Barnes' Notes on the Bible · 여호수아 1장

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Joshua 1 Introduction

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《约书亚记》绪论

  1. 本书与圣经中其他几卷历史书一样,其名称取自书的内容。本书从摩西之死起承接选民的历史,在其继承者的领导与治理下,以系统而有序的叙述继续下去。本书(几乎专门)记载约书亚履行神借摩西之手加在他身上的托付所行的事(参 Deuteronomy 31:7-8),以约书亚的死与安葬作结。

全书内容分为篇幅大体相等的两部分:前十二章记述那地的征服;后十二章记述其后的分地,以及约书亚最后的作为与言语。

在前一部分中所描述约书亚的胜利,伴随着神一次又一次奇伟的干预。这一神迹性的因素,使一些注释家把本书整体视为非历史之作。但不可忘记,《约书亚记》中的神迹并非孤立存在。它们仿佛自然地从摩西日子神为以色列所作的干预中生长出来,不过是始于埃及、记于出埃及记及其后诸书的一系列非凡护理的收束。它们同样与犹太教会和民族日后的历史与发展密切相连,甚至与神那更宽广、更遥远的旨意——就是在基督教会中已经显明或将要显明、直到万物终结的旨意——紧密相关。因此,约书亚对迦南的征服,其意义远比它作为一件史实乍看之下的规模所提示的更加宏大。

不可把这件事仅仅看作一支来自阿拉伯旷野的游牧部族,对一块大约相当于英格兰三个普通郡面积之小地区的入侵。它也是神成就一项古时所启示之目的的作为;它是神为在人间保存他的律法、旨意与圣言所定计划的一个必要要素;它的用意在于在许多重要细节上预表神日后对待全人类的作为。若没有神特别的帮助,以色列人根本无法成就这征服,因为他们在人数上几乎不比迦南人占优势,没有战车马匹,没有较为精良的战争装备,更缺乏攻取迦南遍布之城邑所需的器械(参 Numbers 13:28; Deuteronomy 1:28; Deuteronomy 9:1)。然而,神的应许已向他们的先祖许下,要赐给他们这地;那么,凡为成就这应许所必需的,都属乎他的信实,他必定赐下。因此,《约书亚记》是摩西五经必不可少的续篇,因为它宣告神借摩西与以色列所立之约已彻底成就,从而显明他那不可违逆的信实。

然而,无论《约书亚记》的神政性与神学性特征本身如何重要,也无论它们在(可以说)为叙述中的神迹因素辩护上如何重要,我们仍不可忽略本书所呈现的普通史实与历史事实的内在证据。

约书亚对迦南的入侵,显然是一次部署周密、指挥娴熟的行动。一支从南面向迦南进军的军队,会发现自己的进路被一道又一道山脉拦阻,而在摩西与约书亚的时代,每道山上都密布城镇与堡垒。这样一支军队的推进必然缓慢,并且每一步都会遭遇来自越来越多敌人的更有组织的抵抗。当以色列人为加低斯的背叛付上四十年的代价之后,再度照神的命令起来进行那久被搁置的对迦南的大业时,全军被引领绕行那地的整个东南角,直指死海以北防御较为薄弱的东翼。这样,日后成为犹大领土的“南地”与“山地”中一切坚固的军事要冲和设防城邑,都被从背后攻取,变得几乎无用。

而且,此时南方的迦南人尤其可能因图特摩斯三世(Thotmes III)的入侵而大为削弱;他显然在不多几年之前攻取了迦萨,无疑也横扫了整个邻近地区(见 Joshua 13:3 注)。约书亚为执行这谨慎制定的计划所采取的措施,同样卓有才干。借神特别的帮助,在敌人无疑视约旦河为几乎不可逾越之障碍的时节渡河(见 Joshua 3:15 注);夺取吉甲作为他在那地的立足点;攻取并毁灭耶利哥;艾城的陷落——这些事件使他能将以色列的兵力如楔子一般插入那地的正中,几乎直达西海,插入其最脆弱的地带,即南面犹大的坚垒与北面以法莲山区之间。约书亚左翼的亚摩利人,因他全军横隔其间而与右翼的赫人隔绝,在基遍面前被击溃。在北方更庞大的队伍集结起来之前,整个南方至少已暂时被制服。北方的人随后也同他们在南方的弟兄一样命运;约书亚在米伦湖畔将他们的大军击得粉碎。

在约书亚的这些战役中,我们不可能不看见战略才干的痕迹,其显著的程度不亚于叙述所断言的那种直接出于神的指示与救助的同在。

  1. 约书亚品格中最主要的特质是勇气——战士的勇气:这在出埃及时必定已经出众(Exo 17:9)。此后,约书亚以常常随侍摩西之人的身份出现(Exodus 24:13; Exodus 32:1; Exodus 33:11);毫无疑问,他正是在西奈山、在圣所的院内,获得了那标志着他日后生涯的事奉上坚定不移的忠贞,以及对神毫不动摇的信靠。他自然被选为摩西所差、在入侵之前窥探那地的十二位“首领”之一(Numbers 13:2);他与迦勒带回的勇敢而如实的报告(Numbers 14:7-9),正如他在盛怒的会众面前那无所畏惧的态度(Numbers 14:10)一样,都是他品格的写照。这些特质显明他适合作耶和华民的统帅,在他们面前倾覆仇敌,使他们得着所应许的产业。于是,照神明确的命令,他在摩西死前被庄严地委任承担这职分与职责(Numbers 27:16-23; Deuteronomy 31:23)。

