephus (Ant. b. xi. ch. viii.) that when Alexander was at Jerusalem, the prophecies of Daniel respecting him were shown to him by the high priest, and that this fact was the means of his conferring important favors on the Jews. If such an event occurred, the circumstances here alluded to show how readily Alexander would recognize the reference to his own country, and to himself, and how probable the account of Josephus is, that this was the means of conciliating him toward the Jewish people. The credibilty of the account, which has been called in question, is examined in Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 241-246.

On the face of the whole earth - He seemed to move over the whole world - well representing the movements of Alexander, who conquered the known world, and who is said to have wept because there were no other worlds to conquer.

And touched not the ground - Margin, none touched him in the earth. The translation in the text, however, is more correct than that in the margin. He seemed to bound along as if he did not touch the ground - denoting the rapidity of his movements and conquests. A similar description of great beauty occurs in Virgil, AEn. vii. 806, following of Camillia:

"Cursu pedum pravertere ventos.

Illa vel intactae segetis per summa volaret

Gramina, nec teneras cursu laesisset aristas,

Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti

Ferretiter, celeres nec tingeret aequore plantas"

Nothing would better express the rapid conquests of Alexander the Great than the language employed by Daniel. He died at the early age of thirty-three, and having been chosen generalissimo of the Greeks against the Persians at the age of twenty-one, the whole period occupied by him in his conquests, and in his public life, was but twelve years; yet in that time he brought the world in subjection to his arms. A single glance at his rapid movements will show the propriety of the description here. In the year 334 b.c., he invaded Persia, and defeated the Persians in the battle of the Granicus; in the year 333, he again defeated them at the battle of Issus, and conquered Parthia, Bactria, Hyrcania, Sogdiana, and Asia Minor. In the year 332, he conquered Tyre and Egypt, and built Alexandria. In the year 331, he defeated Darius Codomanus, and in 330 completed the conquest of the Persian empire. In the year 328, he defeated Porus, king of India, and pursued his march to the Ganges. In these few years, therefore, he had overrun nearly all the then known world, in conquests more rapid and more decisive than had ever before been made.

And the goat had a notable horn between his eyes - The goat represented the Macedonian power, and all this power was concentrated in the person of Alexander - undoubtedly denoted by the single horn - as if all the power of Greece was concentrated in him. The margin is, a horn of sight. This corresponds with the Hebrew - the word rendered "notable" (חזוּת châzût) meaning, properly, look, appearance, and then something conspicuous or remarkable. The literal translation would be, a horn of appearance; that is, conspicuous, large - Gesenius, Lexicon

6

Daniel 8:6

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它往我所看见、站在河边有双角的公绵羊那里去 —— 代表玛代波斯权势。

大发忿怒,向它直闯 —— 代表亚历山大在格拉尼库斯、伊苏斯和阿尔贝拉攻击波斯人、并入侵颠覆其本土时所显的凶猛与烈怒。说这事是在"能力的烈怒"中行的,再没有比这更好的表达了。

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And he came to the ram ... - Representing the Medo-Persian power.

And ran unto him in the fury of his power - Representing the fierceness and fury with which Alexander attacked the Persians at the Granicus, at Issus, and at Arbela, with which he invaded and overthrew them in their own country. Nothing would better express this than to say that it was done in "the fury of power."

7

Daniel 8:7

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我见公山羊就近公绵羊 —— 公绵羊站在乌莱河岸边,正在帝国的中心。这描绘无疑是要表明:希腊的权势将在波斯自己的疆域内攻击它。异象或许正是以将来成为帝国京都之地为场景,为要表明这一点。

向它发烈怒 —— 即怀着烈怒或忿怒(对那公绵羊)。就是说,它行事如同狂怒至极。这并非不恰当的描绘。亚历山大虽然以野心为主导的动机,但把他看作全希腊因波斯屡次入侵而积聚之烈怒的集中体现,也并无不当。诚然,波斯人曾在留克特拉、马拉松和萨拉米斯被击败,他们的军兵曾在温泉关(Thermopylae)被遏阻,他们从未成功征服希腊,希腊人在保卫祖国时赢得了荣耀。但同样真实的是,加于希腊人或企图加于希腊人的伤害从未被忘记;而且无疑,对这些伤害的记忆,是激励许多希腊人在格拉尼库斯、伊苏斯和阿尔贝拉作战的动机。这也是亚历山大激励其军队时所能诉诸的最强大动机之一。

折断它的两角 —— 彻底摧毁它的权势——正如亚历山大推翻大流士·科多曼努斯、使玛代波斯帝国臣服于自己时所作的。那帝国当时终结,被并入腓力之子的帝国。

绵羊在它面前站立不住 —— 无力抵挡它。

它将绵羊触倒在地,用脚践踏 —— 一个醒目表达亚历山大作为的行动。那帝国在他的权势下被碾碎,仿佛被践踏入地。

没有能救绵羊脱离它手的 —— 波斯帝国所能召来相助、救它脱离希腊征服者之手的援军,一无所有。

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And I saw him, come close unto the ram - The ram standing on the banks of the Ulai, and in the very heart of the empire. This representation is designed undoubtedly to denote that the Grecian power would attack the Persian in its own dominions. Perhaps the vision was represented at the place which would be the capital of the empire in order to denote this.

And he was moved with choler against him - (i. e., the ram)." With wrath or anger. That is, he acted as if he were furiously enraged. This is not an improper representation. Alexander, though spurred on by ambition as his ruling motive, yet might be supposed without impropriety to represent the concentrated wrath of all Greece on account of the repeated Persian invasions. It is true the Persians had been defeated at Leuctra, at Marathon, and at Salamis, that their hosts had been held in check at Thermopylae, that they had never succeeded in subduing Greece, and that the Grecians in defending their country had covered themselves with glory. But it is true, also, that the wrongs inflicted or attempted on the Greeks had never been forgotten, and it cannot be doubted that the remembrance of these wrongs was a motive that influenced many a Greek at the battle of the Granicus and Issus, and at Arbela. It would be one of most powerful motives to which Alexander could appeal in stimulating his army.

And brake his two horns - Completely prostrated his power - as Alexander did when he overthrew Darius Codemenus, and subjugated to himself the Medo-Persian empire. That empire ceased at that time, and was merged in that of the son of Philp.

And there was no power in the ram to stand before him - To resist him.

But he cast him down to the ground, and stamped upon him - An act strikingly expressive of the conduct of Alexander. The empire was crushed beneath his power, and, as it were, trampled to the earth.

And there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand - No auxiliaries that the Persian empire could call to its aid that could save it from the Grecian conqueror.

8

Daniel 8:8

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这山羊极其自高自大 —— 指马其顿的权势,特别是在亚历山大统治下的权势。

正强盛的时候,那大角折断了 —— 在它力量最强盛的时期,发生了这样的事。那时,权势所集中的那只角被折断了。这事怎样应验在马其顿的权势上,是不难看出的。这帝国在亚历山大死时最为强盛。它的权势并未衰微,也没有像君主国常有的那样因年深日久、穷奢极欲和腐败而削弱;恰恰在因亚历山大之死而被折断的时期,它正处于最兴旺昌盛的状态。此后它再没有恢复元气,也再没有重新统一。从那时起,这个强大的帝国分裂为几个独立的王国,丧失了它在世上的影响力。

又在角根上长出四个非常的角来 —— 在那只集中了一切权势的角的原位上,长出了另外四只卓越而显著的角。关于"非常"(notable)一词,见 Daniel 8:5 的注释。这一描述使我们推测,那曾集中于一个君主国的权势将被划分并分配为四份;那原先单一的权势将由四个王国取而代之,它们将占据世界上大致相同的空间,拥有大致相同的疆域,具有大致相同的特征——因此可以视为那一个王朝的继承者。关于这权势,Daniel 7:6 也有同样的描述:"这兽有四个头。"另见 Daniel 11:4:"他的国必破裂,向天的四方分开。"这与史书关于亚历山大之死所产生后果的记载相符;因为虽然王国并非由他亲手分为四部分,但由于随之而来的混乱和争战,权势最终集中于四个王朝。

他死后,他的兄弟阿利达乌斯(Aridaeus)被立为王继承他的位,佩尔狄卡斯(Perdiccas)为摄政。但马其顿权势的统一已告消失,随即而来的是无序、混乱和争夺帝国的斗争。马加比书的作者(《马加比一书》1:7-9)说:"亚历山大作王十二年,随后死去。他的臣仆各自在原地掌权。他死后,他们都给自己戴上王冠,他们的子孙此后多年也如此行;地上的恶事就增多了。"亚历山大死于主前323年;安提帕特(Antipater)于主前321年继承佩尔狄卡斯;同年托勒密·拉古斯(Ptolemy Lagus)占据了埃及;卡桑德(Cassander)于主前317年取得了马其顿的统治权;塞琉古·尼卡托尔(Seleucus Nicator)于主前311年占据了叙利亚;主前305年,亚历山大的继承者们采用了国王的头衔;主前301年发生了伊普苏斯(Ipsus)之战,在小亚细亚作王的安提柯(Antigonus)阵亡,随后就在那一年,亚历山大的帝国在四位得胜的君王——托勒密、塞琉古、卡桑德和吕西马库斯(Lysimachus)——之间正式瓜分。伊普苏斯是弗里吉亚的一座城,这场大战是在一方的安提柯及其子德米特里(Demetrius)与另一方的这些君王的联军之间进行的。

安提柯曾图谋普天下的大权;他攻占并劫掠了塞浦路斯岛,摧毁了托勒密·拉古斯的舰队,并给自己戴上了王冠。托勒密、卡桑德和吕西马库斯联合兵力对抗他及其篡夺,结果他在伊普苏斯之战中被彻底推翻。——Lengerke,见本处。在这场战役中,安提柯丧失了一切的征服地和性命。分帝国时,塞琉古·尼卡托尔得到了叙利亚、巴比伦尼亚、玛代和苏西亚纳、亚美尼亚、卡帕多西亚的一部分和基利家,他的王国至少在名义上从赫勒斯滂延伸到印度。吕西马库斯的王国遍及色雷斯的一部分、小亚细亚、卡帕多西亚的一部分以及托罗斯山脉界限以内的诸地。卡桑德拥有马其顿、色萨利和希腊的一部分。托勒密得到了埃及、塞浦路斯和古利奈(Cyrene),最终又得到科伊勒叙利亚、腓尼基、犹大以及小亚细亚和色雷斯的一部分。——Lengerke,见本处。

向天的四方 —— 指向世界的四个方向。这样,塞琉古的领地在东方,卡桑德的在西方,托勒密的在南方,吕西马库斯的在北方。

영문 원문

Therefore the he-goat waxed very great - The Macedonian power, especially under the reign of Alexander.

And when he was strong, the great horn was broken - In the time, or at the period of its greatest strength. Then an event occurred which broke the horn in which was concentrated its power. It is easy to see the application of this to the Macedonian power. At no time was the empire so strong as at the death of Alexander. Its power did not pine away; it was not enfeebled, as monarchies are often, by age, and luxury, and corruption; it was most flourishing and prosperous just at the period when broken by the death of Alexander. Never afterward did it recover its vigour; never was it consolidated again. From that time this mighty empire, broken into separate kingdoms, lost its influence in the world.

And for it came up four notable ones - In the place of this one horn in which all the power was concentrated, there sprang up four others that were distinguished and remarkable. On the word notable, see the notes at Daniel 8:5. This representation would lead us to suppose that the power which had thus been concentrated in one monarchy would be divided and distributed into four, and that instead of that one power there would be four kingdoms that would fill up about the same space in the world, occupy about the same territory, and have about the same characteristics - so that they might be regarded as the succession to the one dynasty. The same representation we have of this one power in Daniel 7:6 : "The beast had also four heads." See also Daniel 11:4 : "His kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided toward the four winds of heaven." This accords with the accounts in history of the effect of Alexander's death, for though the kingdom was not by him divided into four parts, yet, from the confusion and conflicts that arose, the power was ultimately concentrated into four dynasties.

