Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible · 요나 3장

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요나 3장

1

Jon 3:1-10.

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拿 3:1-10。

约拿第二次奉差往尼尼微去:尼尼微人从恶道上悔改:于是神把所降的灾后悔了。

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Jon 3:1-10.

JONAH'S SECOND COMMISSION TO NINEVEH: THE NINEVITES REPENT OF THEIR EVIL WAY: SO GOD REPENTS OF THE EVIL THREATENED.

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  1. “传……所当传的”——字面作“宣告那宣告”。前次他奉差往尼尼微去的职分有明确的目的;此处则未具体说明。这是为表明他在无条件顺服的灵里,将自己全然交托,无论神喜悦他说什么他都照说。
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2. preach . . . the preaching--literally, "proclaim the proclamation." On the former occasion the specific object of his commission to Nineveh was declared; here it is indeterminate. This is to show how freely he yields himself, in the spirit of unconditional obedience, to speak whatever God may please.

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  1. “起来前往”——就像那起初违背父命“去我葡萄园里作工”,后来“懊悔就去了”的儿子(太 21:28-29)。这样,约拿是最适合宣告审判、同时又在悔改时存怜悯之望给尼尼微的器皿,因为他自己就是二者的活样板——被囚于鱼中显出审判,因悔改得拯救显出怜悯。口里承认顺服、实际却不顺服、因而注定要被掳到这同一座尼尼微的以色列,正对应那说“主啊,我去”,却终究没去的儿子。

路 11:30 说约拿不仅对基督时代的人是一个神迹,“对尼尼微人”也是。在后一次(太 16:1-4),法利赛人和撒都该人试探他,求一个从天上来的神迹,他回答说:“除了先知约拿的神迹以外,再没有神迹给他们看”(太 12:39)。可见这神迹有双重意义:直接关乎尼尼微人,间接关乎基督时代的犹太人。对尼尼微人而言,他不仅是一位先知,他自己就是地上的奇事——曾尝过死味,却未见朽坏,如今又回到他们中间为神作见证。尼尼微人若存挑剔的心,就绝不会查问,因而也不会晓得约拿奇妙的经历;但他们既被神可畏的信息所降卑,就从约拿本人得知:正是他先前把关乎他们灭亡的同一信息怀藏在怀中,才使他被当作活人中的被弃者囚于死地。这样,他一面是震怒的“神迹”,另一面是怜悯的神迹。有罪的约拿从死亡的口中被救出,给有罪的尼尼微一线盼望。这样,从恶中带出善的神,使约拿在其跌倒、受罚与复原中成为一个神迹(一种身教的功课或活的象征),借此唤醒尼尼微人去听而悔改;若他在被活埋与复活之前就照初次所受的职分前往,他们大概不会如此反应。为使善果发生而行恶,这种策略只能出自撒但;但从已行的恶中提炼出抵挡黑暗权势的器皿,则是神的恩典与智慧得胜的彰显。对基督时代的法利赛人——他们不满足于他所显的许多神迹,仍求一个从天上来的神迹——他从相反的方向赐下一个神迹,即从“阴间的肚腹”(不可见之处)里出来的约拿。他们期待一位在天云中荣耀降临的弥赛亚;弥赛亚却要经过与约拿相似、却更深的降卑;他要躺“在地心里”。约拿与其预表的实体,都在听众中间显得卑微而无依无靠;二者都因神对罪的震怒而作死的牺牲品,二者都传悔改之道。悔改的一切功效都源自基督的死,正如约拿的信息因他被囚于死地而在尼尼微人心中有分量。犹太人因基督的死而跌倒,而正是这一事实本应把他们引到他那里,正如约拿被囚于死地把尼尼微人吸引到他的信息前。约拿的复原给尼尼微人带来神可平息其怒的盼望,照样基督的复活向我们保证:神已因基督的死而与人完全和好。但约拿被囚于死地只产生了道德劝化的果效;基督的死才是神与人之间和好的有效工具[费尔拜恩(Fairbairn)]。

“尼尼微是极大的城”——字面作“在神面前为大”,即神眼中的大。在希伯来人的观念中,一切伟大皆与神相连;由此产生这一习语(参诗 36:6“大山”,旁注作“神的山”;诗 80:10“佳美的香柏树”,旁注作“神的香柏树”;创 10:9“在耶和华面前是个英勇的猎户”)。