约书亚不是先知(便西拉智训 46:1;参 Numbers 27:21),而是一位受神默感的领袖。他一生那伟大而独特的工作完成之后,他不再像从前那样在以色列的首位上占有同等的独尊地位。在安排百姓定居于各自家园、并照摩西律法所定的路线确立神政体制时,他与大祭司以利亚撒及各支派的首领共同行事(参 Joshua 14:1; Joshua 17:4; Joshua 21:1)。这是很自然的事。军队已经完成任务,已经散去,或即将散去,各归自己的产业;因此他们统帅的军事权柄随之告终。他的晚年大概在亭拿西拉隐居度过;看来他在极高龄时从那里出来,在示剑的大聚会中会见众首领与百姓(Joshua 23-24),作为强盛一代几乎仅存的健在者、以色列最大胜利的英雄,最末一次运用他的权柄,使他的百姓更坚定、更紧密地持守他们对神当尽的效忠。

作为约书亚品格主要特征的勇气,是极其明确而直接地建立在信心之上的(Joshua 1:5-6)。约书亚毫不迟疑地顺服神的呼召,直到末了,但这是因为他对伴随呼召而来的应许全然信靠。因此,除了军人的品质之外,他还具备少见于同一人身上的其他品质。他把作士师的公正与为人的温和结合起来(Joshua 7:19);把为君的气概与对待傲慢苛求之人时的克制和审慎结合起来(Joshua 17:14);在分配胜利果实时既勤勉又公允,对自己则全然无私(Joshua 19:49-51)。或许最突出的还是他的谦卑。从始至终,他的勇武与胜利都被归于那赐予者神。在他临终的讲论中,论到自己一生功业中个人的作为,几乎只字未提。

  1. 本书中所提供的年代资料不多:

a. 比较 Joshua 4:19 与 Joshua 5:6,若假定出埃及的年代为主前1490年,则入侵迦南的年代即为主前1450年。

b. 约书亚与迦南人争战的持续时间,在 Joshua 11:18 中被笼统地称为“许多日子”。迦勒的话(Joshua 14:7, Joshua 14:10;参 Numbers 13:17)——他过红海时三十八岁,过约旦河时七十八岁——帮助我们把约书亚的战役定为(取整数)七年左右。

c. 约书亚在位的年日,因而本书记载所涵盖的年数,就远不确定了。他死时一百一十岁(Joshua 24:29)。若(参 Exodus 33:11)我们假定他与迦勒年纪相仿,则他入侵迦南时应约为七十八岁,在摩西死后统领以色列总共不少于三十二年,退隐亭拿西拉之后再活了约二十五年(参 Joshua 23:1)。然而,约瑟夫斯(Josephus)说约书亚在摩西死后的统治历时二十五年,而在此之前他与摩西共事四十年。这样,出埃及时约书亚的年龄便是四十五岁。大体而言,如今所能达到的精确程度似乎不超过此:约书亚在摩西死后治理以色列二十五至三十年,而以他命名的本书所记之事所占的年数也大致相仿。

  1. 没有充分的证据能使我们确实地指名作者。他很可能是那“在约书亚以后还活着的长老”之一(Joshua 24:31),因为本书似乎出自一位与所记之事同时代、且实为其目击者之手。本书前半(即历史部分)的叙述精神,以及处处可见的生动而自然流露的细节描写,都表明作者亲眼见过他所描述的事。而本书后半大量出现的地理资料,其性质与呈现方式都强烈表明作者使用了书面的、而且显然是同时代的文献。这些资料有的细密而准确(如 Joshua 15),另一些陈述则远不那么明确完备。这些缺欠有些无疑出于经文的紊乱或有脱落文句,但另一些主要由于作者自己的知识本不完全。作者对巴勒斯坦那份极有价值的描述中的这些不规则之处,虽常令人不便,却似乎正可归因于其资料的年代久远。他的文献写成之时,以色列在所得为业的地上仍是客旅,在部分地方仍是外来的入侵者。

与所述之事同时代的作者之手,可见于若干表达,例如 Joshua 5:6-7; Joshua 6:25; Joshua 10:2——那里的一段说明显然借用了入侵之时迦南局势的用语;也见于对迦南古城邑名的记载,这些名字在以色列人占据之后就不再使用(Joshua 14:15; Joshua 15:9, Joshua 15:15, Joshua 15:49, Joshua 15:60)。

本书至少以现在的形式不能归于约书亚本人。关于他以及以利亚撒之死的记载,连同书末补充的几节,可能出自另一人之手,作为约书亚历史著作的结语而附上,正如摩西的著作也曾有类似的增补一样。但书中各处有许多历史性的说明,明确指向约书亚死后的年代(参 Joshua 15:13-20 与 Judges 1:1-15;Joshua 15:63 与 Judges 1:8;Joshua 15:13-19 与 Judges 18)。

由于这些原因,拉比们与许多近代学者认为约书亚本人是本书唯一作者的看法,看来必须放弃。内在与外在的证据都表明:本书部分出于个人的观察与查考,部分取自既存而可信的文献,成于约书亚死后数年之内,其材料可能有部分由约书亚本人提供。

  1. 《约书亚记》是一部自成完璧的著作,具有有机的统一性与独特的面貌。这可从以下几方面看出:

(1)从作者目的的明确及其执行的彻底。他旨在叙述迦南的征服,并把这征服作为神对他圣约之信实的明证呈现出来。但作者并不局限于约书亚的功业。在属于约书亚生平与领导的主干故事之外,如 Joshua 13 与 Joshua 15 中所含的那些附加内容,只有参照作者明确而特殊的目的才能解释。