At his death, his brother Aridaeus was declared king in his stead, and Perdiccas regent. But the unity of the Macedonian power was gone, and disorder and confusion, and a struggle for empire, immediately succeeded. The author of the books of Maccabees (1 Macc. 1:7-9) says: "So Alexander reigned twelve years, and then died. And his servants bare rule every one in his place. And after his death, they all put crowns upon themselves; so did their sons after them many years; and evils were multiplied in the earth." Alexander died 323 b.c.; Antipater succeeded Perdiccas, 321 b.c.; Ptolemy Lagus the same year took possession of Egypt; Cassander assumed the government of Macedon, 317 b.c.; Seleucus Nicator took possession of Syria, 311 b.c.; in 305 b.c. the successors of Alexander took the title of kings, and in 301 b.c. there occurred the battle of Ipsus, in which Antigonus, who reigned in Asia Minor, was killed, and then followed in that year a formal division of Alexander's empire between the four victorious princes, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus. This great battle of Ipsus, a city of Phrygia, was fought between Antigonus and his son Demetrius on the one side, and the combined forces of these princes on the other.

Antigonus had aimed at universal sovereignty; he had taken and plundered the island of Cyprus; had destroyed the fieet of Ptolemy Lagus, and had assumed the crown. Against him and his usurpations, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, combined their forces, and the result was his complete overthrow at the battle of Ipsus. - Lengerke, in loc. In this battle, Antigonus lost all his conquests and his life. In the division of the empire, Seleucus Nicator obtained Syria, Babylonia, Media, and Susiana, Armenia, a part of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and his kingdom, in name at least, extended from the Hellespont to the Indies. The kingdom of Lysimachus extended over a part of Thrace, Asia Minor, part of Cappadocia, and the countries within the limits of Mount Taurus. Cassander possessed Macedonia, Thessaly, and a part of Greece. Ptolemy obtained Egypt, Cyprus, and Cyrene, and ultimately Ccelo-Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and a part of Asia Minor and Thrace - Lengerke, in loc.

Toward the four winds of heaven - Toward the four quarters of the world. Thus the dominions of Seleucus were in the east; these of Cassander in the west; those of Ptolemy in the south, and those of Lysimachus in the north.

9

Daniel 8:9

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简体中文

四角之中有一角长出一个小角 —— 象征将要兴起的新权势。比较 Daniel 7:8 的注释。这小角是从四角之一长出来的;它并不像 Daniel 7:8 中的小角在十角中间长出来那样,长在其他各角正中间。这角似乎是从四角之一长出的,其含义不致误解:从亚历山大帝国将要分成的四个权势或王国之一,将兴起这个野心勃勃、逼迫人的权势。

渐渐成为强大 —— 意即变得极其强大。它起初相对微小,最终却成为强权。这里所指是安提阿古·伊皮法尼,这无可置疑。预言的一切情节都在他身上得着应验;即使假定这段话是在他死后写成的、作者有意用这个象征来描绘他,也找不到比这更醒目、更贴切的象征了。叙利亚文译本在叙利亚文原文的此处插入了"安提阿古·伊皮法尼"的名字,而解经家们几乎无一例外地一致认为所指的就是他。关于他的概述,见 Daniel 7:24 以下的注释。马加比书的作者在上引段落中论及亚历山大之死及其后的乱局后说:"于是有一根恶根从他们中间长出来,就是安提阿古,绰号伊皮法尼,是安提阿古王的儿子,曾在罗马作人质,他在希腊王国第一百三十七年登基"(《马加比一书》1:10)。少数解经家曾以为这段经文指敌基督——圣经解经家们还有什么不会想到的呢?但绝大多数解经者都明白它指安提阿古。这位君王是塞琉古·尼卡托尔的继承者;塞琉古在亚历山大帝国的分割中得到了叙利亚、巴比伦、玛代等地(见上文 Daniel 8:8 的注释),以安提阿为都城。从塞琉古到安提阿古·伊皮法尼,在安提阿作王的列王世系如下:

(1) 塞琉古·尼卡托尔(Seleucus Nicator),主前312-280年。

(2) 其子安提阿古·索特尔(Antiochus Soter),280-261年。

(3) 其子安提阿古·特奥斯(Antiochus Theos),261-247年。

(4) 其子塞琉古·卡利尼科斯(Seleucus Callinicus),247-226年。

(5) 其子(亚历山大),即塞琉古·凯拉诺斯(Seleucus Ceraunus),226-223年。

(6) 其兄弟安提阿古大帝,223-187年。

(7) 其子塞琉古·菲洛帕托尔(Seleucus Philopater),187-176年。

(8) 其兄弟安提阿古·伊皮法尼(Antiochus Epiphanes),176-164年。

——Clinton《希腊编年史》(Fasti Hellenici),第三卷附录第三章。

在安提阿作王的叙利亚诸王世系一直延续到主前63年庞培(Pompey)将叙利亚改为罗马行省为止。安提阿古的前任塞琉古·菲洛帕托尔被一名廷臣刺杀后,他的兄弟安提阿古便急忙占据空出的王位,尽管塞琉古的亲生继承人德米特里(Demetrius)还在世,只是作为人质留在罗马。安提阿古采用了"伊皮法尼"(Epiphanes),即"显赫者"的名号。Daniel 11:21 暗示他是用谄媚取得国度的;毫无疑问,他为巩固权势而使用了贿赂和向他人许诺酬报的手段。见 Kitto 的 Cyclo.,i. 168-170。关于这位君王的行事,将在本章余下部分和 Daniel 11 的注释中更详述。

向南 —— 指埃及等地。主前171年,他向托勒密·菲洛梅托(Ptolemy Philometer)宣战;主前170年,他征服埃及,并劫掠了耶路撒冷。《马加比一书》1:16-19:"安提阿古的国位一经稳固,他就想统治埃及,好辖管两个国家。于是他带着大军、战车、大象、骑兵和大舰队进入埃及,攻击埃及王托勒密(Ptolemee);托勒密惧怕他,便逃走了,许多人重伤致死。这样,他们攻取了埃及地的坚城,掳掠了其中的财物。"

向东 —— 指波斯和东方各国。他前往那里——这些国家名义上臣服于他——按照马加比书作者的说法(《马加比一书》3:21-37),是为了补充他枯竭的国库,使他能够继续与犹太人作战,并维持他宫廷的排场与慷慨:"他见自己库中的银钱短绌,又因他所带来的纷争和灾祸,国内的贡赋微薄,便恐怕自己再不能承担费用,也不能像从前那样慷慨馈赠礼物;他心里大为愁烦,就决意往波斯去,收取各国的贡银,聚敛许多钱财。于是王在第一百四十七年离开王都安提阿,渡过幼发拉底河,上到高原之地去了。"

向荣美之地 —— 这里所用的词(צבי tsebı̂y)本义是光彩、华美(Isaiah 4:2; Isaiah 24:16; Isaiah 28:1, Isaiah 28:4-5)。在 Isaiah 13:19,它用于巴比伦——"列国的荣耀"。这里它显然指以色列人的地,即巴勒斯坦——那地常被描述为佳美之地、流奶与蜜之地等。这是一个敬虔的希伯来人论到自己祖国时自然会用的语言,尤其是像但以理这样流落异乡的人。这样一个称号足以标明那地,使人一望而知——正如对一个流落异乡的中国人,只消说"花之地"(the flowery land)便足以指明他的祖国。安提阿古从埃及回来时,转道侵入犹大,最终抢掠圣殿,毁灭耶路撒冷,使那地遍处荒凉。见《马加比一书》1章。

영문 원문

And out of one of them, came forth a little horn - Emblematic of new power that should spring up. Compare the notes at Daniel 7:8. This little horn sprang, up out of one of the others; it did not spring up in the midst of the others as the little horn, in Daniel 7:8, did among the ten others. This seemed to grow out of one of the four, and the meaning cannot be misunderstood. From one of the four powers or kingdoms into which the empire of Alexander would be divided, there would spring up this ambitions and persecuting power.

Which waxed exceeding great - Which became exceedingly powerful. It was comparatively small at first, but ultimately became mighty. There can be no doubt that Antiochus Epiphanes is denoted here. All the circumstances of the prediction find a fulfillment in him; and if it were supposed that this was written after he had lived, and that it was the design of the writer to describe him by this symbol, he could not have found a symbol that would have been more striking or appropriate than this. The Syriac version has inserted here, in the Syriae text, the words "Antiochus Epiphanes," and almost without exception expositors have been agreed in the opinion that he is referred to. For a general account of him, see the notes at Daniel 7:24, following The author of the book of Maccabees, after noticing, in the passage above quoted, the death of Alexander, and the distractions that followed his death, says, "And there came out of them a wicked root, Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king, who had been a hostage at Rome, and he reigned in the hundred and thirty and seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks," 1 Macc. 1:10. A few expositors have supposed that this passage refers to Antichrist - what will not expositors of the Bible suppose? But the great body of interpreters have understood it to refer to Antiochus. This prince was a successor of Seleucus Nicator, who, in the division of the empire of Alexander, obtained Syria, Babylonia, Media, etc. (see above the note at Daniel 8:8), and whose capital was Antioch. The succession of princes who reigned in Antioch, from Seleucus to Antiochus Epiphanes, were as follows:

(1) Seleucus Nicator, 312-280 b.c.

(2) Antiochus Soter, his son, 280-261.

(3) Antiochus Theos, his son, 261-247.

(4) Seleucus Callinicus, his son, 247-226.

(5) (Alexander), or Seleucus Ceraunus, his son, 226-223.

(6) Antiochus the Great, his brother, 223-187.

(7) Seleucus Philopater, his son, 187-176.

(8) Antiochus Epiphanes, his brother, 176-164.

  • Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii. Appendix, ch. iii.

The succession of the Syrian kings reigning in Antioch was continued until Syria was reduced to the form of a Roman province by Pompey, 63 b.c. Seleucus Philopater, the immediate predecessor of Antiochus, having been assassinated by one of his courtiers, his brother Antiochus hastened to occupy the vacant throne, although the natural heir, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, was yet alive, but a hostage at Rome. Antiochus assumed the name of Epiphanes, or Illustrious. In Daniel 11:21, it is intimated that he gained the kingdom by flatteries; and there can be no doubt that bribery, and the promise of reward to others, was made use of to secure his power. See Kitto's Cyclo., i.-168-170. Of the acts of this prince there will be occasion for a fuller detail in the notes on the remainder of this chapter, and Daniel 11.

Toward the south - Toward the country of Egypt, etc. In the year 171 b.c., he declared war against Ptolemy Philometer, and in the year 170 he conquered Egypt, and plundered Jerusalem. 1 Macc. 1:16-19: "Now when the kingdom was established before Antiochus, he thought to reign over Egypt, that he might have the dominion of two realms. Wherefore he entered Egypt with a great multitude, with chariots, and elephants, and horsemen, and a great navy. And made war against Ptolemee king of Egypt: but Ptolemee was afraid of him, and fled; and many were wounded to death. Thus they got the strong cities in the land of Egypt, and he took the spoils thereof."

And toward the east - Toward Persia and the countries of the East. He went there - these countries being nominally subject to him - according to the author of the book of Maccabees (1 Macc. 3:21-37), in order to replenish his exhausted treasury, that he might carry on his wars with the Jews, and that he might keep up the splendor and liberality of his court: "He saw that the money of his treasures failed, and that the tributes in the country were small, because of the dissension and plague which he had brought upon the land, and he feared that he should not be able to bear the charges any longer, nor to have such gifts to give so liberally as he did before; wherefore, being greatly perplexed in his mind, he determined to go into Persia, there to take the tributes of the countries, and to gather much money. So the king departed from Antioch, his royal city, the hundred forty and seventh year; and having passed the river Euphrates, he went through the high countries."

And toward the pleasant land - The word used here (צבי tsebı̂y) means, properly, splendor, beauty, Isaiah 4:2; Isaiah 24:16; Isaiah 28:1, Isaiah 28:4-5. It is applied, in Isaiah 13:19, to Babylon - "the glory of kingdoms." Here it evidently denotes the land of the Israelites, or Palestine - so often described as a land of beauty, as flowing with milk and honey, etc. This is such language as a pious Hebrew would naturally use of his own country, and especially if he was an exile from it, as Daniel was. Nothing more would be necessary to designate the land so as to be understood than such an appellation - as nothing more would be necessary to designate his country to an exile from China than to speak of "the flowery land." Antiochus, on his return from Egypt, turned aside and invaded Judea, and ultimately robbed the temple, destroyed Jerusalem, and spread desolation through the land. See 1 Macc. 1.