“三日的路程”——即约六十英里,按一日行程约二十英里计算。约拿的陈述得到异教作者的印证,他们描述尼尼微周长为四百八十斯达第[狄奥多鲁斯·西库鲁斯(Diodorus Siculus),2.3]。希罗多德(Herodotus)定一日行程为一百五十斯达第;所以三日行程与狄奥多鲁斯的估计相去不远。中亚述境内遍布建筑遗迹的那个平行四边形区域,东北为科萨巴德;靠底格里斯河的西北为科云吉克和内比尤努斯;底格里斯河与扎卜河之间的西南为尼姆鲁德;距扎卜河向内的东南为卡拉姆勒斯。从科云吉克到尼姆鲁德约十八英里;从科萨巴德到卡拉姆勒斯亦同;从科云吉克到科萨巴德十三或十四英里;从尼姆鲁德到卡拉姆勒斯十四英里。所以长度大于宽度;参拿 3:4“一日路程”,这得到异教作者和现代测量的印证。城墙高一百英尺,宽可容三辆战车并行,此外还有一千五百座高塔。城墙之内包括大片园林、耕地以及房屋,这一切合起来才是尼尼微的全部范围。最古的宫殿位于尼姆鲁德,那里大概是原址。莱亚德(Layard)后来认为尼尼微之名原属科云吉克,而非尼姆鲁德。约拿(拿 4:11)提到孩童数目为十二万,由此推算全城人口约一百万。现存遗迹表明,尼尼微在第二王朝诸王治下达到最大规模,即圣经所记诸王;约拿正是那时到访,其宏伟的报告也传到西方[莱亚德(Layard)]。

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3. arose and went--like the son who was at first disobedient to the father's command, "Go work in my vineyard," but who afterwards "repented and went"

(Mt 21:28, 29).

Jonah was thus the fittest instrument for proclaiming judgment, and yet hope of mercy on repentance to Nineveh, being himself a living exemplification of both--judgment in his entombment in the fish, mercy on repentance in his deliverance. Israel professing to obey, but not obeying, and so doomed to exile in the same Nineveh, answers to the son who said, "I go, sir, and went not." In

Lu 11:30

it is said that Jonas was not only a sign to the men in Christ's time, but also "unto the Ninevites." On the latter occasion

(Mt 16:1-4)

when the Pharisees and Sadducees tempted Him, asking a sign from heaven, He answered, "No sign shall be given, but the sign of the prophet Jonas,"

Mt 12:39.

Thus the sign had a twofold aspect, a direct bearing on the Ninevites, an indirect bearing on the Jews in Christ's time. To the Ninevites he was not merely a prophet, but himself a wonder in the earth, as one who had tasted of death, and yet had not seen corruption, but had now returned to witness among them for God. If the Ninevites had indulged in a captious spirit, they never would have inquired and so known Jonah's wonderful history; but being humbled by God's awful message, they learned from Jonah himself that it was the previous concealing in his bosom of the same message of their own doom that caused him to be entombed as an outcast from the living. Thus he was a "sign" to them of wrath on the one hand, and, on the other, of mercy. Guilty Jonah saved from the jaws of death gives a ray of hope to guilty Nineveh. Thus God, who brings good from evil, made Jonah in his fall, punishment, and restoration, a sign (an embodied lesson or living symbol) through which the Ninevites were roused to hear and repent, as they would not have been likely to do, had he gone on the first commission before his living entombment and resurrection. To do evil that good may come, is a policy which can only come from Satan; but from evil already done to extract an instrument against the kingdom of darkness, is a triumphant display of the grace and wisdom of God. To the Pharisees in Christ's time, who, not content with the many signs exhibited by Him, still demanded a sign from heaven, He gave a sign in the opposite quarter, namely, Jonah, who came "out of the belly of hell" (the unseen region). They looked for a Messiah gloriously coming in the clouds of heaven; the Messiah, on the contrary, is to pass through a like, though a deeper, humiliation than Jonah; He is to lie "in the heart of the earth." Jonah and his Antitype alike appeared low and friendless among their hearers; both victims to death for God's wrath against sin, both preaching repentance. Repentance derives all its efficacy from the death of Christ, just as Jonah's message derived its weight with the Ninevites from his entombment. The Jews stumbled at Christ's death, the very fact which ought to have led them to Him, as Jonah's entombment attracted the Ninevites to his message. As Jonah's restoration gave hope of God's placability to Nineveh, so Christ's resurrection assures us God is fully reconciled to man by Christ's death. But Jonah's entombment only had the effect of a moral suasive; Christ's death is an efficacious instrument of reconciliation between God and man [FAIRBAIRN].