(2)从贯穿全书的关联与章法的标记。记述战事的第一部分(Joshua 1-12)显然引出描述被征服之地如何分配的第二部分(Joshua 13-24),而各部分自身的内容也都按恰当且合乎年代的次序陈述,每一件事都由前一件事引发而来。

(3)从文体与措辞。无论把本书与摩西五经相比,还是与后来其他历史书相比,其文体与措辞都有鲜明的特征。历史各章与地理各章在文体、词汇及处理上的差异,正可由主题性质之不同、以及作者在后半工作中大量依据既存文献这一自明的事实得到解释。

书中被指存在的某些出入,并不严重损害其统一性与独立性。例如 Joshua 8 攻取艾城的记载中的困难,完全出于数字问题,而其成因更可能是数目字的讹误(见 Joshua 8:3 注)——这种情形并非罕见——而非叙述中存在最终编者未加调和的两三个不同版本。

有些经文说那地已被约书亚全然征服、迦南人已被彻底除灭(Joshua 11:16-17, Joshua 11:23; Joshua 12:7-8 等),另一些经文则提到仍为当地居民所占的“还有许多未得之地”(Joshua 13:1; Joshua 17:14 及以下; Joshua 23:5 等);据说存在于这两类经文之间的矛盾,一部分应这样解释:作者对其主题采取神政的眼光,这眼光使他把征服看作在“就神而论”(《ex parte Dei》)的意义上已经完成,在使以色列人得以充分支取应许所需的一切都已做成时,便视之为完成(参 Joshua 21:43-45);另一部分则由于这样的事实:有些疆土在约书亚初攻时确曾横扫而过,日后却被迦南人收复,直到后来、有时是许久之后,才再度且最终从他们手中夺回。约书亚早期的战役乃是突然袭击性质的作战,一时压倒而未能有效制服全境,这一看法大概颇有真实的成分。

这样看来,《约书亚记》虽然以各类既存材料为根据、且时有采录,却似乎是一部出自一位原作者之手、作为一个整体而产生的独立完备之作。它与摩西五经的关系,是一位独立作者之独立论著的关系,这位作者续写了一位先驱者已完成其第一重大部分的主题。摩西五经不应主要被视为史书。它是神政国的法典,只包含阐明神与以色列立约之起源与含义的史料。《约书亚记》则记载那约之中属世的应许如何得偿,并描述以色列定居迦南、在神特别的督理之下,为民族日后的发展立下根基。由此观之,本书之不是摩西五经的附录,正如士师记与撒母耳记之不是它的附录一样。

诚然,这些书卷之间自始至终有紧密的关联,这关联由各卷开首所用的连接性连词明白标出(见 Judges 1:1 注)。这是因为诸位作者受同一位圣灵感动而写作,他们在相继的时代中的同一目的,就是记载神对其民族的作为。因此,他们选取了一切宣告或阐明以色列属天蒙召之事、神在世上训练这民承担其职分所用的方法、以及借以色列坎坷的历史为关乎万人救恩的日后大事所作的预备。我们时而看到,对世俗历史关系重大而漫长的时期与事件仅一笔带过,而另一些常属传记性质的事,却因它们与神政的关系而被以极审慎的细致详加叙述。因此,犹太教会把这卷书与其后的士师记、撒母耳记、列王记作为正典传给我们,并称之为“前先知书”,是恰切的。它们出自受默示之人之手,并且以先知的观点处理其主题。

《约书亚记》在新约中屡被引用或提及:参 Acts 7:45; Hebrews 3:5; Hebrews 4:8; Hebrews 11:30-31; James 2:25。

  1. 迦南地是神赐给以色列人的白白的恩赐——他们占有那地,是因神吩咐他们如此行——而神也同样吩咐他们毫不留情地灭尽迦南诸族。

于是,在排除一切淡化性解释之后,这问题依然以全部力量临到我们:这对待迦南人的无情处置,与神的属性——尤其与新约为我们所展示的属性——相合吗?

迦南人的毁灭,在圣经中始终被呈现为神因他们的邪恶而降下的审判。他们不仅完全背弃了神,而且陷入最卑劣种类的偶像崇拜之中。他们的假宗教不能仅仅视为判断上的错误;最骇人的残暴与最污秽的逆性罪行,正是其敬拜礼仪的一部分。况且,他们已被证明无可救药。他们不但像地上其他民族一样得过洪水的一般性警告,还得过在他们正中间所多玛、蛾摩拉倾覆的特别警告。他们还得过在他们中间生活多年的亚伯拉罕与众先祖的榜样与教导。甚至在神以奇迹般的护理领以色列人出埃及、过约旦之后,甚至在刀剑仿佛已悬于他们颈项之时,显出悔改与记念神之迹象的,也只有一两件孤立的事例(参 Joshua 2:1; Joshua 9:24)。神多代容忍,终归徒然(参 Genesis 15:16);到约书亚的日子,怜悯的时候已过,审判的时候已到。人若承认神是地的道德主宰,就不可能不承认,他除去这样的民族可能是正当的、甚至是必需的。因此,圣经描述神不但容许、更吩咐并促成了对如此败坏之迦南诸族的剪除,这一事实并不违背他的道德属性。正如巴特勒博士(《类比》卷二第3章)许久以前指出的,人对生命与财产并无权利,一切权利唯独出于神的授予;这授予一旦收回,人对二者便不再有任何权利。而在我们面前的这件事上,神所判定的没收是他们罪有应得的,因此其执行也是公义的。