10

Daniel 8:10

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简体中文

它渐渐强大 —— 意即变得非常强大。这在安提阿古征服埃及等之后尤其属实。

高及天象 —— 边注作"对抗"。希伯来文(עד ‛ad)意为"直到"或"及于",其自然的意思似乎是他想把自己置于众星之中,或把自己高举在一切属地事物之上。比较 Isaiah 14:13 的注释:"你心里曾说:我要升到天上;我要高举我的宝座在神众星以上。"Lengerke 认为,这里的意义是:他不仅把征服推进到埃及和东方,乃至整个圣地,而且向神的圣洁军队——耶和华的祭司和敬拜者,即此处称为天象的——发动了战争。Maurer 也如此理解。在《马加比二书》9:10 中,安提阿古被这样描述:"那不久前还自以为能触摸到天上星辰的人"等。下文似乎要求采纳 Lengerke 和 Maurer 所提出的解释,因为紧接着就说他把天象和星宿中的一些抛落在地。这样的解释也与别处论希伯来祭司和掌权者所用的语言相符;在 Isaiah 24:21,他们被称为"高处的众军"。见那一节经文的注释。这样的语言在圣经中绝不少见。把君王和掌权者、尤其是宗教掌权者比作日、月、星辰,是常见的做法。毫无疑问,这里的用意是描述安提阿古的骄傲和野心,表明他认为没有任何事物高得超乎他的觊觎。没有人因为太高或太圣洁而能幸免于他倾覆的企图;甚至连那些因其地位与品格似乎配得被称为日头和星辰、配得称为"天象"的人,也不得安全。

将些天象和星宿抛落在地 —— 那角仿佛长到众星那里,把它们从本位夺下,抛在地上。在应验中,安提阿古倾覆并践踏了神之圣洁军队中的君王、掌权者和百姓。这里所隐含的一切,都在他对待犹太人的事上充充足足地应验了。比较《马加比一书》1章与《马加比二书》8:2。

用脚践踏。 —— 带着愤怒与轻蔑。再没有什么能比这更好地表达安提阿古对待犹太人的行径了。

영문 원문

And it waxed great - It became very powerful. This was eminently true of Antiochus, after having subdued Egypt, etc.

Even to the host of heaven - Margin, against. The Hebrew word (עד ‛ad) means "to" or "unto," and the natural idea would seem to be that he wished to place himself among the stars, or to exalt himself above all that was earthly. Compare the notes at Isaiah 14:13 : "For thou hast said in thine heart, I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of God." Lengerke supposes that the meaning here is, that he not only carried his conquests to Egypt and to the East, and to the holy land in general, but that he made war on the holy army of God - the priests and worshippers of Jehovah, here spoken of as the host of heaven. So Maurer understands it. In 2 Macc. 9:10, Antiochus is described in this language: "And the man that thought a little afore he could reach the stars of heaven, etc." The connection, would seem to demand the interpretation proposed by Lengerke and Maurer, for it is immediately said that he cast down some of the host and the stars to the ground. And such an interpretation accords with the language elsewhere used, of the priests and rulers of the Hebrew people. Thus, in Isaiah 24:21, they are called "the host of the high ones that are on high." See the note at that passage. This language is by no means uncommon in the Scriptures. It is usual to compare princes and rulers, and especially ecclesiastical rulers, with the sun, moon, and stars. Undoubtedly it is the design here to describe the pride and ambition of Antiochus, and to show that he did not think anything too exalted for his aspiration. None were too high or too sacred to be secure from his attempts to overthrow them, and even those who, by their position and character, seemed to deserve to be spoken of as suns and stars, as "the host of heaven," were not secure.

And it cast down some of the host and of the stars to the ground - The horn seemed to grow up to the stars, and to wrest them from their places, and to cast them to the earth. Antiochus, in the fulfillment of this, east down and trampled on the princes, and rulers, and people, of the holy host or army of God. All that is implied in this was abundantly fulfilled in what he did to the Jewish people. Compare 1 Macc. 1, and 2 Macc. 8:2.

And stamped upon them - With indignation and contempt. Nothing could better express the conduct of Antiochus toward the Jews.

11

Daniel 8:11

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简体中文

并且它自高自大,以为高及天象之君 —— Grotius、叙利亚人以法莲(Ephraem the Syrian)等人认为这是指大祭司奥尼亚斯(Onias),即圣民的最高官员。Lengerke 则认为这里是指神自己。后一种解释更有可能;"天象之君"这一说法的含义是:神既是天军的统帅——引领众星座、排列众星——照样他也可以被视为地上圣洁之军的统治者,即宗教的执事者和他的子民。安提阿古高抬自己,敌对这位百姓的统帅和领袖,特别是企图更改他的律法,并使对他的敬拜止息。

借着它 —— 边注作"从他"。意思是:行这事的命令或权柄乃是出于他。

除掉常献给君的燔祭 —— 殿中每日早晚献的祭被中止了。关于此事的完整记载,见《马加比一书》1:20-24、29-32、44-50。安提阿古在执行自己的计划时,"进入圣所,夺走了金坛、灯台和灯台的一切器皿,以及陈设饼的桌子、浇奠的器皿等,并把殿中一切金的装饰都剥尽了"。两年之后,他再次来到那城,"重重击打这城,杀了以色列许多人口;他夺了城中的财物,便放火焚烧,把四围的城墙拆毁"。耶路撒冷的一切都荒凉了。"她的圣所荒凉如同旷野,她的节期变为哀哭,她的安息日受到辱骂,她的尊荣被人轻看。"后来,他借着一道庄严的谕令和更断然的行动,终止了在殿中对神的敬拜,并污秽、玷污了殿的每一部分。"王曾差人将书信送到耶路撒冷和犹大各城,吩咐他们随从那地的异法,禁止在殿中献燔祭、祭牲和奠祭,亵渎安息日和节期,玷污圣所和圣民,筑坛、立木偶和偶像的庙宇,用猪肉和不洁的牲畜献祭,又叫他们不给自己的孩子行割礼,使自己的灵魂因各样的污秽亵渎而成为可憎的;为的是使他们忘记律法,改变一切的规例"(《马加比一书》1:44-49)。

我们面前的这段经文,无疑就是指安提阿古的这些行为;这事件与预言的话如此分明地吻合,仿佛这段预言是事后写成、为要以史书记述的方式描写实际发生之事一样。译作"常献的燔祭"的词——"燔祭"一词是译者补上的——תמיד tâmı̂yd,本义是持续、恒久,继而指连续或恒常之物,如每日进行的祭或礼仪。"燔祭"一词在此补得恰当。——Gesenius,Lexicon。译作"被除掉"的词 הרם huram(Hophal 形,出自 רום rûm——高举、抬起)在此的意思是:它被抬起,随即被除去;也就是说,它被中止——仿佛被挪走了一样。——Gesenius。

毁坏君的圣所 —— 指"天象之君"——就是神——的圣所或圣处。这是指圣殿。

圣殿虽然没有被安提阿古完全摧毁,却被他劫掠、洗劫一空,圣洁的器具都被拿走。城墙确实还存留着,但殿已荒凉,那时整个事奉都停止了。见上文所引《马加比一书》的各处经文。

영문 원문

Yea, he magnified himself even to the prince of the host - Grotius, Ephraem the Syrian, and others, understand this of Onias the high priest, as the chief officer of the holy people. Lengerke supposes that it means God himself. This interpretation is the more probable; and the idea in the phrase "prince of the host" is, that as God is the ruler of the host of heaven - leading on the constellations, and marshalling the stars, so he may be regarded as the ruler of the holy army here below - the ministers of religion, and his people. Against him as the Ruler and Leader of his people Antiochus exalted himself, particularly by attempting to change his laws, and to cause his worship to cease.

And by him - Margin, "from him." The meaning is, that the command or authority to do this proceeded from him.

The daily sacrifice was taken away - The sacrifice that was offered daily in the temple, morning and evening, was suspended. A full account of this may be found in 1 Macc. 1:20-24, 29-32, 44-50. In the execution of the purposes of Antiochus, he "entered the sanctuary, and took away the golden altar, and the candlestick, and all the vessels thereof; and the table of showbread, the pouring vessels, etc., and stripped the temple of all the ornaments of gold." After two years he again visited the city, and "smote it very sore, and destroyed much people of Israel, and when he had taken the spoils of the city he set it on fire, and pulled down the walls thereof on every side." Everything in Jerusalem was made desolate. Her sanctuary was laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts were turned into mourning, her sabbaths into reproach, her honor into contempt." Subsequently, by a solemn edict, and by more decisive acts, he put a period to the worship of God in the temple, and polluted and defiled every part of it. "For the king had sent letters by messengers unto Jerusalem and the cities of Judah, that they should follow the strange laws of the land, and forbid burnt-offerings, and sacrifices, and drink-offerings in the temple; and that they should profane the sabbaths and festival days, and pollute the sanctuary and holy people; set up altars, and groves, and chapels of idols, and sacrifice swine's flesh, and unclean beasts; that they should also leave their children uncir. cumcised, and make their souls abominable with all manner of uncleanness and profanation; to the end they might forget the laws, and change all the ordinances," 1 Macc. 1:44-49.

It was undoubtedly to these acts of Antiochus that the passage before us refers, and the event accords with the words of the prediction as clearly as if what is a prediction had been written afterward, and had been designed to represent what actually occurred as a matter of historical record. The word which is rendered "daily sacrifice" - the word "sacrifice" being supplied by the translators - תמיד tâmı̂yd - means, properly, continuance, prepetuity, and then what is continuous or constant - as a sacrifice or service daily occurring. The word sacrifice is properly inserted here. - Gesenius, Lexicon The meaning of the word rendered "was taken away" - הרם huram (Hophal from רום rûm - to exalt, to lift up) - here is, that it was lifted up, and then was taken away; that is, it was made to cease - as if it had been carried away. - Gesenius.

And the place of his sanctuary - Of the sanctuary or holy place of the, "Prince of the host," that is, of God. The reference is to the temple.

Was cast down - The temple was not entirely destroyed by Antiochus, but it was robbed and rifled, and its holy vessels were carried away. The walls indeed remained, but it was desolate, and the whole service then was abandoned. See the passages quoted above from 1 Macc.

12

Daniel 8:12

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简体中文

有军旅交付它 —— 武加大译本把这译作"力量(robur)被赐给了它"等。德奥多提翁(Theodotion)作"罪被许可——ἐδόθη edothē——临到祭;这义被摔在地上;它就行事并顺利"。Luther 译作"这样的大能(或权势,macht)被赐给了它"。叙利亚语译本作"力量被赐给了它"等。Bertholdt 译作 Statt jenes stellte man den Greuel auf——"代替这殿,立起了那可憎之物"。Dathe 译作"众星被交付给它"——tradita ei fuerunt astra, seu populus Judaicus——即犹大民众。Maurer 也把它解为犹太民众,解作"一支军队(exercitus)——犹太民众——因罪恶的缘故,就是因恶事或因不洁之祭,连同常献之祭一同被交予毁灭"。Lengerke 照我们的译本译作"一支军队(ein Heer)连同每日的祭,因罪恶的缘故被交在他手中"。"军旅"一词(צבא tsâbâ')在此无疑当按 Daniel 8:10 中与"天"连用——"天上的军旅"——的同样意义来理解。那里若指犹太民众,此处无疑也是如此;这样的称呼用在这里也是很自然的。这相当于说"主的军旅"或"主的民";这里本应译作"军旅被交在他手中";就是说,神的子民、圣民被交在他手中。

和常献的燔祭 —— 这说法本身没有传达出清楚的意思。Lengerke 译作 sammt den bestandigen opfer——"与常献之祭同时"。他指出,我们译作"敌对"的介词 על ‛al,像希腊文的 ἐπὶ epi 一样,可以表示与某物的连带,或与某物同在(Zusammenseyn),因此它当表示时间上的联合,即这些事同时发生(Genesis 32:11 (12);Hosea 10:14;Amos 3:15)。比较 Gesenius(Lexicon)论 על ‛al 一词第3义项。照此,其意义是:"军旅"或犹太民众,是与常献之祭同时、或与之相联地被交在他手中的。对民众的征服,以及关于常献之祭的命令,是同时发生的。两者都落入他手中,他对两者都行使了管辖权。

因罪过的缘故 —— 即 בפשׁע beppâsha‛。这一切都是因百姓的过犯、因罪孽横流而发生的。神因不敬虔盛行,把百姓、他们的圣殿和他们的祭交在安提阿古手中。比较《马加比一书》1:11-16。该书的作者把这一切灾祸追溯到某些恶人的行为:他们从安提阿古获得许可,把异教的习俗引进耶路撒冷,并且实际上在那里确立了其中的许多。

它将真理抛在地上 —— 指真宗教的体系,或敬拜神的真方法——在此以抽象的"真理"来代表。如 Isaiah 59:14 所说:"诚实在街上仆倒,正直也不得进入。"这里的意思是:真宗教的各项制度将全然倾倒。这由安提阿古完全成就了。见《马加比一书》第1章。

任意而行,无不顺利 —— 希伯来文作"它行了",或它行动了。意思是:它着手一项工作,并且成功。如 Psalm 1:3 用了同样的说法:"凡他所作的尽都顺利。"这在安提阿古身上完全应验了;他一切敌挡耶路撒冷的作为无不成功。见《马加比一书》第1章。

영문 원문

And a host was given him - The Vulgate renders this, "and strength - robur - was given him, etc." Theodotion, "and sin was permitted - ἐδόθη edothē - against the sacrifice; and this righteousness was cast on the ground; so he acted and was prospered." Luther renders it, "and such might (or power, macht) was given him." The Syriac renders it, "and strength was given him, etc." Bertholdt renders it, Statt jenes stellte man den Greuel auf, "instead of this (the temple) there was set up an abomination." Dathe, "and the stars were delivered to him" - tradita ei fuerunt astra, seu populus Judaicus. Maurer understands it also of the Jewish people, and interprets it, "and an army - exercitus - the people of the Jews was delivered to destruction, at the same time with the perpetual sacrifice, on account of wickedness, that is, for a wicked thing, or for impure sacrifices." Lengerke renders it, as in our translation, "an host - ein Heer - was Wen up to him at the same time with the daily offering, on account of evil." The word "host" (צבא tsâbâ') is doubtless to be taken here in the same sense as in Daniel 8:10, where it is connected with heaven - "the host of heaven." If it refers there to the Jewish people, it doubtless does here, and the appellation is such a one as would not unnaturally be used. It is equivalent to saying "the army of the Lord," or "the people of the Lord," and it should have been rendered here "and the host was given up to him;" that is, the people of God, or the holy people were given into his hands.