Nineveh was an exceeding great city--literally, "great to God," that is, before God. All greatness was in the Hebrew mind associated with GOD; hence arose the idiom (compare "great mountains," Margin, "mountains of God,"

Ps 36:6;

"goodly cedars," Margin, "cedars of God,"

Ps 80:10;

"a mighty hunter before the Lord,"

Ge 10:9).

three days' journey--that is, about sixty miles, allowing about twenty miles for a day's journey. Jonah's statement is confirmed by heathen writers, who describe Nineveh as four hundred eighty stadia in circumference [DIODORUS SICULUS, 2.3]. HERODOTUS defines a day's journey to be one hundred fifty stadia; so three days' journey will not be much below DIODORUS' estimate. The parallelogram in Central Assyria covered with remains of buildings has Khorsabad northeast; Koyunjik and Nebbi Yunus near the Tigris, northwest; Nimroud, between the Tigris and the Zab, southwest; and Karamless, at a distance inward from the Zab, southeast. From Koyunjik to Nimroud is about eighteen miles; from Khorsabad to Karamless, the same; from Koyunjik to Khorsabad, thirteen or fourteen miles; from Nimroud to Karamless, fourteen miles. The length thus was greater than the breadth; compare

Jon 3:4,

"a day's journey," which is confirmed by heathen writers and by modern measurements. The walls were a hundred feet high, and broad enough to allow three chariots abreast, and had moreover fifteen hundred lofty towers. The space between, including large parks and arable ground, as well as houses, was Nineveh in its full extent. The oldest palaces are at Nimroud, which was probably the original site. LAYARD latterly has thought that the name Nineveh belonged originally to Koyunjik, rather than to Nimroud. Jonah

(Jon 4:11)

mentions the children as numbering one hundred twenty thousand, which would give about a million to the whole population. Existing ruins show that Nineveh acquired its greatest extent under the kings of the second dynasty, that is, the kings mentioned in Scripture; it was then that Jonah visited it, and the reports of its magnificence were carried to the west [LAYARD].

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  1. “一日路程”——并非不停留地径直前行:因为那城全长不过十八英里;而是边走边不时停下,向聚集在他周围的人潮宣告他的信息。

“再过四十日,尼尼微必倾覆了”——出发时含糊交办的职分,如今既已抵达,就采取了确定的、且比从前更严厉的形式。它不再是针对尼尼微罪恶的呼喊,而是四十日内其倾覆的宣告。这数字在圣经中常与自卑相连。摩西、以利亚与基督禁食的日数都是四十日。从基督(约拿职分的实体)开始事奉到耶路撒冷被毁,相隔四十年。定罪之形式更为明确,暗示尼尼微此刻几乎已恶贯满盈。尼尼微人因焦急查问约拿的经历而从他口中听到这形式的变化,会越发惊恐——因为这暗示他们的结局更临近、更确定;同时这也责备约拿先前迟延警告他们的罪。这位陌生人就这样突然出现在他们中间,他所宣告的独一信息之孤绝性本身,会更使他们心生敬畏。他们从他口中得知:他绝非轻率地向他们预言灾祸,反倒曾退缩于宣告较轻的定罪,因而被投入深渊,仅借奇事得救——他们感到自己的危险何等迫切,因为如今威胁他们的,其命运竟与他们如此紧密相连。挪亚的日子给人一百二十年的警告,他们却直到洪水来到、为时已晚仍不悔改。但在尼尼微的事上,神赐下双重怜悯:第一,其百姓受威吓之后随即悔改;第二,他们悔改之后赦免随即临到。

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4. a day's journey--not going straight forward without stopping: for the city was but eighteen miles in length; but stopping in his progress from time to time to announce his message to the crowds gathering about him.

Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown--The commission, given indefinitely at his setting out, assumes now on his arrival a definite form, and that severer than before. It is no longer a cry against the sins of Nineveh, but an announcement of its ruin in forty days. This number is in Scripture associated often with humiliation. It was forty days that Moses, Elijah, and Christ fasted. Forty years elapsed from the beginning of Christ's ministry (the antitype of Jonah's) to the destruction of Jerusalem. The more definite form of the denunciation implies that Nineveh has now almost filled up the measure of her guilt. The change in the form which the Ninevites would hear from Jonah on anxious inquiry into his history, would alarm them the more, as implying the increasing nearness and certainty of their doom, and would at the same time reprove Jonah for his previous guilt in delaying to warn them. The very solitariness of the one message announced by the stranger thus suddenly appearing among them, would impress them with the more awe. Learning from him, that so far from lightly prophesying evil against them, he had shrunk from announcing a less severe denunciation, and therefore had been cast into the deep and only saved by miracle, they felt how imminent was their peril, threatened as they now were by a prophet whose fortunes were so closely bound up with theirs. In Noah's days one hundred twenty years of warning were given to men, yet they repented not till the flood came, and it was too late. But in the case of Nineveh, God granted a double mercy: first, that its people should repent immediately after threatening; second, that pardon should immediately follow their repentance.

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  1. “信服神”——即信任约拿从神而得的信息,从而承认耶和华是真神。

“禁食……披上麻布”——在东方,外在行动常用以象征性地表达内心情感。因此禁食与披麻是自卑的惯常表达。比较亚哈的事例,与尼尼微相似,二者皆因悔改而得宽缓(王上 21:27;20:31-32;珥 1:13)。

“从最大的……到至小的”——悔改不是局部的,而是遍及各个阶层。

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5. believed God--gave credit to Jonah's message from God; thus recognizing Jehovah as the true God.

fast . . . sackcloth--In the East outward actions are often used as symbolical expressions of inward feelings. So fasting and clothing in sackcloth were customary in humiliation. Compare in Ahab's case, parallel to that of Nineveh, both receiving a respite on penitence

(1Ki 21:27; 20:31, 32; Joe 1:13).

from the greatest . . . to the least--The penitence was not partial, but pervading all classes.

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  1. “坐在炉灰中”——极深自卑的象征(伯 2:8;结 27:30)。
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6. in ashes--emblem of the deepest humiliation

(Job 2:8; Eze 27:30).

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  1. “牲畜……不可尝什么”——不能言语的受造之物也同人罪所产生的恶果有分(拿 4:11;罗 8:20、22);所以这里按东方习俗,它们也与人一同披上自卑的外在记号。“波斯将军玛西斯蒂亚斯被杀时,波斯人不仅自己,连马匹和骡子的毛都剃了”[纽科姆(Newcome)引自普鲁塔克(Plutarch);亦见希罗多德(Herodotus),9.24]。
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7. neither . . . beast . . . taste any thing--The brute creatures share in the evil effects of man's sin

(Jon 4:11; Ro 8:20, 22);

so they here according to Eastern custom, are made to share in man's outward indications of humiliation. "When the Persian general Masistias was slain, the horses and mules of the Persians were shorn, as well as themselves" [NEWCOME from PLUTARCH; also HERODOTUS, 9.24].

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  1. “呼求……回转”——没有改革的祷告是对神的嘲讽(诗 66:18;赛 58:6)。

另一方面,真正的改革之前必先有祷告;因为除非神先回转我们,我们就无法从恶道上转向神(耶 31:18-19)。

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8. cry . . . turn--Prayer without reformation is a mockery of God

(Ps 66:18; Isa 58:6).

Prayer, on the other hand, must precede true reformation, as we cannot turn to God from our evil way unless God first turns us

(Jer 31:18, 19).

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  1. “谁知呢”——(比较珥 2:14)。

他们没有任何特别的鼓励,仅凭着对神怜悯的渺茫可能性就付诸行动,这是更奇妙的信心实例;因为要放弃偶像去寻求耶和华,他们必须冲破根深蒂固的偏见。他们这一乐意之信所凭的唯一根据,是神没有立即毁灭他们,反而差人来警告他们——这暗示了赦免的可能性。因此基督把他们作为审判时定罪的例子:那些拥有更大亮光与特权的人却不肯悔改(太 12:41)。

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9. Who can tell--(Compare

Joe 2:14).