神选择借以色列人之手施行他公义的审判,并明确委任他们作他的执行者。若有人反对说,这是把神描绘成认可残暴,答案显而易见:指示由人间代理者执行合法的判决,并非认可残暴(参 Numbers 31:3)。而且,在这件事上顺服神的命令,也不会使以色列人变成野蛮嗜血之辈。以色列人在许多场合的行为证明,当神把这样可怕的职责加在他们身上时,他们畏缩不愿承担,只是迫不得已才行出来。

除灭迦南人一事,除了把他们从地上除掉之外,还达成了多种重要目的。使犹太民尽可能保持孤立,是旧约时代的一个鲜明而关键的原则。要使神的子民——他们并非不倾向于迦南人的罪——对迦南人的罪深恶痛绝,再没有比使他们作神对这些罪之报应的执行者更有效的办法了。

他们借亲身经历认识到,神必定把背道离弃他的人连根拔除。他们也受到警戒:他们若陷入迦南人的罪中,自己就必成为他们曾勉强执行之同样审判的受害者(例如参 Deuteronomy 28:25)。而这一切经过安排,成了在神公义之治理的结局里,不悔改且刚硬之人必遭何等下场的预表——这预表无疑可畏,却有益处。

Joshua 1:1-9 作为战争历史的引言,并格外引人注意全书主导的思想——以色列人对迦南的入侵与征服,是奉神的直接命令而进行,并在他永不失败的大能中完成的。

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Introduction to Joshua

  1. This book like several others of the historical books of Scripture derives its name from its contents. It takes up the history of the chosen people at the death of Moses, and continues it in a systematic and orderly narrative, through the leadership and government of his successor. It records (almost exclusively) the acts of Joshua in fulfillment of the commission laid upon him from God by the hand of Moses (compare Deuteronomy 31:7-8), and terminates with Joshua's death and burial.

The contents group themselves into two divisions of nearly equal length. The conquest of the land is described in twelve chapters, and then in twelve other chapters the subsequent partition of it together with Joshua's last acts and words.

The victories of Joshua described in the former of these portions were accompanied by repeated and stupendous interferences of God. This miraculous element has led some commentators to treat the book as altogether unhistorical. But it must not be forgotten that the miracles of the Book of Joshua do not stand alone. They grow, as it were, naturally out of the divine interpositions on behalf of Israel in the days of Moses, and are but the close of a series of extraordinary providences began in Egypt, and described in Exodus and the books following. No less do they stand intimately associated with the future history and development of the Jewish Church and nation, and even with the wider and more remote issues of God's counsels as manifested, or to be manifested, in the Christian Church to the end of all things. Thus, the conquest of Canaan by Joshua has other and vastly grander significances than its mere dimensions as a fact in history seem at first sight to suggest.

It is not to be regarded simply as the invasion of a little district about as large as three average English counties by a tribe of nomads from the Arabian deserts. It was also the accomplishment by God of a purpose revealed of old; it was an essential element in the plan ordained by Him for the preservation among men of His Law, Will, and Word; it was designed to foreshadow in many important particulars His future dealings with mankind at large. But for the special help of God, the Israelites could not have effected the conquest at all, for they were hardly superior to the Canaanites in numbers, and were destitute of chariots and horses, and of all the more elaborate equipments for war, above all of the appliances requisite for reducing the cities (compare Numbers 13:28; Deuteronomy 1:28; Deuteronomy 9:1) in which Canaan abounded. God's promise was, however, pledged to their forefathers to give them this land; whatever then might be necessary to give effect to this promise it belonged to His faithfulness to accord; and the Book of Joshua consequently is an essential sequel to the Pentateuch as declaring the thorough fulfillment by God of the covenant made by Him through Moses with Israel, and thus as illustrating His inviolable faithfuless.

But important as the theocratical and theological characteristics of the Book of Joshua are, both in themselves and as (so to say) vindicating the miraculous elements of the narrative, we must nevertheless not lose sight of the internal evidences of common and historical fact which it presents.

The invasion of Canaan by Joshua was evidently a carefully and skillfully conducted enterprise. An army marching upon Canaan from the south would find its path intercepted by range after range of heights, each, in the days of Moses and Joshua, bristling with towns and fortresses. The progress of such an army could be but slow, and at every step would be met by better organized resistance from an increasing number of enemies. When Israel, after 40 years' expiation of the revolt at Kadesh, again arose at the command of God to resume the long deferred enterprise on Canaan, the host was conducted round the whole southeast corner of the land and directed upon its comparatively defenseless eastern flank above the Dead Sea. The whole of the strong military positions and fenced cities in the "south country" and the "hill country" of what was subsequently the territory of Judah were thus taken in reverse and rendered comparatively useless.

It is probable, too, that the southern Canaanites in particular were at this time greatly weakened by the invasions of Thotmes III, who had taken Gaza, apparently not many years previously, and no doubt had overrun the whole adjoining district (see the note at Joshua 13:3). No less able were the measures adopted by Joshua to execute the plan thus judiciously laid down. The passage of the Jordan, by the special help of God, at a time of year when his enemies no doubt deemed the river to be an almost insurmountable obstacle to his advance (see the note at Joshua 3:15): the seizing Gilgal, to serve as his foothold in the land: the capture and destruction of Jericho: the fall of Ai: these events enabled him to throw the forces of Israel like a wedge through the very midst of the land almost to the western sea, and in its most vulnerable part, between the fastnesses of Judah on the south and the mountain district of Ephraim on the north. The Amorites on Joshua's left, cut off from the Hittites on his right by his whole army interposing between the two, were overpowered before Gibeon. The whole south was reduced into at least temporary subjection before the larger multitudes of the north could be mustered. These in their turn shared the fate of their brethren in the south; Joshua broke their vast host to pieces on the shores of Lake Merom.