Against the daily sacrifice - This does not convey any clear idea. Lengerke renders it, sammt den bestandigen opfer - "at the same time with the permanent sacrifice." He remarks that the preposition על ‛al (rendered in our version against), like the Greek ἐπὶ epi, may denote a connection with anything, or a being with a thing - Zusammenseyn - and thus it would denote a union of time, or that the things occurred together, Genesis 32:11 (12); Hosea 10:14; Amos 3:15. Compare Gesenius (Lexicon) on the word על ‛al, 3. According to this, the meaning is, that the "host," or the Jewish people, were given to him at the same time, or in connection with the daily sacrifice. The conquest over the people, and the command respecting the daily sacrifice, were simultaneous. Both passed into his hands, and he exercised jurisdiction over them both.

By reason of transgression - - בפשׁע beppâsha‛. That is, all this was on account of the transgression of the people, or on account of abounding iniquity. God gave up the people, and their temple, and their sacrifices, into the hands of Antiochus, on account of the prevailing impiety. Compare 1 Macc. 1:11-16. The author of that book traces all these calamities to the acts of certain wicked men, who obtained permission of Antiochus to introduce pagan customs into Jerusalem, and who actually established many of those customs there.

And it cast down the truth to the ground - The true system of religion, or the true method of worshipping God - represented here as truth in the abstract. So in Isaiah 59:14, it is said: "Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter." The meaning here is, that the institutions of the true religion would be utterly prostrate. This was fully accomplished by Antiochus. See 1 Macc. 1.

And it practiced - Hebrew. "it did," or it acted. That is, it undertook a work, and was successful. So in Psalm 1:3, where the same expression occurs: "And whatsoever he doeth shall prosper." This was fully accomplished in Antiochus, who was entirely successful in all his enterprises against Jerusalem. See 1 Macc. 1.

13

Daniel 8:13

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我听见有一位圣者说话, —— 一位圣洁的存有。异象此时已经结束,先知把自己描绘为听见有人恳切询问这荒凉将要持续多久。他把这对话、这些询问,描绘为在他所谓“圣者”——即圣洁的存有——קדשׁ(qâdôsh)——中间所听见的。这个词可以指地上的圣徒,也可以指天使——任何圣洁的存有。然而,既然这些中的一位能够解释异象,并能说出这荒凉将持续多久,把它归于天使就更为自然。Lengerke 也是这样理解的。这里的描绘是:但以理听见一位圣者、即一位天使,正谈论这个主题,但他所说的话没有记载下来。所隐含的只是:他正在谈论将临到圣城和神子民的荒凉。当这位正在说话、并且被介绍为有能力解释异象的圣者说话时,另一位圣者走近前来,问这种事态将要持续多久。对这问题的回答(Daniel 8:14)不是给发问的那位,而是给但以理的,显然是要使它可以记录下来。但以理没有说这异象发生在何处——在天上还是在地上。然而,它离他如此之近,以致他能听见所说的内容。

又有一位圣者 —— 另一位圣洁的存有——大概是一位天使。若是这样,我们便可以得出一个本身在各样意义上都极有可能的结论:一位天使比另一位天使拥有更多的知识,或者说,有些事传给了一些天使,却没有传给另一些。

问那说话的圣者说:「 —— 边注作“Palmoni”,即“数算奥秘者”,或“奇妙的数算者”。希伯来词 פלמוני(palemônı̂y)在圣经别处未再出现。相似的形式 פלני(pelonı̂y)见于 Ruth 4:1“某人哪,转过来”;1 Samuel 21:2“吩咐我的仆人到某处某处”;以及 2 Kings 6:8“在某处某处”。斜体字表示相应的希伯来词。按 Gesenius 的说法,这个词的意思是“某人、某一位”;在阿拉伯语中,指一位明确而特定的人,即可以用手指指出、而不用名字称呼的人。它源自己废弃不用的名词 פלון(pâlôn),后者来自动词 פלה(pâlâh)“区分、分别”,并且常与 אלמני('alemonı̂y)连用——后者本义为“隐藏或不明的人”。因此,这是一种可以恰当地用于称呼无名之人的语言——当我们想与之交谈,或想用手指或类似方式把他指出来,却无法叫出名字时。如此应用于这里的经文,其含义是:但以理并不知道这些说话者的名字,只是看见一位在与另一位说话。除了使用一个通常加于陌生人的词语——当人想向他说话、把他指出来或唤他前来时——之外,他没有别的方法指称或区分他们。这个词并没有边注所提示之含义的根据。德奥多提翁(Theodotion)没有试图翻译这个词,而是将它保留为 φελμουνὶ(phelmouni)——Phelmouni。拉丁武加大译本很好地表达了其含义:dixit unus sanctus alteri nescio loquenti。完整的意思无疑由两个观念传达:

(a) 所指的那位名字不为人知;

(b) 说话者想以某种方式指称他,或把他指出来。

这除掉常献的燔祭……的异象,要到几时才应验呢? —— 即这异象所要代表的事将持续多久;也就是说,圣殿中每日献祭的供献实际上将中止多久?

施行毁坏的罪过 —— 边注作“施行毁坏”。即安提阿古所行、在圣城和圣殿中造成如此荒凉的罪恶作为——那要持续多久?

将圣所 —— 即圣殿;神以可见的记号居住其中、并在其中受敬拜的圣所。

与军旅 —— 即神的子民——犹太人。

交付践踏 —— 即被彻底藐视并被打倒——如同任何被我们践踏在脚下的东西一样。

영문 원문

Then I heard one saint speaking - One holy one. The vision was now ended, and the prophet represents himself now as hearing earnest inquiries as to the length of time during which this desolation was to continue. This conversation, or these inquiries, he represents himself as hearing among those whom he calls "saints" - or holy ones - קדשׁ qâdôsh. This word might refer to a saint on earth, or to an angel - to any holy being. As one of these, however, was able to explain the vision, and to tell how long the desolation was to continue, it is more natural to refer it to angels. So Lengerke understands it. The representation is, that one holy one, or angel, was heard by Daniel speaking on this subject, but nothing is recorded of what he said. It is implied only that he was conversing about the desolations that were to come upon the holy city and the people of God. To him thus speaking, and who is introduced as having power to explain it, another holy one approaches, and asks how long this state of things was to continue. The answer to this question Daniel 8:14 is made, not to the one who made the inquiry, but to Daniel, evidently that it might be recorded. Daniel does not say where this vision occurred - whether in heaven or on earth. It was so near to him, however, that he could hear what was said.

And another saint - Another holy one - probably an angel. If so, we may conclude, what is in itself every way probable, that one angel has more knowledge than another, or that things are communicated to some which are not to others.

Unto that certain saint which spake - Margin, Palmoni, or, the numberer of secrets, or, the wondeful numberer. The Hebrew word, פלמוני palemônı̂y, occurs nowhere else in the Scriptures. The similar form, פלני pelonı̂y, occurs in Ruth 4:1, "Ho, such a one, turn aside;" in 1 Samuel 21:2, "appointed my servants to such and such a place;" and 2 Kings 6:8, "In such and such a place." The Italic words denote the corresponding Hebrew word. The word, according to Gesenius, means some one, a certain one; in Arabic, one who is distinct or definite, whom one points out as with the finger, and not by name. It is derived from an obsolete noun, פלון pâlôn, from the verb פלה pâlâh, to distinguish, and is united commonly with the word אלמני 'alemonı̂y - meaning, properly, one concealed or unknown. It is language, therefore, which would be properly addressed to an unknown person with whom we would desire to speak, or whom we would designate by the finger, or in some such way, without being able to call the name. Thus applied in the passage here, it means that Daniel did not know the names of the persons thus speaking, but simply saw that one was speaking to another. He had no other way of designating or distinguishing them than by applying a term which was commonly used of a stranger when one wished to address him, or to point him out, or to call him to him. There is no foundation in the word for the meaning suggested in the margin. Theodotion does not attempt to translate the word, but retains it - φελμουνὶ phelmouni - Phelmouni. The Latin Vulgate well expresses the meaning, dixit unus sanctus alteri nescio loquenti. The full sense is undoubtedly conveyed by the two ideas,

(a) that the one referred to was unknown by name, and

(b) that he wished to designate him in some way, or to point him out.

How long shall be the vision concerning the daily sacrifice? - How long is what is designed to be represented by the vision to continue; that is, how long in fact will the offering of the daily sacrifice in the temple be suspended?

And the transgression of desolation - Margin, making desolate. That is, the act of iniquity on the part of Antiochus producing such desolation in the holy city and the temple - show long is that to continue?

To give both the sanctuary - The temple; the holy place where God dwelt by a visible symbol, and where he was worshipped.

And the host - The people of God - the Jewish people.

To be trodden under foot - To be utterly despised and prostrated - as anything which is trodden under our feet.

14

Daniel 8:14

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他对我说: —— 这回答不是给发问者的,而是给但以理的,无疑是要使他记录下来,或传达给别人。若这回答是给发问者的,它就会留在他那里,对世界毫无用处。然而,为要在圣所和圣城如此荒凉之时鼓励希伯来百姓,并为提供一个预言清楚应验的实例,把这回答记录下来是重要的;因此,它是给但以理的。

到二千三百日 —— 边注作“晚上、早晨”。希伯来文作 בקר ערב(‛ereb boqer)。拉丁武加大译本作 ad vesperam et mane。德奥多提翁(Theodotion)也是:ἔως ἑσπέρας καὶ πρωΐ̀(heōs hesperas kai prōi),即“直到晚上和早晨”。这里的语言显然源于创世记第一章,或是希伯来人中常见的说法,以“晚上和早晨”构成一日。然而,毫无疑问,这里指的是一日,因为这是公平而明显的解释。希腊人也习惯以 νυχθήμερον(nuchthēmeron)一词同样表示一日的时期(见 2 Corinthians 11:25),以更强调地指明一个完整的日子。见 Stuart 教授《预言解释提示》(Hints on Prophecy),第99、100页。因此这里所指明的时间是六年零一百一十日。

解经家们在使这陈述与但以理书中被认为指同一事件的其他时间表述、以及约瑟夫斯关于圣所荒凉、每日献祭中止期间所记的内容相调和时,一直感到很大困难。但以理书中被认为指同一事件的其他时间表述是:Daniel 7:25,那里所提的时间是三年半,或一千二百六十日;Daniel 12:7,那里提到相同的时间,“一载、二载、半载”,即三年半,或如前所述一千二百六十日;Daniel 12:11,那里所提的时期是“一千二百九十日”;Daniel 12:12,那里所提的时间是“一千三百三十五日”。约瑟夫斯所提的时间恰好是三年——从“他们向神的敬拜衰落、沦为不敬而俗用之时”到灯火重新点燃、敬拜恢复之时;因为他说,后一事件恰好发生在前一事件三年之后的同月同日——《犹太古史记》第12卷第7章第6节。然而,在《犹太战记》第1卷第1章第1节中,他说安提阿古“劫掠了圣殿,并使每日献赎罪祭的惯例中止了三年零六个月”。如今,为解释我们眼前的这段经文、调和这些记载、或表明它们之间没有矛盾,可以作以下的论述:

(1) 我们可以把 Daniel 7:25 搁置不论。见该处的注释。若那里的推论成立,那段经文就与安提阿古无关;而且,尽管按约瑟夫斯的说法,那里所提的时间与每日献祭中止的期间之间有显著的吻合,但这并不能证明那里的指涉就是安提阿古。

(2) 我们目前也可以把 Daniel 12:11-12 搁置不论。那些将是此后讨论的主题,目前不应让它们妨碍我们查明眼前这段经文的含义。

(3) 然而,在假定那些经文指安提阿古、且上引约瑟夫斯的记载准确的条件下——尽管他提到不同的时间,尽管但以理提到不同的时期——这差异可以这样解释:计算起点(terminus a quo)所指的分别是不同的时点。事实是,安提阿古的历史中有好几个导致耶路撒冷最终荒凉的决定性行动,一个作者有时着眼于其中一个,有时着眼于另一个。这样,有安提阿古立耶孙为大祭司、并允许他按异教方式在耶路撒冷设立体操馆的行动(Prideaux,iii.216;《马加比一书》1:11-15);有他袭击并攻取耶路撒冷、进入至圣所、掠取圣殿财宝、污秽圣殿、并在燔祭坛上献一头大母猪的行动(Prideaux,iii.230、231;《马加比一书》1:20-28);有恰好在此两年之后、他在远征埃及失败后决意把一切怒气倾泻于犹太人、并在归途中派阿波罗尼乌斯率大军蹂躏毁灭耶路撒冷的行动——那时阿波罗尼乌斯劫掠全城后放火焚烧、拆毁房屋、拉倒城墙,并用被毁之城的瓦砾在俯瞰圣殿的亚克拉山(Mount Acra)上筑起坚固堡垒,从那里可以攻击一切前去圣殿敬拜的人(Prideaux,iii.239、240;《马加比一书》1:29-40);还有安提阿古明令禁止圣殿中一切燔祭、祭牲和浇祭的行动(Prideaux,iii.241、242;《马加比一书》1:44-51)。显然,一个论述这些灾祸之事、并提及它们将持续多久的人,有时可能以其中一事为起点(terminus a quo),有时又可能着眼于另一事。每一件都是标记鲜明而决定性的事件,每一件都可以被视为一个在重要意义上决定了这城之命运、终止了那里对神之敬拜的时点。

(4) 我们眼前这段经文所提的时间,看来是要涵盖整个灾难事件系列——从导致中止每日献祭、或终止那里对神之敬拜的第一个决定性行动,到“圣所得洁净”之时。本章呈现给但以理的一系列异象使这看起来很可能。代表安提阿古的“小角”在异象中的行动,始于他对“荣美之地”的攻击(Daniel 8:9);而吸引但以理注意的事是:他“渐渐强大”,向“天象”作战,“将些天象和星宿抛落在地”(Daniel 8:10),并且“自高自大,以为高及天象之君”(Daniel 8:11)——这些行动显然指他攻击神的子民、祭司或宗教的执事,并攻击作为“天象之君”的神自己——除非这短语应理解为指大祭司。因此,我们当把整个事件系列都包括在二千三百日之内,而不只限于那以正式法令明文禁止每日献祭的时期。在那全部期间,献祭实际上被中止,对神的敬拜受到搅扰。

(5) 时期终点(terminus ad quem)——这时期的结束——是标明而确定的。这就是“洁净圣所”。这发生在犹大·马加比手下,于主前165年12月25日。——Prideaux,iii.265-268。如今从这时期回溯二千三百日,就到了主前171年8月5日。问题是:在那一年、约在那个时侯,这一系列事件中有没有足够重大、足以构成起算点的事件;有没有与但以理在异象开始时所见的——“天象和星宿中有一些被抛落并被践踏”——相应的事件。而事实上,主前171年开始了一系列安提阿古对犹太人的祭司职分、圣殿和城所作的侵犯,直到他死才告终。直到那一年,安提阿古与犹太百姓的关系是和平而友好的。

主前175年,他应犹太百姓的请求,如上所述,准许他们在耶路撒冷设立体操馆。主前173年,刚登基的埃及年轻的菲洛梅托尔和他的母亲向安提阿古提出对科伊勒叙利亚和巴勒斯坦省的要求——这要求成了安提阿古与埃及王之间战争的起源,也是一切纷扰的开端。——Prideaux,iii.218。主前172年,安提阿古把大祭司的职分赐给大祭司耶孙的兄弟门尼拉乌斯(Menelaus)。耶孙本派门尼拉乌斯到安提阿向王进贡;他在那里起了取代兄弟的图谋,因出价比耶孙更高而谋得任命,回到耶路撒冷。——Prideaux,iii.220-222。到这时为止,安提阿古与犹太人的一切往来都是和平性质的,没有发生任何敌对的事。

主前171年,终于开始了那以入侵和毁灭这城、并中止对神之公开敬拜告终的事件系列。门尼拉乌斯谋得大祭司职分后,拒绝支付他为得职所应许的贡银,被召到安提阿。安提阿古当时外出,门尼拉乌斯利用他的缺席,借他留在耶路撒冷的吕西马科斯(Lysimachus)之手,从圣殿中取出器皿,在推罗卖掉,以此筹得向王付款的钱。其间,逃到安提阿的合法大祭司奥尼亚斯三世严厉斥责门尼拉乌斯的渎圣之罪;此后不久,他在避难的隐退处达夫尼被门尼拉乌斯教唆诱出,被安提阿古的摄政安德罗尼库斯(Andronicus)谋杀。同时,耶路撒冷的犹太人因门尼拉乌斯的亵渎和劫掠圣殿的渎圣行为大为愤慨,起来反抗吕西马科斯及其麾下的叙利亚军队,把这位“渎圣的强盗”(Prideaux 语)和环绕他的卫兵一并杀死。

这对安提阿古之官员的攻击和对他的反叛,是导致这城倾覆、对神之敬拜止息的敌对行动的开端。——Prideaux,iii.224-226;Stuart《预言解释提示》第102页。从这里开始了一系列对祭司职分、圣殿和犹太人之城的侵犯,除偶有中断外,一直延续到安提阿古之死,并导致了污秽圣殿、中止对神之公开敬拜的一切事,而先知在此所指的无疑就是这时。这是描述那对犹太百姓如此灾难性的事件系列时自然的起点,也是今日任何人若把这些事件当作历史来描述时所会开始之处。诚然,要算出确切的日数也许不可行,因为确切的日期并未保存在历史中;但这计算把它带到主前171年——为使二千三百日得以满足所必须假定的那一年。比较 Lengerke 该处,第388页。历来多有借历史记录确定确切日数的尝试。Lengerke 所追随的 Bertholdt 是这样计算的。他把这里所指的时间视为从设立异教祭坛的命令,到对尼卡诺尔的胜利、以及《马加比一书》7:48、49所述那胜利的隆重庆祝。按这计算,时间如下:设立偶像祭坛的命令是在(塞琉古纪元)第145年基斯流月15日颁布的。命令颁布之后,那一年所余的时间是:

基斯流月之半 15日;提别月 30日;细罢特月 29日;亚达月 30日;第146年 354日;第147年 354日;第148年 354日;第149年 354日;第150年 354日;第151年至亚达月13日(对尼卡诺尔的胜利之日)337日;按犹太历法此间的两个闰月 60日;总计2,271日。

这样,二千三百日中只剩下二十九日没有着落,而这是从战场——伯和仑与亚大撒之间(《马加比一书》7:39、40)——前往耶路撒冷、并安排庆祝胜利所需的时间。见 Bertholdt,第501-503页。这里的计算是从塞琉古王国的创立、即塞琉古纪元起算的。

圣所就必洁净 —— 边注作“得称为义”。希伯来词(צדק,tsâdaq)意为正确或笔直,继而公平或公义,再引申为证明有理或称义。在此处所用的形式(尼弗阿尔形,Niph.)中,它意为被宣告为义;得称义或得辩正;而应用于圣殿或圣所时,意为从强暴或损害中得到辩正,即被洁净。见 Gesenius《词典》(Lexicon)。这里无疑是指犹大·马加比的行为:在安提阿古带来污秽之后,他郑重地洁净圣殿、加以修缮并重新奉献。关于这事的描述,见 Prideaux《联结史》(Connexions),iii.265-269。犹大重新指派在圣殿中事奉的祭司;拆毁异教徒所筑的祭坛;把一切污秽之石运到不洁之处;在被他们污秽的旧燔祭坛原址立新坛;使院子成圣;造了新的香坛、陈设饼桌子和金灯台等,并把全殿郑重地重新奉献给事奉神。这事发生在第九月(基斯流月)二十五日,庆典持续八日。这就是新约中称为“修殿节”的节期(John 10:22),我们的救主曾亲临使之得尊荣。见《马加比一书》4:41-58;《马加比二书》10:1-7;约瑟夫斯《犹太古史记》第12卷第7章第6、7节。

영문 원문

And he said unto me - Instead of answering the one who made the inquiry, the answer is made to Daniel, doubtless that he might make a record of it, or communicate it to others. If it had been made to the inquirer, the answer would have remained with him, and could have been of no use to the world. For the encouragement, however, of the Hebrew people, when their sanctuary and city would be thus desolate, and in order to furnish an instance of the clear fulfillment of a prediction, it was important that it should be recorded, and hence, it was made to Daniel.

Unto two thousand and three hundred days - Margin, evening, morning. So the Hebrew, בקר ערב ‛ereb boqer. So the Latin Vulgate, ad vesperam et mane. And so Theodotion - ἔως ἑσπέρας καὶ πρωΐ̀ heōs hesperas kai prōi - "to the evening and morning." The language here is evidently what was derived from Gen. i., or which was common among the Hebrews, to speak of the "evening and the morning" as constituting a day. There can be no doubt, however, that a day is intended by this, for this is the fair and obvious interpretation. The Greeks were accustomed to denote the period of a day in the same manner by the word νυχθήμερον nuchthēmeron (see 2 Corinthians 11:25), in order more emphatically to designate one complete day. See Prof. Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, pp. 99, 100. The time then specified by this would be six years and a hundred and ten days.

Much difficulty has been felt by expositors in reconciling this statement with the other designations of time in the book of Daniel, supposed to refer to the same event, and with the account furnished by Josephus in regard to the period which elapsed during which the sanctuary was desolate, and the daily sacrifice suspended. The other designations of time which have been supposed to refer to the same event in Daniel, are Daniel 7:25, where the time mentioned is three years and a half, or twelve hundred and sixty days; and Daniel 12:7, where the same time is mentioned, "a time, times, and an half," or three years and an half, or, as before, twelve hundred and sixty days; and Daniel 12:11, where the period mentioned is "a thousand two hundred and ninety days;" and Daniel 12:12, where the time mentioned is "a thousand three hundred and thirty-five days." The time mentioned by Josephus is three years exactly from the time when "their Divine worship was fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use," until the time when the lamps were lighted again, and the worship restored, for he says that the one event happened precisely three years after the other, on the same day of the month - Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6. In his Jewish Wars, however, b. i. ch. i. Section 1, he says that Antiochus "spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months." Now, in order to explain the passage before us, and to reconcile the accounts, or to show that there is no contradiction between them, the following remarks may be made:

(1) We may lay out of view the passage in Daniel 7:25. See the note at that passage. If the reasoning there be sound, then that passage had no reference to Antiochus, and though, according to Josephus, there is a remarkable coincidence between the time mentioned there and the time during which the daily sacrifice was suspended, yet that does not demonstrate that the reference there is to Antiochus.

(2) We may lay out of view, also, for the present, the passages in Daniel 12:11-12. Those will be the subject of consideration hereafter, and for the present ought not to be allowed to embarrass us in ascertaining the meaning of the passage before us.