Their acting on a vague possibility of God's mercy, without any special ground of encouragement, is the more remarkable instance of faith, as they had to break through long-rooted prejudices in giving up idols to seek Jehovah at all. The only ground which their ready faith rested on, was the fact of God sending one to warn them, instead of destroying them at once; this suggested the thought of a possibility of pardon. Hence they are cited by Christ as about to condemn in the judgment those who, with much greater light and privileges, yet repent not

(Mt 12:41).

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  1. “神后悔不降所说的灾”——当信息送达时,他们已熟透于审判,所以四十日内执行的毁灭之旨意,是神对罪的公义恨恶在他们身上所能容纳的唯一话语。但当他们悔改,他们在神公义面前的地位就改变了。所以神对待他们的方式也必须相应改变,否则神就与自己那按照人的行为与内心光景对待人、最终向顽梗不悔者报应、乐意向悔改者施怜悯的不变属性相矛盾了。比较亚伯拉罕的推理(创 18:25;结 18:21-25;耶 18:7-10)。

那真正发生在他们身上及神相应对待之方式上的改变,俯就人的观念而被描述为神里面的改变(参出 32:14);其实神在其本质的公义与怜悯上并不改变(民 23:19;撒上 15:29;玛 3:6;雅 1:17)。

毁灭的宣告之所以采用绝对形式,而非取决于尼尼微持续的不悔改,是因为唯有这种形式能唤醒他们;同时它对尼尼微在其现有状态下、以及尼尼微所应得的而言,是真实的表达。当那状态过去,尼尼微与神之间一种信息中未曾考虑的新关系就出现了,于是为“无故的咒诅不临到”这句话生效留下了余地[费尔拜恩(Fairbairn)]。预言并非仅为借对未来预测的应验来证明神的全知,而主要旨在维护神分别对待不悔者与悔改者时的公义与怜悯(罗 11:22)。

圣经总是把那植根于神性情中永恒的公义原则置于首位,并使一切属神的安排都服在其下。神在尼尼微将亡之际因其悔改初露曙光而施以宽免,鼓励了胆怯的悔改者,并预先表明,不久以后所成就的以色列之结局,当归因于其自身的顽梗不悔,而非神方面不愿赦免。

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10. God repented of the evil--When the message was sent to them, they were so ripe for judgment that a purpose of destruction to take effect in forty days was the only word God's righteous abhorrence of sin admitted of as to them. But when they repented, the position in which they stood towards God's righteousness was altered. So God's mode of dealing with them must alter accordingly, if God is not to be inconsistent with His own immutable character of dealing with men according to their works and state of heart, taking vengeance at last on the hardened impenitent, and delighting to show mercy on the penitent. Compare Abraham's reasoning,

Ge 18:25; Eze 18:21-25; Jer 18:7-10.

What was really a change in them and in God's corresponding dealings is, in condescension to human conceptions, represented as a change in God (compare

Ex 32:14),

who, in His essential righteousness and mercy, changeth not

(Nu 23:19; 1Sa 15:29; Mal 3:6; Jas 1:17).

The reason why the announcement of destruction was made absolute, and not dependent on Nineveh's continued impenitence, was that this form was the only one calculated to rouse them; and at the same time it was a truthful representation of God's purpose towards Nineveh under its existing state, and of Nineveh's due. When that state ceased, a new relation of Nineveh to God, not contemplated in the message, came in, and room was made for the word to take effect, "the curse causeless shall not come" [FAIRBAIRN]. Prophecy is not merely for the sake of proving God's omniscience by the verification of predictions of the future, but is mainly designed to vindicate God's justice and mercy in dealing with the impenitent and penitent respectively

(Ro 11:22).

The Bible ever assigns the first place to the eternal principles of righteousness, rooted in the character of God, subordinating to them all divine arrangements. God's sparing Nineveh, when in the jaws of destruction, on the first dawn of repentance encourages the timid penitent, and shows beforehand that Israel's doom, soon after accomplished, is to be ascribed, not to unwillingness to forgive on God's part, but to their own obstinate impenitence.