In these campaigns of Joshua it is impossible not to see the traces of strategical skill no less conspicuously than that presence of immediate and divine suggestion and succor which the narrative asserts.

  1. The leading trait in the character of Joshua is courage - the courage of the warrior: this must have been already remarkable at the time of the Exodus Exo 17:9. Subsequently, Joshua appears as in constant attendance on Moses Exodus 24:13; Exodus 32:1; Exodus 33:11; he without doubt acquired on Sinai, and in the precincts of the sanctuary, that unswerving faithfulness of service and unshaken confidence in God which marked his after career. He was naturally selected as one of the twelve "rulers" sent by Moses Numbers 13:2 to explore the land before the invasion of it was undertaken; and the bold and truthful report brought back by him and Caleb Numbers 14:7-9, was no less characteristic than was his undaunted bearing before the incensed people Numbers 14:10. These qualities pointed him out as the fitting captain over the Lord's people, who should overthrow their enemies before them and put them in possession of the promised inheritance. Accordingly, at the express command of God, he was solemnly appointed to that office and duty by Moses before his death Numbers 27:16-23; Deuteronomy 31:23.

Joshua was not a prophet (Ecclesiasticus 46:1; compare Numbers 27:21), but a divinely-inspired leader. After the great and peculiar work of his life was accomplished, he no longer held the same exclusive place at the head of Israel as before. In making the arrangements for settling the people in their homes, and establishing the theocracy on the lines laid down in the law of Moses, he acted in conjunction with Eleazar, the high priest: and with the heads of the tribes (compare Joshua 14:1; Joshua 17:4; Joshua 21:1). This was but natural. The armies had done their work and were dispersed, or were ready to disperse, to their several inheritances; and the military authority of their general was consequently at an end. The latter years of his life were probably passed in retirement at Timnath-serah, whence, he would seem to have emerged in extreme old age to meet the princes and the people in the great gathering at Shechem Joshua 23-24, and to employ once more and finally his authority as the last survivor but one of a mighty generation, and as the hero of Israel's greatest triumphs, in order to engage his people more firmly and closely in their rightful allegiance to God.

The courage which was the leading feature in the character of Joshua was very distinctly and directly built upon faith Joshua 1:5-6. Joshua obeyed God's call unhesitatingly and to the end, but it was because he trusted wholly in the promise which accompanied it. Hence, along with his soldierly qualities, were found others seldom present in the same man. He combined justice as a magistrate with gentleness as a man Joshua 7:19; spirit as a ruler, with temper and discretion in dealing with the arrogant and exacting Joshua 17:14; diligence and equity in disposing of the fruits of victory with a complete unselfishness as regarded himself Joshua 19:49-51. Perhaps conspicuous above all was his humility. From first to last his valor and his victories are referred to God as their giver. Of his own personal work in the achievements of his life there is in his last addresses scarcely one word.

  1. The chronological dates presented in this book are few:

a. Comparing Joshua 4:19 and Joshua 5:6, if the date of the Exodus be assumed to be 1490 B.C., that of the invasion of Canaan will be 1450 B.C.

b. The duration of Joshua's wars with the Canaanites is spoken of loosely in Joshua 11:18 as "a long time." The words of Caleb (Joshua 14:7, Joshua 14:10 : compare Numbers 13:17) - who was thirty-eight years old when he passed through the Red Sea, and seventy-eight when he passed through Jordan - help us to assign a period of seven years (in round numbers) for the campaigns of Joshua.

c. The duration of Joshua's rule, and consequently the number of years covered by the record of this book, is far more uncertain. He died when he was 110 Joshua 24:29. If (compare Exodus 33:11) we suppose him to have been about the same age as Caleb, he will have been about 78 years old when he invaded Canaan, and have been at the head of Israel not much less than thirty-two years altogether after the death of Moses, surviving about twenty-five years after his retirement to Timnath-serah (compare Joshua 23:1). Josephus, however, states that Joshua's rule after the death of Moses lasted for twenty-five years, and that he had previously been forty years associated with him. This would fix Joshua's age at the time of the Exodus at forty-five. On the whole, nothing more precise seems attainable now than this: that Joshua governed Israel from twenty-five to thirty years after the death of Moses, and that about the like number of years contains the events recorded in the book which bears his name.

  1. No sufficient evidence exists to enable us with certainty to name the author. That he was one of "the elders that overlived Joshua" Joshua 24:31 is probable, for the book appears to have been written by one coeval with the events recorded, and, indeed, an eye-witness of them. The spirit of the narrative in the former or historical portion of the book, and the graphic yet spontaneous rendering of details, which it everywhere presents, bespeak one who saw what he describes. And the topographical information which abounds in the latter portion of the book is of such a nature, and is presented in such a form, as strongly to suggest the use of written, and apparently contemporary documents. Some parts of this information are minute and accurate (e. g. Joshua 15), other statements are far less definite and complete. No doubt some of these imperfections are due to disorder in the text, or to clauses having dropped out of it, but others are mainly due to the fact that the writer's knowledge was itself imperfect. These very anomalies of the writer's most valuable description of Palestine, inconvenient as they often are, seem thus to be attributable to the early date of his information. His documents were written while Israel was still a stranger in the land of his inheritance, and in parts of it still a foreign invader.