(3) On the assumption, however, that those passages refer to Antiochus, and that the accounts in Josephus above referred to are correct - though he mentions different times, and though different periods are referred to by Daniel, the variety may be accounted for by the supposition that separate epochs are referred to at the starting point in the calculation - the terminus a quo. The truth was, there were several decisive acts in the history of Antiochus that led to the ultimate desolation of Jerusalem, and at one time a writer may have contemplated one, and at another time another. Thus, there was the act by which Jason, made high priest by Antiochus, was permitted to set up a gymnasium in Jerusalem after the manner of the pagan (Prideaux, iii. 216; 1 Macc. 1:11-15); the act by which he assaulted and took Jerusalem, entering the most holy place, stripping the temple of its treasures, defiling the temple, and offering a great sow on the altar of burnt-offerings (Prideaux, iii. 230, 231; 1 Macc. 1:20-28); the act, just two years after this, by which, having been defeated in his expedition to Egypt, he resolved to vent all his wrath on the Jews, and, on his return, sent Apollonius with a great army to ravage and destroy Jerusalem - when Apollonius, having plundered the city, set it on fire, demolished the houses, pulled down the walls, and with the ruins of the demolished city built a strong fortress on Mount Acra, which overlooked the temple, and from which he could attack all who went to the temple to worship (Prideaux, iii. 239, 240; 1 Macc. 1:29-40); and the act by which Antiochus solemnly forbade all burnt-offerings, and sacrifices, and drink-offerings in the temple - (Prideaux, iii. 241, 242; 1 Macc. 1:44-51). Now, it is evident that one writing of these calamitous events, and mentioning how long they would continue, might at one time contemplate one of these events as the beginning, the terminus a quo, and at another time, another of these events might be in his eye. Each one of them was a strongly marked and decisive event, and each one might be contemplated as a period which, in an important sense, determined the destiny of the city, and put an end to the worship of God there.

(4) It seems probable that the time mentioned in the passage before us is designed to take in the whole series of disastrous events, from the first decisive act which led to the suspending of the daily sacrifice, or the termination of the worship of God there, to the time when the "sanctuary was cleansed." That this is so would seem to be probable from the series of visions presented to Daniel in the chapter before us. The acts of the "little horn" representing Antiochus, as seen in vision, began with his attack on the "pleasant land" Daniel 8:9, and the things which attracted the attention of Daniel were, that he "waxed great," and made war on "the host of heaven," and "cast some of the host and of the stars to the ground" Daniel 8:10, and "magnified himself against the prince of the host" Daniel 8:11 - acts which refer manifestly to his attack on the people of God, and the priests or ministers of religion, and on God him. self as the "prince of the host" - unless this phrase should be understood as referring rather to the high priest. We are then rather to look to the whole series of events as included within the two thousand and three hundred days, than the period in which literally the daily sacrifice was forbidden by a solemn statute. It was practically suspended, and the worship of God interrupted during all that time.

(5) The terminus ad quem - the conclusion of the period is marked and settled. This was the "cleansing of the sanctuary." This took place, under Judas Maccabeus, Dec. 25, 165 b.c. - Prideaux, iii.-265-268. Now, reckoning back from this period, two thousand and three hundred days, we come to August 5, 171 b.c. The question is, whether there were in this year, and at about this time, any events in the series of sufficient importance to constitute a period from which to reckon; events answering to what Daniel saw as the commencement of the vision, when "some of the host and the stars were cast down and stamped upon." Now, as a matter of fact, there commenced in the year 171 b.c. a series of aggressions upon the priesthood, and temple, and city of the Jews on the part of Antiochus, which terminated only with his death. Up to this year, the relations of Antiochus and the Jewish people were peaceful and cordial.

In the year 175 b.c. he granted to the Jewish people, who desired it, permission to erect a gymnasium in Jerusalem, as above stated. In the year 173 b.c. demand was made of Antiochus of the provinces of Ccelo-Syria and Palestine by the young Philometor of Egypt, who had just come to the throne, and by his mother - a demand which was the origin of the war between Antiochus and the king of Egypt, and the beginning of all the disturbances. - Prideaux, iii. 218. In the year 172 b.c., Antiochus bestowed the office of high priest on Menelaus, who was the brother of Jason the high priest. Jason had sent Menelaus to Antioch to pay the king his tribute-money, and while there Menelaus conceived the design of supplanting his brother, and by offering for it more than Jason had, he procured the appointment and returned to Jerusalem. - Prideaux, iii.-220-222. Up to this time all the intercourse of Antiochus with the Jews had been of a peaceful character, and nothing of a hostile nature had occurred.

In 171 b.c. began the series of events which finally resulted in the invasion and destruction of the city, and in the cessation of the public worship of God. Menelaus, having procured the high priesthood, refused to pay the tribute-money which he had promised for it, and was summoned to Antioch. Antioclius being then absent, Menelaus took advantage of his absence, and having, by means of Lysimachus, whom he had left at Jerusalem, procured the vessels out of the temple, He sold them at Tyre, and thus raised money to pay the king. In the meantime, Onias III, the lawful high priest, who had fled to Antioch, sternly rebuked Menelaus for his sacrilege, and soon after, at the instigation of Menelaus, was allured from his retreat at Daphne, where he had sought an asylum, and was murdered by Andronicus, the vicegerent of Antiochus. At the same time, the Jews in Jerusalem, highly indignant at the profanation by Menelaus, and the sacrilege in robbing the temple, rose in rebellion against Lysimachus and the Syrian forces who defended him, and both cut off this "sacrilegious robber" (Prideaux), and the guards by whom he was surrounded.

This assault on the officer of Antiochus, and rebellion against him, was the commencement of the hostilities which resulted in the ruin of the city, and the closing of the worship of God. - Prideaux, iii.-224-226; Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, p. 102. Here commenced a series of aggressions upon the priesthood, and the temple, and the city of the Jews, which, with occasional interruption, continued to the death of Antiochus, and which led to all that was done in profaning the temple, and in suspending the public worship of God, and it is doubtless to this time that the prophet here refers. This is the natural period in describing the series of events which were so disastrous to the Jewish people; this is the period at which one who should now describe them as history, would begin. It may not, indeed, be practicable to make out the precise number of days, for the exact dates are not preserved in history, but the calculation brings it into the year 171 b.c., the year which is necessary to be supposed in order that the two thousand and three hundred days should be completed. Compare Lengerke, in loc., p. 388. Various attempts have been made to determine the exact number of the days by historic records. Bertholdt, whom Lengerke follows, determines it in this manner. He regards the time referred to as that from the command to set up pagan altars to the victory over Nicanor, and the solemn celebration of that victory, as referred to in 1 Macc. 7:48, 49. According to this reckoning, the time is as follows: The command to set up idol altars was issued in the year 145, on the 15th of the month Kisleu. There remained of that year, after the command was given -

Half of the month Kisleu 15 days The month Thebet 30 days The month Shebath 29 days The month Adar 30 days The year 146 354 days The year 147 354 days The year 148 354 days The year 149 354 days The year 150 354 days The year 15l to the 13th day of the month Adar, when the victory over Nicanor was achieved 337 days Two intercalary months during this time, according to the Jewish reckoning 60 days Total of 2,271 days. This would leave but twenty-nine days of the 2300 to be accounted for, and this would be required to go from the place of the battle - between Beth-Horon and Adasa (1 Macc. 7:39, 40) to Jerusalem, and to make arrangements to celebrate the victory. See Bertholdt, pp. 501-503. The reckoning here is from the time of founding the kingdom of the Seleucidae, or the era of the Seleucidae.

Then shall the sanctuary be cleansed - Margin, justified. the Hebrew word (צדק tsâdaq) means, to be right or straight, and then to be just or righteous; then to vindicate or justify. In the form used here (Niphal), it means to be declared just; to be justified or vindicated, and, as applied to the temple or sanctuary, to be vindicated from violence or injury; that is, to be cleansed. See Gesenius, Lexicon There is undoubtedly reference here to the act of Judas Maccabeus, in solemnly purifying the temple, and repairing it, and re-dedicating it, after the pollutions brought upon it by Antiochus. For a description of this, see Prideaux's Connexions, iii.-265-269. Judas designated a priesthood again to serve in the temple; pulled down the altars which the pagan had erected; bore out all the defiled stones into an unclean place; built a new altar in place of the old altar of burnt-offerings which they had defiled; hallowed the courts; made a new altar of incense, table of showbread, golden candlestick, etc., and solemnly re-consecrated the whole to the service of God. This act occurred on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month (Kisleu), and the solemnity continued for eight days. This is the festival which is called "the feast of dedication" in the New Testament John 10:22, and which our Saviour honored with his presence. See 1 Macc. 4:41-58; 2 Macc. 10:1-7; Josephus, Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6, 7.

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Daniel 8:15

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「这事发生以后…… —— 但以理看见了那异象,却不能解释它。

「并且寻求其中的意思 —— 显然是借默想,或借自己的心思努力要明白它。

「有一位样子像人的站在我面前 —— 一个具有人形貌的存有。这显然是加百列(Daniel 8:16),他如今取了人的形像;乌莱河两岸之间有声音向他说话,他便开始讲解那异象的含义。

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And it came to pass ... - Daniel saw the vision, but was unable to explain it.

And sought for the meaning - Evidently by meditating on it, or endeavoring in his own mind to make it out.

There stood before me as the appearance of a man - One having the appearance of a man. This was evidently Gabriel Daniel 8:16, who now assumed a human form, and who was addressed by the voice from between the banks of the Ulai, and commenced to make known the meaning of the vision.

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Daniel 8:16

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「我又听见乌莱河两岸之间有人的声音 —— 见 Daniel 8:2 的注释。那声音似乎从河中发出,仿佛是河之守护灵的声音,向站在河边但以理附近的加百列说话。这无疑是指神的声音。说话者不可见;采用这种方式解释异象,大概是要使整个场景更深刻难忘。

「呼叫说:加百列啊 —— 加百列在圣经中仅见于 Daniel 8:16;Daniel 9:21;Luke 1:19、Luke 1:26。在 Luke 1:19,他提到自己时说:“我是站在神面前的加百列。”这名字的本义是“神人”。关于他此外所知的并不多;他被提及,只是作为向但以理、向施洗约翰之父撒迦利亚、并向马利亚传报信息的那位。

「使这人明白这异象 —— 就是向他讲解,使他明白异象的含义。

영문 원문

And I heard a man's voice between the banks of Ulai - See the notes at Daniel 8:2. The voice seemed to come from the river, as if it were that of the Genius of the river, and to address Gabriel, who stood near to Daniel on the shore. This was doubtless the voice of God. The speaker was invisible, and this method of explaining the vision was adopted, probably to make the whole scene more impressive.

Which called, and said, Gabriel - Gabriel is mentioned in the Scriptures only in Daniel 8:16; Daniel 9:21; Luke 1:19, Luke 1:26. In Luke 1:19, he is mentioned as saying of himself, "I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of God." The word means, properly, "man of God." Nothing more is known of him, and he is mentioned only as bearing messages to Daniel, to Zacharias the father of John the Baptist, and to Mary.

Make this man to understand the vision - Explain it to him so that he will under stand its meaning.

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Daniel 8:17

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「他便来到我站的地方 —— 显然,但以理起初是在远处看见他。如今他挨近但以理,为要更便捷地与他交通。

「他来到,我就惧怕,脸伏于地 —— 无疑是因为察觉到他是一位属天的存有。见 Revelation 1:17 的注释。比较 Ezekiel 1:28 及 Daniel 10:8-9。他完全被这位属天来客的临在所压倒,仆倒在地。

「他对我说:人子啊,你要明白 —— 就是要留意,使你能明白这异象。关于“人子”一语,见 Daniel 7:13 的注释。这里只是把他当作一个人来称呼。

「因为这异象是关乎末后的事 —— 这说法的用意,无疑是借对将来要发生之事的某种确据,来鼓舞安慰先知。这在何种意义上成立、这些话所表示的确切观念是什么,解经者意见不一。毛雷尔解释说:“因为这异象展望末后的时期;就是紧接弥赛亚来临之前的时期,那将是一个灾祸的时期,恶人的罪要受刑罚,圣徒的德行要受试炼,即安提阿古·伊皮法尼的时期。”Lengerke 则认为,所指的是现存灾祸——犹太人所受的苦难——的终结;其意义是,在异象所及的弥赛亚时代,他们的苦难与试炼将告终结。他说,天使的用意是扶持安慰那忧愁的先见,仿佛告诉他不必为这些患难将要发生而焦虑,因为它们必有尽头;又如米凯利斯所言,免得先见以为异象所指示的灾祸没有穷尽。

或许其意义可以是这样的:“这异象是关乎末后之期的”;就是说,它涉及世界在弥赛亚降临之下的结束时期,必然先于那时期,并引向那时期。它属于那将要引进后日、即神国将在地上设立之一系列的事件。为支持这一观点,可以说,这不仅是最明显的看法,也得着一切论到弥赛亚来临称之为“末了”、“末后的日子”等等之经文的支持。如 1 Corinthians 10:11:“我们正是到了世界末了的世代。”比较 Isaiah 2:2 的注释。按这解释,其意义是:“这异象关乎末了,即万事之结束的安排”;就是说,它与末了将临的时期有关,或要引进那时期。它遥望未来的时代,甚至遥望那些虽然现今遥远(比较 Daniel 8:26)、世界的事务将在其下得告终结之新秩序将临的时代。比较 Hebrews 1:2 的注释。

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So he came near where I stood - He had seen him, evidently, at first in the distance. He now drew near to Daniel, that he might communicate with him the more readily.

