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Some think that Felix was turned out, and Festus succeeded him, quickly after Paul's imprisonment, and that the two years mentioned in the close of the foregoing chapter are to be reckoned from the beginning of Nero's reign; but it seems more natural to compute them from Paul's being delivered into the hands of Felix. However, we have here much the same management of Paul's case as we had in the foregoing chapter; cognizance is here taken of it, I. By Festus the governor; it is brought before him by the Jews, Ac 25:1-3. The hearing of it is appointed to be, not at Jerusalem, as the Jews desired, out at Cæsarea, Ac 25:4-6. The Jews appear against Paul and accuse him (Ac 25:7), but he stands upon his own innocency (Ac 25:8); and to avoid the removing of the cause to Jerusalem, to which he was pressed to consent, he at length appeals to Cæsar, Ac 25:9-12. II. By king Agrippa, to whom Festus relates his case (Ac 25:13-21), and Agrippa desires he might have the hearing of it himself, Ac 25:22. The court is accordingly set, and Paul brought to the bar (Ac 25:23), and Festus opens the cause (Ac 25:24-27), to introduce Paul's defence in the next chapter.
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Paul Arraigned before Festus; Paul's Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar
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保羅在非斯都面前受審；保羅的第四次申辯；保羅上訴凱撒
¹ 非斯都到了任，過了三天，就從凱撒利亞上耶路撒冷去。
² 祭司長和猶太人的首領向他控告保羅，又央求他，
³ 求他情，要提保羅到耶路撒冷來，意思是要在路上埋伏殺害他。
⁴ 非斯都卻回答說：「保羅押在凱撒利亞，我自己快要往那裏去」；
⁵ 又說：「你們中間有權勢的人與我一同下去，那人若有甚麼不是，就告他。」
⁶ 非斯都在他們那裏住了不過十天八天，就下凱撒利亞去；第二天坐堂，吩咐將保羅提上來。
⁷ 保羅來了，那些從耶路撒冷下來的猶太人周圍站著，將許多重大的事控告保羅，都是不能證實的。
⁸ 保羅分訴說：「無論猶太人的律法，或是聖殿，或是凱撒，我都沒有干犯。」
⁹ 但非斯都要討猶太人喜歡，就問保羅說：「你願意上耶路撒冷去，在那裏在我面前受審嗎？」