The hand of a writer contemporaneous with the events is indicated in several expressions, e. g. in Joshua 5:6-7; Joshua 6:25; Joshua 10:2, a notice which plainly borrows its terms from the state of things in Canaan at the time of the invasion; and in the record of ancient Canaanite names of cities, though disused after the Israelites occupied them, Joshua 14:15; Joshua 15:9, Joshua 15:15, Joshua 15:49, Joshua 15:60.

The book cannot, in its present form at least, be ascribed to Joshua himself. The account of his death and that of Eleazar, with the few supplementary verses at the end of the book, might have been attached by another hand, as a conclusion to the historical work of Joshua, just as a like addition was made to the work of Moses. But there are up and down the book a number of historical notices, which point to a date clearly beyond the death of Joshua (compare Joshua 15:13-20 and Judges 1:1-15; Judges 15:63, and Judges 1:8; Judges 15:13-19 and Judges 18).

For these reasons the opinion of the rabbis and many moderns which names Joshua as himself the sole writer of this book, must apparently be abandoned. The evidence internal and external renders it likely that the book was composed partly from personal observation and inquiry, partly out of pre-existing and authentic documents, within a few years after the death of Joshua, and probably from materials furnished in part by Joshua himself.

  1. The book of Joshua is a work complete in itself, with an organic unity and peculiar characteristics. This appears:

(1) From the definiteness of the writer's purpose, and the thoroughness with which he executes it. He proposes to narrate the conquest of Canaan, and to present that conquest as a proof of God's fidelity to his covenant. But the writer does not limit himself to the achievements of Joshua. Such additions to the main body of his story, which belongs to the lifetime and leadership of Joshua, as are contained in Joshua 13 and Joshua 15 are to be explained only by a reference to the writer's distinct and special aim.

(2) from the tokens of connection and method apparent throughout. Not only does the first part, which records the wars Joshua 1-12, evidently lead up to the second part Joshua 13-24, which describes the partition of the territory when subdued, but the contents of each part taken singly are given in proper and chronological order, each transaction growing out of the one preceding.

(3) from the style and phraseology. These are marked by distinctive features, whether the book be compared with the Pentateuch or with the other and later historical books. The difference of style, words, and treatment in the historical chapters, as contrasted with the topographical chapters is only what might be expected from the diverse nature of the subjects, and from the self-evident fact that in much of the latter part of his task the author was working from pre-existing documents.

Certain discrepancies alleged to exist in the book do not seriously impair its unity and independence. The difficulties, e. g. in the account of the capture of Ai Joshua 8 arise solely out of the numbers, and are far more probably due to a mistake in the numerals (see the note at Joshua 8:3), which is by no means of infrequent occurrence, than to the presence in the narrative of two or three different versions of the events which the final editor omitted to harmonize.

The contradiction said to exist between some passages which speak of the land as completely subdued by Joshua, and of the Canaanites as utterly extirpated (Joshua 11:16-17, Joshua 11:23; Joshua 12:7-8 etc.), and others which allude to "very much land," as still in possession of the native inhabitants (Joshua 13:1; Joshua 17:14 ff; Joshua 23:5, etc.), is to be explained partly by the theocratic view which the writer takes of his theme; a view which leads him to regard the conquest as complete when it was so "ex parte Dei," and when all was done that was needed to enable the Israelites to realize fully the promises (compare Joshua 21:43-45); partly also by the fact that territory was undoubtedly overrun by Joshua at the first onset, which was afterward recovered by the Canaanites, and only again and finally wrested from them at a subsequent, sometimes a long subsequent, date. That the early campaigns of Joshua were in the nature of sudden raids, overpowering for the moment, but not effectually subduing the country, has probably much truth in it.

Thus then, the Book of Joshua, though based upon pre-existing materials of various kinds, and sometimes incorporating them, appears to be a separate and complete work produced as a whole from one original hand. Its relation to the Pentateuch is that of an independent treatise by a distinct author, who resumes a theme of which the first great and important portion had been finished by a predecessor. The Pentateuch is not to be looked upon as principally a historical work. It is the statute book of the theocracy, and contains only such historical matter as illustrates the origin and import of God's covenant with Israel. Joshua records how the temporal promises of that covenant were accomplished; and describes how the basis was laid for the future development of the nation, under the special superintendence of God, by its settlement in Canaan. Thus, regarded, this book is no more an appendage to the Pentateuch than the books of Judges and Samuel are an appendage to it.

There is, assuredly, an intimate connection among these writings throughout, a connection which is expressly indicated by the connective conjunctions used in the beginning of each book (see the note at Judges 1:1). This is due to the fact that the several authors were moved to write by one and the same Spirit, and that their one purpose in successive ages was to record the dealings of God with their nation. Hence, they have selected whatever declares or illustrates the divine call of Israel; God's methods in educating that people for its functions in His world; the preparations made through the chequered history of Israel for future issues bearing on the salvation of all mankind. We find at one time periods of considerable length, and events of great importance to secular history cursorily alluded to, while other occurrences, often of a biographical character, are dwelt upon with anxious minuteness, because of their theocratic bearings. Accordingly, the name "Earlier prophets," given to this and the following books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings by the Jewish Church which has handed them down to us as canonical, is appropriate. They were written by inspired men, and treat their subject from the prophetical point of view.

The Book of Joshua is repeatedly cited or referred to in the New Testament: compare Acts 7:45; Hebrews 3:5; Hebrews 4:8; Hebrews 11:30-31; James 2:25.

  1. The land of Canaan was given as a free gift by God to the Israelites - they took possession of it because He bade them do so - and He no less bade them annihilate the Canaanite nations without mercy?