And when, he came, I was afraid, and fell upon my face - Doubtless perceiving that he was a celestial being. See the notes at Revelation 1:17. Compare Ezekiel 1:28, and Daniel 10:8-9. He was completely overpowered by the presence of the celestial stranger, and sank to the ground.

But he said unto me, Understand, O son of man - Give attention, that you may understand the vision. On the phrase "son of man," see the notes at Daniel 7:13. It is here simply an address to him as a man.

For at the time of the end shall be the vision - The design of this expression is undoubtedly to cheer and comfort the prophet with some assurance of what was to occur in future times. In what way this was done, or what was the precise idea indicated by these words, interpreters have not been agreed. Maurer explains it, "for this vision looks to the last time; that is, the time which would immediately precede the coming of the Messiah, which would be a time of calamity, in which the guilt of the wicked would be punished, and the virtue of the saints would be tried, to wit, the time of Antiochus Epiphanes." Lengerke supposes that the end of the existing calamities - the sufferings of the Jews - is referred to; and that the meaning is, that in the time of the Messiah, to which the vision is extended, there would be an end of their sufferings and trials. The design of the angel, says he, is to support and comfort the troubled seer, as if he should not be anxious that these troubles were to occur, since they would have an end, or, as Michaelis observes, that the seer should not suppose that the calamities indicated by the vision would have no end.

Perhaps the meaning may be this: "The vision is for the time of the end;" that is, it has respect to the closing period of the world, under which the Messiah is to come, and necessarily precedes that, and leads on to that. It pertains to a series of events which are to introduce the latter times, when the kingdom of God shall be set up on the earth. In justification of this view of the passage, it may be remarked that this is not only the most obvious view, but is sustained by all those passages which speak of the coming of the Messiah as "the end," the "last days," etc. Thus 1 Corinthians 10:11 : "upon whom the ends of the world are come." Compare the notes at Isaiah 2:2. According to this interpretation, the meaning is, "the vision pertains to the end, or the closing dispensation of things;" that is, it has a bearing on the period when the end will come, or will introduce that period. It looks on to future times, even to those times, though now remote (compare Daniel 8:26), when a new order of things will exist, under which the affairs of the world will be wound up. Compare the notes at Hebrews 1:2.

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Daniel 8:18

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他与我说话的时候,我面伏在地沉睡 —— 因异象而俯伏瘫倒。就是说,他已神志昏迷、失去知觉地倒下了。见 Daniel 10:9。他的力气因那异象完全被夺去。属天的异象或天上的使者突然显现,会使人失去气力,这并非什么难以置信的事。比较 Genesis 15:12;Job 4:13 以下;Judges 6:22;Judges 13:20、Judges 13:22;Isaiah 6:5;Luke 1:12、Luke 1:29;Luke 2:9;Acts 9:3、Acts 9:8。“他就摸我,扶我站起来。”边注照希伯来文作“使我站在我的站立之处”。他把我扶起,使我用脚站立。救主在大数人扫罗往大马士革去的路上向他显现、使他忽然被击倒在地之后,也是这样对他说话:“你起来站着”(Acts 26:16)。

영문 원문

Now, as he was speaking with me, I was in a deep sleep on my face toward the ground - Overcome and prostrate with the vision. That is, he had sunk down stupified or senseless. See Daniel 10:9. His strength had been entirely taken away by the vision. There is nothing improbable in this, that the sudden appearance of a celestial vision, or a heavenly being, should take away the strength. Compare Genesis 15:12; Job 4:13, following; Judges 6:22; Judges 13:20, Judges 13:22; Isaiah 6:5; Luke 1:12, Luke 1:29; Luke 2:9; Acts 9:3, Acts 9:8. "But he touched me, and set me upright." Margin, as in Hebrew, "made me stand upon my standing." He raised me up on my feet. So the Saviour addressed Saul of Tarsus, when he had been suddenly smitten to the earth, by his appearing to him on the way to Damascus: "Rise, and stand upon thy feet," etc., Acts 26:16.

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Daniel 8:19

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说我要指示你恼怒临完必有的事 —— 指将来神的恼怒向希伯来人显明的时候;就是任凭安提阿古所要加给他们的灾祸临到他们。圣经处处表明,这些灾难之所以发生,是要证明神因他们的罪而施的忿怒。比较 Daniel 9:24;Daniel 11:35;2 Macc. 7:33。

因为这是关乎末后的定期 —— 这一切不会永远持续。在神的旨意中有一段明确划定的时期;那时期一到,这一切就要结束。见 Daniel 8:17 的注释。

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And he said, Behold, I will make thee know what shall be in the last end of the indignation - In the future time when the Divine indignation shall be manifest toward the Hebrew people; to wit, by suffering the evils to come upon them which Antiochus would inflict. It is everywhere represented that these calamities would occur as a proof of the Divine displeasure on account of their sins. Compare Daniel 9:24; Daniel 11:35; 2 Macc. 7:33.

For at the time appointed the end shall be - It shall not always continue. There is a definite period marked out in the Divine purpose, and when that period shall arrive, the end of all this will take place. See the notes at Daniel 8:17.

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Daniel 8:20

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你所看见的公绵羊…… —— 见 Daniel 8:3 的注释。这是圣经中象征得到解释的实例之一。因此,其含义无可置疑。

영문 원문

The ram which thou sawest ... - See the notes at Daniel 8:3. This is one of the instances in the Scriptures in which symbols are explained. There can be no doubt, therefore, as to the meaning.

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Daniel 8:21

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那多毛的公山羊 —— 见 Daniel 8:5 的注释。在 Daniel 8:5 中,它称为公山羊;这里加于它的,是“多毛的”或“有毛的”一词——שׂעיר s'â‛ı̂yr。这名称常加于山羊(Leviticus 4:24;Leviticus 16:9;Genesis 37:31)。看来无论用哪一个名称——公山羊或多毛的山羊——都足以指明这动物;大概这两个词是不加区别地使用的。

就是希腊王 —— 代表希腊的王。这里译作“希腊”的词(יון yâvân)通常且严格地说来,指小亚细亚西部的爱奥尼亚;但这名称后来扩展到涵盖整个希腊。见 Aristoph. Acharn. 504 及该处古注;AEschyl. Pers. 176、561;Gesenius 的词典(Lexicon)。武加大译本与德奥多提翁在此把它译作“希腊人的王”;而这里所指的无疑是希腊人中间的王权,这是无可置疑的。见 Daniel 8:5 的注释。

两眼当中的大角就是头一王 —— 即亚历山大大帝。他是第一个把全部权力统一起来的人,也是在东方以希腊之王闻名的人。《马加比一书》1:1 就明确这样称呼他:“希腊的第一位王”。他的父亲腓力在征服希腊的企图中遭遇抵抗,并被击败。亚历山大入侵希腊,焚毁底比斯,迫使雅典人屈服,并被推为对抗波斯人的希腊全军的统帅。

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And the rough goat - See the notes at Daniel 8:5. In Daniel 8:5 he is called a he-goat. Here the word rough or hairy - שׂעיר s'â‛ı̂yr - is applied to it. This appellation is often given to a goat Leviticus 4:24; Leviticus 16:9; Genesis 37:31. It would seem that either term - a he-goat, or a hairy-goat - would serve to designate the animal, and it is probable that the terms were used indiscriminately.

Is the king of Grecia - Represents the king of Greece. The word here rendered Grecia (יון yâvân) denotes usually and properly Ionia, the western part of Asia Minor; but this name was extended so as to embrace the whole of Greece. See Aristoph. Acharn. 504, ibique Schol.; AEschyl. Pers. 176, 561; Gesenius, Lexicon Latin Vulgate and Theodotion, here render it "the king of the Grecians," and there can be no doubt that the royal power among the Greeks is here referred to. See the notes at Daniel 8:5.

And the great horn that is between his eyes is the first king - Alexander the Great. The first that consolidated the whole power, and that was known in the East as the king of Greece. So he is expressly called in 1 Macc. 1:1: "The first over Greece." Philip, his father, was opposed in his attempts to conquer Greece, and was defeated. Alexander invaded Greece, burned Thebes, compelled the Athenians to submit, and was declared generalissimo of the Grecian forces against the Persians.

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Daniel 8:22

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至于那折断了的角 —— 乃是因亚历山大大帝之死。

在其根上又长出四角 —— 意即在它原来的位置上兴起。

这四角就是四国 —— 最终必如此。不必设想这事会随即发生。只要事实上真有这四个国从这一国中兴起,预言所蕴含的一切便算应验了。关于这应验,见 Daniel 8:8 的注释。

只是权势都不及他 —— 这四个王朝中,没有任何一个曾拥有过亚历山大大帝所执掌的那种权势。

영문 원문

Now that being broken - By the death of Alexander.

Whereas four stood up for it - Stood up in its place.

Four kingdoms shall stand up - Ultimately. It is not necessary to suppose that this would be immediately. If four such should in fact spring out of this one kingdom, all that implied in the prophecy would be fulfilled. On the fulfillment of this, see the notes at Daniel 8:8.

But not in his power - No one of these four dynasties had at any time the power which was wielded by Alexander the Great.

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Daniel 8:23

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这四国末时 —— 就是当它们临近终结的时候。这一切权势最终都被罗马的权势吞并;这里的意思是:从它们成形之时——即伊普苏斯之战以后帝国分裂之时(见 Daniel 8:8 的注释)——直到这一切都被罗马政权吞并为止,若把这段时间看作一个整体,那么这里所陈述的事——即安提阿古的兴起——将发生在这段时期的后半。伊普苏斯之战发生于公元前301年;而罗马的权势从公元前168年——即皮德纳之战、珀尔修斯被击败、马其顿沦为罗马行省的那年——到公元前30年埃及归顺为止——这些国中最后一个屈服于罗马武力的国家——逐渐扩展到所有这些地区。安提阿古于公元前175年开始作王,所以这确属于这段时期的后半。

犯法的人罪恶满盈 —— 边注作“完成”。意即当犹太地的状态——邪恶与不敬虔的盛行——被容许延续到无可再容许的地步,以致罪恶之杯已经满溢时,这可怕的权势便要出现,向这有罪的民族施行当得的刑罚。圣经的作者们常说到罪恶满盈——罪恶之杯满溢——仿佛有一定的界限或容量,越过它便不能再被容许。当那界限到达时,神就介入,以某种沉重的审判剪除罪人。比较 Genesis 15:16:“亚摩利人的罪孽还没有满盈”;Matthew 23:32:“你们去充满你们祖宗的恶贯吧”;1 Thessalonians 2:16:“常常充满自己的罪恶”。这里的观念是:有一定的分量或数量的罪可以被容忍,但越过它,神的怜悯为宇宙的安全计、为与神的尊荣相称计,便不能再往前去,那时刑罚就可以预期了,那时刑罚就必临到。这无疑对个人和邦国都是真实的;而当安提阿古被容许使他们的圣殿、城邑与国土荒凉时,这时期就在犹太人身上临到了。

面貌凶恶的君王 —— 就是严酷而苛刻。这说法可以应用于许多曾身居王位的人,也没有人能怀疑,它用于安提阿古身上是完全恰当的。

能用双关的诈语 —— 格泽尼乌斯在其词典中解释,这里译作“双关的诈语”的词,意思是诡计、欺诈、策略。这更符合安提阿古的品格,因为他以奸计与权术著称,多于以智慧或解谜见长。这里的含义似乎是:他必精于权谋、狡诈多端,不仅藉所激起的恐怖,也藉欺骗与诡诈,谋求开辟自己的道路、达成自己的目的。众所周知,这正是他的品格。参 Daniel 8:25 的注释。

必兴起 —— 意即必如愿得势,或必有这样的一位王出现。

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And in the latter time of their kingdom - When it shall be drawing to an end. All these powers were ultimately absorbed in the Roman power; and the meaning here is, that taking the time from the period of their formation - the division of the empire after the battle of Ipsus (see the notes at Daniel 8:8), until the time when all would be swallowed up in the Roman dominion, what is here stated - to wit, the rise of Antiochus - would be in the latter portion of that period. The battle of Ipsus was fought 301 b.c., and the Roman power was extended over all those regions gradually from 168 b.c. - the battle of Pydna, when Perseus was defeated, and Macedonia was reduced to a Roman province, to 30 b.c., when Egypt was subjected - the last of these kingdoms that submitted to the Roman arms. Antiochus began to reign, 175 b.c. - so that it was in the latter part of this period.