¹⁰ 保羅說：「我站在凱撒的堂前，這就是我應當受審的地方。我向猶太人並沒有行不對的事，這也是你明明知道的。
¹¹ 我若行了不義的事，犯了甚麼該死的罪，就是死，我也不辭。他們所告我的事若都不實，就沒有人可以把我交給他們。我要上告於凱撒。」
¹² 非斯都就和議會商量了，回答說：「你既上告於凱撒，可以往凱撒那裏去。」
我們常說「新官上任新規矩、新習慣」；但這裏換了新巡撫，保羅從他那裏受到的待遇卻與從前一樣，不見更好。非斯都像腓力斯一樣，對他沒有做到應有的公正——因為他不釋放他；但也不像猶太人想要的那樣不公正——因為他不定他死罪，也不把他交給他們的暴怒。這裏是，
I. 大祭司和其他猶太人向巡撫提出的迫切請求，勸他把保羅拋棄——因為把他送到耶路撒冷，實際上就是拋棄他。1. 請看他們多麼迅速地向非斯都提出關於保羅的請求。他一到任、接管了政權——大概是在凱撒利亞就職的——過了三天就上耶路撒冷去，在那裏露面，祭司們立刻就催促他對付保羅。他在保羅被囚的凱撒利亞住了三天，我們沒有看到在那段時間保羅向他提出釋放的請求，儘管無疑他可以找好的朋友，希望藉以奏效；但他一上耶路撒冷，祭司們就急急忙忙在他面前針對保羅建立勢力。請看惡意何等不休不止。保羅耐心地忍受他監禁的拖延，勝過他的仇敵對他起訴至死的拖延所表現的焦躁。2. 請看他們在請求中何等惡毒。他們在保羅受公正審判之前就向巡撫控告保羅（Ac 25:2），以便盡可能向巡撫預斷這案子，使本該作審判官的人成為一方。但這個手段雖然夠卑鄙，他們卻不能信賴；因為巡撫必會親自聽保羅的辯護，那時他們對他的所有控告都會落空；所以他們又策劃了一個更卑鄙的方案——在保羅受審之前暗殺他。這些全人類至少在表面上都憎惡的殘忍邪惡手段，這些逼迫者卻用來發洩他們對基督福音的惡意，而且還打著對摩西熱心的旗號。宗教狂熱竟慫恿人做出如此邪惡的事。3. 請看他們的藉口何等冠冕堂皇。如今巡撫本人到了耶路撒冷，他們請他把保羅提到那裏，在那裏審問他——這會省去起訴者許多麻煩，看來也十分合理，因為他被控褻瀆了耶路撒冷的聖殿，而罪犯通常在犯罪地點的法庭受審；但他們的真正用意是在他被押上來的路上設伏，在路上謀殺他——他們以為他被押上來時不會有押下去時那樣嚴密的護衛，或者押送他的官員可能被收買，給他們作惡的機會。聖經說，他們求情攻擊保羅。起訴者的本分是對他們認為有罪的人要求公正——若沒有被證明有罪，宣告無罪與證明有罪後定罪同樣是公正。但求情攻擊一個囚犯，而且是向本該為囚犯辯護的審判官求情，是非常無恥的事。恩惠應當歸給囚犯——為保全性命——但他們卻求情來反對他。巡撫只要肯定保羅的罪——雖然他們不能證明他有罪——他們就當作恩惠領受了。
II. 巡撫決定保羅在凱撒利亞——他如今所在之地——受審（Ac 25:4,5）。請看他如何對待起訴者。1. 他不肯行這個方便把他提到耶路撒冷；不，他下令保羅押在凱撒利亞。看不出他有任何懷疑——更不用說確切知道——他們要在途中謀殺他的血腥計劃，正如從前千夫長把他送到凱撒利亞時所知道的那樣（Ac 23:30）；但也許他不願如此取悅大祭司一黨，或者他要維護他在凱撒利亞法庭的尊嚴，要求他們到那裏去，或者他不願費事或花費把保羅押上去；不管他拒絕的理由是甚麼，神利用了它作為保護保羅脫離仇敵之手的手段。也許如今他們比從前更加小心地保守他們的陰謀秘密，使它的暴露不成為它的挫敗——正如從前那樣。但神雖然不像從前那樣使它曝光，卻找到了另一條同樣有效的途徑來使之歸於無有——使巡撫因其他理由不願將保羅移到耶路撒冷。神在為祂百姓施行拯救時，不受限於一種方法。祂能容許針對他們的計謀隱藏，卻不容許它們得逞；能使大人物的屬肉體的計謀服事祂恩典的旨意。2. 但他要對他們行公義，聽取他們對保羅的控告——只要他們肯下到凱撒利亞，在那裏出面控告他：「你們中間有權勢的人——身體和財力能承擔這趟旅程的，或心思和口才能勝任起訴的——你們中間適合做主事的人，與我一同下去，告這人；或者，那些有資格作見證的、能證明他有任何犯罪行為的人，讓他們去提供證據，若他真有你們所指控的那樣的罪惡。」非斯都不肯如他們所願地視保羅為有罪，直到罪證確鑿、他也被聽取了為自己的辯護；但他若是有罪，舉證的責任就在他們。