The question then occurs in unbroken force, all palliative explanations being disallowed: Is this merciless treatment of the Canaanites consistent with the attributes of the Deity, especially as those attributes are illustrated for us in the New Testament?

The destruction of the Canaanites is always presented in Scripture as a judgment of God sent on them because of their wickedness. They had not only fallen into total apostasy from God, but into forms of idolatry of the most degrading kind. Their false religion cannot be regarded as a mere error of judgment; cruelty the most atrocious, and unnatural crimes the most defiling were part and parcel of its observances. Moreover, they had proved themselves to be incorrigible. They had had not only the general warning of the deluge, as had other nations of the earth, but the special one of the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah in the very midst of them. They had had also the example and instruction of Abraham and the patriarchs living for ages among them. Even after the miraculous providence of God had brought the Israelites out of Egypt and across the Jordan, and even when the sword was as it were hanging over their necks, it was but in one or two isolated cases that signs of repentance and recollection of God were manifested (compare Joshua 2:1; Joshua 9:24). God had forborne for ages in vain (compare Genesis 15:16); in the days of Joshua the time for mercy had passed, and that of judgment had come. It is impossible to acknowledge God as the moral Governor of the earth, and not to admit that it may be right or even necessary for Him to remove such nations. The fact, therefore, that God is described as having not only permitted, but even enjoined and caused the extirpation of the Canaanite nations, depraved as they were, is not inconsistent with His moral attributes. People, as was long ago pointed out by Dr. Butler ('Anal.' ii. 3), have no right to either life or property, but what arises solely from the grant of God. When this grant is revoked they cease to have any right at all in either. And in the case before us the forfeiture decreed by God was merited, and the execution of it was therefore righteous.

God chose to inflict His righteous judgment by the hands of the Israelites, and expressly commissioned them to be His executioners. If it be objected that this is to represent God as sanctioning cruelty, the answer is obvious: it is no sanction of cruelty to direct a lawful sentence to be carried out by human agents (compare Numbers 31:3). Nor would obedience to God's command in this matter make the Israelites brutal and bloodthirsty. The behavior of the Israelites, on many occasions, proves that they shrank from a terrible duty of this sort when laid on them by God, and did it only so far as they were compelled to do it. .

The slaughter of the Canaanites served various important purposes besides the mere removal of them from the face of the earth. To make and keep the Jewish people as much as possible isolated, was a marked and vital principle of the Old Testament dispensation. No more effectual means could have been adopted for inspiring God's people with an abhorrence for Canaanite sins, to which they were not a little prone, than to make them the ministers of divine vengeance for those sins.

They learned by experiment that God would certainly root out those who fell away in apostasy from Him. They were warned also that if they fell into the sins of the Canaanites they would themselves be the victims of those same judgments of which they had been the reluctant executioners (compare e. g. Deuteronomy 28:25). And the whole was so ordered as to exhibit a type, fearful no doubt yet salutary, of what must be the fate of the impenitent and obdurate in the upshot of God's righteous government.

Joshua 1:1-9 serves as an introduction to the history of the war, and pointedly call attention to the leading thought of the whole book - that the invasion and subjugation of Canaan were undertaken by the Israelites at God's direct command and completed in His never-failing strength.

1

Joshua 1:1

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“此后”——希伯来文作“并且……”。因此,接下来的陈述与前面某个陈述相连接,而这前面的陈述被默认为读者已经知道。士师记、路得记、撒母耳记上等,也以同样的方式与其前的书卷相连。这里的连接更为紧密,因为申命记以提及摩西之死作结,而约书亚记则以提及摩西之死开始。

“耶和华的仆人摩西”——关于这一称呼,请参看页边注“b”。

“摩西的帮手”——这节经文的预表性应用无法全然略过。代表律法的摩西死了;如今约书亚——这名字以希腊文写出即是耶稣——受神吩咐去做摩西所不能做的事,就是领百姓进入应许之地。约书亚是“摩西的帮手”,正如基督是“生在律法以下”;然而成全律法所应许之福的,不是摩西,而是约书亚。关于约书亚这名字,见 Exodus 17:9 注及 Numbers 13:16。

“说”——无疑这是借着直接的启示而赐下的话,但并不像神对摩西“面对面”说话那样(Numbers 12:8)。虽然约书亚受任为摩西继任者时(Numbers 27:18 及以下),曾受指示要借着以利亚撒“凭乌陵的判断”为他求问,但这显然是为应付疑难而设的办法。这里并没有这样的疑难;只是那受任的领袖深知神的旨意,需要被激励起来立即执行;百姓也可能需要重新领受之神圣命令的鼓舞,好即刻着手面前的大业(参 Joshua 1:13)。

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Now ... - Hebrew: "and, ..." The statement following is thus connected with some previous one, which is assumed to be known to the reader. So Judges, Ruth, 1 Samuel, etc., are by the same means linked on to the books preceding them. The connection here is the closer, since the Book of Deuteronomy concludes, and the book of Joshua opens, by referring to the death of Moses.

Moses, the servant of the Lord - On the epithet, see the marginal reference "b."

Moses' minister - It is impossible altogether to pass by the typical application of this verse. Moses, representing the law, is dead; Joshua, or, as that name is written in Greek, Jesus, is now bidden by God to do what Moses could not - lead the people into the promised land. Joshua was "Moses' minister," just as Christ was "made under the Law;" but it was Joshua, not Moses, who worked out the accomplishment of the blessings which the Law promised. On the name Joshua, see Exodus 17:9 note, and Numbers 13:16.