When the transgressors are come to the full - Margin, accomplished. That is, when the state of things - the prevalence of wickedness and irreligion in Judea - shall have been allowed to continue as long as it can be - or so that the cup shall be full - then shall appear this formidable power to inflict deserved punishment on the guilty nation. The sacred writers often speak of iniquity as being full - of the cup of iniquity as being full - as if there was a certain limit or capacity beyond which it could not be allowed to go. When that arrives, God interposes, and cuts off the guilty by some heavy judgment. Compare Genesis 15:16 : "The iniquity of the Amorites is not yet full." Matthew 23:32 : "fill ye up then the measure of your fathers." 1 Thessalonians 2:16 : "to fill up their sins alway." The idea is, that there is a certain measure or amount of sin which can be tolerated, but beyond that the Divine compassion cannot go with safety to the universe, or consistently with the honor of God, and then the punishment may be expected; then punishment must come. This is true, doubtless, of individuals and nations, and this period had arrived in regard to the Jews when Antiochus was permitted to lay their temple, city, and country waste.

A king of fierce countenance - Stern and severe. This expression would be applicable to many who have held the kingly office, and no one can doubt that it may be applied with strict propriety to Antiochus.

And understanding dark sentences - Gesenius (Lexicon) explains the word here rendered "dark sentences" to mean artifice, trick, stratagem. This will better agree with the character of Antiochus, who was more distinguished for craft and policy than he was for wisdom, or for explaining enigmas. The meaning seems to be that he would be politic and crafty, seeking to make his way, and to accomplish his purpose, not only by the terror that he inspired, but by deceit and cunning. That this was his character is well known. Compare the notes at Daniel 8:25.

Shall stand up - Shall succeed, or there shall be such a king.

24

Daniel 8:24

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他的权势必大 —— 他必成为一位有权势的君王。虽然不如亚历山大那样强大,但他征服埃及等地的事迹表明,他配列于世上大有权势的君王之中。

却不是因自己的能力 —— 意即这不是凭他自己的任何力量,而是凭神所赐给他的权势。这对一切君王与掌权者都是真实的(比较 John 19:11;Isaiah 10:5及以下);但这里似乎特别提及这一点,为要表明他即将带给希伯来百姓的灾难,乃是出于神的指示与命定。这大权势赐给他,为要叫他作神手中的工具,因他们的罪而降下当得的刑罚。

他必行非常的毁灭 —— 他必以奇妙而非凡的方式散布荒凉。这是特别指他荒凉圣城和犹太地的方式。马加比书中的历史表明,这话已按字面应验。

事情顺利 —— 安提阿古在历次征伐中,是最有成就的君王之一。尤其针对圣地的图谋,他是成功的。

任意而行 —— 希伯来文作“行”。意即他不仅以“拟定”计谋著称,也以“执行”计谋著称;不仅“立意”,而且“实行”。

又必毁灭有能力的和圣民 —— 就是神的民——犹太民族。见 Daniel 8:9-12 的注释。

영문 원문

And his power shall be mighty - He shall be a powerful monarch. Though not as mighty as Alexander, yet his conquests of Egypt and other places show that he deserved to be numbered among the mighty kings of the earth.

But not by his own power - That is, it shall not be by any strength of his own, but by the power which God gives him. This is true of all kings and princes (compare John 19:11; Isaiah 10:5, following), but it seems to be referred to here particularly to show that the calamities which he was about to bring upon the Hebrew people were by Divine direction and appointment. This great power was given him in order that he might be an instrument in the Divine hand of inflicting deserved punishment on them for their sins.

And he shall destroy wonderfully - In a wonderful or extraordinary manner shall he spread desolation. This refers particularly to the manner in which he would lay waste the holy city, and the land of Judea. The history in the books of Maccabees shows that this was literally fulfilled.

And shall prosper - Antiochus was among the most successful kings in his various expeditions. Particularly was he successful in his enterprises against the holy land.

And practice - Hebrew, "do." That is, he shall be distinguished not only for "forming" plans, but for "executing" them; not merely for "purposing," but for "doing."

And shall destroy the mighty and the holy people - The people of God - the Jewish nation. See the notes at Daniel 8:9-12.

25

Daniel 8:25

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아직 번역이 없습니다.

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And through his policy - The word rendered "policy" here (שׂכל s'êkel) means, properly, intelligence, understanding, wisdom; and then, in a bad sense, craft, cunning. So it is rendered here by Gesenius, and the meaning is, that he would owe his success in a great measure to craft and subtilty.

He shall cause craft to prosper in his hand - He shall owe his success in a great measure to a crafty policy, to intrigue, and to cunning. This was true in an eminent sense, of Antiochus. See his history in Prideaux, above referred to, and the books of Maccabees. Compare the notes at Daniel 11:21. The same character is given of him by Polybius, "Relig." lib. xxi. c. 5, tom. iv. p. 501, ed. Schweighauser; Appian, "de reb. Syr." xlv. t. 1, p. 604, ed. Schweigh. Compare 2 Macc. 5:24-26. He came to the kingdom by deceit (Prideaux, iii. 212), and a great part of his success was owing to craft and policy.

And he shall magnify himself in his heart - Shall be lifted up with pride, or esteem himself of great consequence.

And by peace shall destroy many - Margin, "prosperity." The Hebrew word (שׁלוה shalevâh) means, properly, tranquility, security, ease, carelessness. Here the phrase seems to mean "in the midst of security" (Gesenius, Lexicon); that is, while they were at ease, and regarded themselves as in a state of safety, he would come suddenly and unexpectedly upon them, and destroy them. He would make sudden war on them, invading their territories, so that they would have no opportunity to make preparation to meet him. Compare Daniel 11:21, Daniel 11:24. It would seem to mean that he would endeavor to produce the impression that he was coming in peace; that he pretended friendship, and designed to keep those whom he meant to invade and destroy in a state of false security, so that he might descend upon them unawares. This was his policy rather than to declare war openly, and so give his enemies fair warning of what he intended to do. This description agrees every way with the character of Antiochus, a leading part of whose policy always was to preserve the appearance of friendship, that he might accomplish his purpose while his enemies were off their guard.

He shall also stand up against the Prince of princes - Notes, Daniel 8:11. Against God, the ruler over the kings of the earth.

But he shall be broken without hand - That is, without the hand of man, or by no visible cause. He shall be overcome by Divine, invisible power. According to the author of the first book of Maccabees (1 Macc. 6:8-16), he died of grief and remorse in Babylon. He was on an expedition to Persia, and there laid siege to Elymais, and was defeated, and fled to Babylon, when, learning that his forces in Palestine had been repulsed, penetrated with grief and remorse, he sickened and died. According to the account in the second book of Maccabees (2 Macc. 9), his death was most distressing and horrible. Compare Prideaux, iii.-272-275. All the statements given of his death, by the authors of the books of Maccabees, by Josephus, by Polybius, by Q. Curtius, and by Arrian (see the quotations in Prideaux), agree in representing it as attended with every circumstance of horror that can be well supposed to accompany a departure from this world, and as having every mark of the just judgment of God. The Divine prediction in Daniel was fully accomplished, that his death would be "without hand," in the sense that it would not be by human instrumentality; but that it would be by a direct Divine infliction. When Antiochus died, the opposition to the Jews ceased, and their land again had peace and rest.

26

Daniel 8:26

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아직 번역이 없습니다.

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And the vision of the evening and the morning - That is, of the two thousand three hundred days. See Daniel 8:14, and the margin on that verse. The meaning here is, "the vision pertaining to that succession of evenings and mornings." Perhaps this appellation was given to it particularly because it pertained so much to the evening and morning sacrifice.

Is true - Shall be certainly accomplished. This was said by the angel, giving thus to Daniel the assurance that what he had seen Daniel 8:9-14 was no illusion, but would certainly come to pass.

Wherefore shut thou up the visions - Seal it up. Make a record of it, that it may be preserved, and that its fulfillment may be marked. See the notes at Isaiah 8:16.

For it shall be for many days - That is, many days will elapse before it will be accomplished. Let a fair record, therefore, be made of it, and let it be sealed up, that it may be preserved to prepare the people for these events. "When" these things would come thus fearfully upon the people of Judea, they would be the better able to bear these trials, knowing the period when they would terminate.

27

Daniel 8:27

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아직 번역이 없습니다.

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And I Daniel fainted - Hebrew, "I was " - נהייתי nı̂heyēythı̂y. Compare Daniel 2:1. The meaning, according to Gesenius ("Lexicon"), is, "I was done up, and was sick:" - I was done over, etc. Perhaps the "reason" of his using this verb here is, that he represents himself as "having been sick," and then as fainting away, as if his life had departed. The Latin Vulgate renders it langui. Theodotion, ἐκοιμήθην ekoimēthēn - " was laid in my bed." The general idea is plain, that he was overcome and prostrate at the effect of the vision. He had been permitted to look into the future, and the scenes were so appalling - the changes that were to occur were so great - the calamities were so fearful in their character - and, above all, his mind was so affected that the daily sacrifice was to cease, and the worship of God be suspended, that he was entirely overcome. And who of us, probably, could "bear" a revelation of what is to occur hereafter? Where is there strength that could endure the disclosure of what may happen even in a few years?

And was sick certain days - The exact time is not specified. The natural interpretation is, that it was for a considerable period.

Afterward I rose up, and did the king's business - Compare the notes at Daniel 8:2. From this it would appear that he had been sent to Shushan on some business pertaining to the government. What it was we are not informed. As a matter of fact, he was sent there for a more important purpose than any which pertained to the government at Babylon - to receive disclosure of most momentous events that were to occur in distant times. Yet this did not prevent him from attending faithfully to the business entrusted to him - as no views which we take of heavenly things, and no disclosures made to our souls, and no absorption in the duties and enjoyments of religion, should prevent us from attending with fidelity to whatever secular duties may be entrusted to us. Sickness justifies us, of course, in not attending to them; the highest views which we may have of God and of religious truth should only make us more faithful in the discharge of our duties to our fellow-men, to our country, and in all the relations of life. He who has been favored with the clearest views of Divine things will be none the less prepared to discharge with faithfulness the duties of this life; he who is permitted and enabled to look far into the future will be none the less likely to be diligent, faithful, and laborious in meeting the responsibilites of the present moment. If a man could see all that there is in heaven, it would only serve to impress him with a deeper conviction of his obligations in every relation; if he could see all that there is to come in the vast eternity before him, it would only impress him with a profounder sense of the consequences which may follow from the discharge of the present duty.

And I was astonished at the vision - He was stupified - he was overcome - at the splendid appearance, and the momentous nature of the disclosures. Compare the notes at Daniel 4:19.

But none understood it - It would seem probable from this, that he communicated it to others, but no one was able to explain it. Its general features were plain, but no one could follow out the details, and tell "precisely" what would occur, before the vision was fulfilled. This is the general nature of prophecy; and if neither Daniel nor any of his friends could explain this vision in detail, are we to hope that we shall be successful in disclosing the full meaning of those which are not yet fulfilled? The truth is, that in all such revelations of the future, there must be much in detail which is not now fully understood. The general features may be plain - as, in this case, it was clear that a mighty king would rise; that he would be a tyrant; that he would oppress the people of God; that he would invade the holy land; that he would for a time put a period to the offering of the daily sacrifice; and that this would continue for a definite period; and that then he would be cut off without human instrumentality: but who from this would have been able to draw out, in detail, all the events which in fact occurred? Who could have told precisely how these things would come to pass? Who could have ventured on a biography of Antiochus Epiphanes? Yet these three things are true in regard to this:

(1) That no one by human sagacity could have foreseen these events so as to have been able to furnish these sketches of what was to be;

(2) That these were sufficient to apprise those who were interested particularly of what would occur; and

(3) That when these events occurred, it was plain to all persons that the prophecy had reference to them.

So plain is this - so clear is the application of the predictions in this book, that Porphyry maintained that it was written after the events had occurred, and that the book must have been forged.