Saying - No doubt directly, by an immediate revelation, but not as God spake to Moses, "mouth to mouth" Numbers 12:8. Though upon Joshua's appointment to be Moses' successor (Numbers 27:18 ff), it had been directed that "counsel should be asked" for him through the medium of Eleazar "after the judgment of Urim," yet this was evidently a resource provided to meet cases of doubt and difficulty. Here there was no such case; but the appointed leader, knowing well the purpose of God, needed to be stirred up to instant execution of it; and the people too might require the encouragement of a renewed divine command to set out at once upon the great enterprise before them (compare Joshua 1:13).

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Joshua 1:4

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利巴嫩所以被称为”这利巴嫩”,是因为从以色列安营的附近就可以望见它。(参看 Deuteronomy 3:8-9。)经文中的”旷野”是指亚拉伯的旷野,它构成应许之地的南界,正如利巴嫩构成其北界一样。东、西两面的疆界也同样被指出;其间的疆土总称为”赫人全地”。赫人本来是指迦南北部和腓尼基的居民(见 Exodus 3:8 注释),但这名称在这里似乎如 1 Kings 10:29 一样,被用来泛指迦南人。关于应许之地的疆界,可比看 Deuteronomy 11:24;Genesis 15:18。

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Lebanon is spoken of as "this Lebanon," because visible from the neighborhood in which Israel was encamped. (Compare Deuteronomy 3:8-9.) "The wilderness" of the text is the Desert of Arabia, which forms the southern, as Lebanon does the northern, limit of the promised land. The boundaries on the east and west are likewise indicated; and the intervening territory is described generally as "all the land of the Hittites." The Hittites are properly the inhabitants of northern Canaan and Phoenicia (see Exodus 3:8 note), but the name appears to be used here for the Canaanites in general, as in 1 Kings 10:29. On the boundaries of the promised land compare Deuteronomy 11:24; Genesis 15:18.

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Joshua 1:7

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顺利——见旁注。这里应保留直译,因为”亨通”的观念在 Joshua 1:8 中由另一个字另外引出。

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Prosper - See the margin. The literal rendering should be retained here since the notion of prosperity is separately introduced by a different word in Joshua 1:8.

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Joshua 1:10

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“官长”——即“文士”(参 Exodus 5:6 注释及 Deuteronomy 16:18)。

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Officers - The "scribes." (See the Exodus 5:6 note, and Deuteronomy 16:18.)

11

Joshua 1:11

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“预备粮食”——下达这道命令,大概因为知道大军一旦过约旦河,吗哪就必停止(Exodus 16:35),也可能因为在各项准备事务之中,未必有机会收取足够数量的吗哪。况且,吗哪似乎也从未构成百姓全部且唯一的食物。(参 Numbers 20:1 注释。)

多数注释家——犹太与基督教的、古代与现代的——都认为此处所提的“三天”与 Joshua 3:2 的三天是同一段时间;而经文中约书亚的命令,实际上是在探子回来以后才下达的。在这里,正如希伯来史书的其他地方以及福音书中常见的情形,思想的顺序取代了时间的顺序。因为作者的用意不只是记载历史;相反,它主要是宗教性和教义性的。作者既要表明神成就了祂对立约之民的应许,便先告诉我们:神发出命令,并实际推动约书亚和全军起行去夺取他们的产业。他把这一主导事实置于卷首之后,再回过来在 Joshua 2 中记述与约书亚征伐初期密切相关的若干事件;这些事件其实发生在营离开摩押平原之前、即为摩西哀哭三十日刚满之后(Deuteronomy 34:8)。事件的先后大概如下:尼散月三日,探子被派出(Joshua 2:1);六日,探子回来(Joshua 2:23);七日,营从什亭移到约旦河边(Joshua 3:1),并下达 Joshua 1:11 的命令;十日,百姓过河(Joshua 4:19)。

영문 원문

Prepare you victuals - The order was probably given with the knowledge that the manna would cease when the host crossed the Jordan Exodus 16:35, and possibly because amidst their preparations there might not be opportunity to gather it in sufficient quantity. Nor does it appear that manna ever formed the whole and sole sustenance of the people. (Compare Numbers 20:1 note.)

It is the view of the majority of commentators - Jewish and Christian, ancient and modern - that the "three days" here named are identical with those of Joshua 3:2; and that the command of Joshua in the text was not in fact given until after the return of the spies. Here, as elsewhere in the Hebrew historical books and frequently in the Gospels, the order of time is superseded by the order of thought. For the purpose if the writer was not historical merely; it was, on the contrary, mainly religious and theoretical. Intending, then, to exhibit God as accomplishing His promises to the covenant-people, he begins by informing us that God gave the word and set Joshua and the host actually in motion to take possession of their inheritance. Having placed this leading fact in the forefront, he returns to mention in Joshua 2 certain transactions closely relevant to the early stages of Joshua's conquests, but which had in fact happened before the camp was removed from the plains of Moab and immediately after the expiration of the thirty days' mourning for Moses. Deuteronomy 34:8. The order of events was probably the following - 3rd Nisan, the spies are sent out Joshua 2:1; 6th, the spies return Joshua 2:23; 7th, the camp is removed from Shittim to the bank of Jordan Joshua 3:1, and the command Joshua 1:11 is issued; 10th, the river is crossed Joshua 4:19.

14

Joshua 1:14

본문 열기

“带着兵器”——更宜译作“列阵而行”(见 Exodus 13:18 注释)。

“在约旦河东”——参 Deuteronomy 1:1 注释。

영문 원문

Armed - Rather, "arrayed" (see Exodus 13:18 note).

On this side Jordan - Compare Deuteronomy 1:1, note.