III. 保羅在非斯都面前受審。非斯都在耶路撒冷住了不過十天八天，然後下凱撒利亞去，起訴者大概也在他的隨員中；因為他說他們應當與他一同下去；他們既如此急切地起訴，他願意這案子最先開審；為了讓他們盡快回家，他要在第二天就處理。迅速執行司法是值得稱讚的，只要不因求快而失了穩妥。如今這裏我們看到：1. 法庭開庭，囚犯被帶到審判台前。非斯都坐堂——他向來如此，每逢有重要案件帶到他面前——他吩咐將保羅提上來，讓他出庭（Ac 25:6）。基督為了鼓勵祂的門徒，在像這樣考驗他們膽量的可怕試煉中保持他們的心志，應許他們日子將到，他們要坐在寶座上，審判以色列十二個支派。2. 起訴者對囚犯提出控告（Ac 25:7）：猶太人周圍站著——這暗示他們人數眾多。耶和華啊，我的敵人何其加增！這也暗示他們同心合意——他們彼此站在一起，決意抱團；他們專注於起訴，急切地喧嚷反對保羅。他們周圍站著，若可能的話，要嚇唬審判官順從他們惡意的計劃，或至少要嚇唬囚犯，使他驚惶失措；但這是徒然的：他有太公正、太堅強的確信，不會被他們嚇倒。他們環繞我，圍困我，我好像火焰燒荊棘，必被燒滅（Ps 118:12）。他們周圍站著時，就將許多重大的事控告保羅——應當如此讀。他們控告他犯了重罪和不端行為。彈劾的條款很多，包含了非常邪惡的內容。他們盡其智慧和惡意所能，向法庭描繪他為又黑又可憎的人；但當他們自以為妥當地陳述了案情，到了舉證的時候，卻在那裏失敗了：他們不能證實他們對他的指控——因為全是虛假的，控告是毫無根據和不公正的。要麼事實不如他們陳述的那樣，要麼其中並沒有過錯；他們將自己所不知道的事控告他，他們自己也不知道。地上最卓越的人被人用各樣壞話誣告，不是新事——不僅在醉酒者的歌中、在褻慢人的座位上，甚至在審判台前。3. 囚犯堅持為自己辯護（Ac 25:8）。不管誰控告他，他自己的心不控告他，所以他自己的口也不控告他；他雖然死，也不放下他的純正。當輪到他為自己說話時，他堅持他的總體抗辯——無罪：無論猶太人的律法，或是聖殿，或是凱撒，我都沒有干犯。（1）他沒有違犯猶太人的律法，也沒有教導任何毀壞律法的教訓。*他是因信廢了律法嗎？斷乎不是，更是堅固律法。*傳講基督——律法的總結——不是對律法的干犯。（2）他沒有褻瀆聖殿，也沒有絲毫輕視聖殿的事奉；他協助建立福音的殿，並不冒犯那作為其預表的聖殿。（3）他沒有干犯凱撒或他的政權。由此可見，如今他的案子被提到政府面前，為了討好巡撫、使他們看來像是凱撒的朋友，他們控告他對現行政權有不忠之嫌，這迫使他必須在這方面自證清白，並聲明他不是凱撒的敵人——並不像那些控告他的人那樣。
IV. 保羅上訴皇帝，以及這事的緣由。這使案子有了新的轉向。他先前是否已有此打算，還是在眼前的激怒之下突然決定的，我們不清楚；但神感動他的心這樣做，為要成就祂曾對他說過的話——他必須在羅馬為主作見證，因為皇帝的朝廷就在那裏（Ac 23:11）。在這裏我們看到，
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非斯都向保羅提出建議，讓他去耶路撒冷受審（Ac 25:9）。非斯都願意討猶太人喜歡——傾向於寧可取悅起訴者而不取悅囚犯，在安全範圍內盡可能對一個羅馬公民如此做——所以問他是否願意上耶路撒冷去，在那裏為自己辯護——在那裏他曾被控告，在那裏他可以有見證人隨時為他作證、證實他所說的。他不會打算把他交給大祭司和公會，如猶太人所願的；而是：*你願意上那裏去，在我面前受這些事的審嗎？*巡撫若願意，本可以下令把他送去，但他不願未經他本人同意就這樣做——若能哄得他同意，就可以消除其中的非議。在受逼迫的時期，主百姓的智慧與他們的忍耐同受考驗；他們既如羊羔被差到狼群中間，就需要有蛇的智慧。
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保羅拒絕同意，以及他的理由。他知道，若被移到耶路撒冷，儘管巡撫竭力防範，猶太人仍會想方設法取他的性命；所以他請求免於此行，並申辯：（1）作為羅馬公民，他最應當不僅由巡撫審問，而且在他名正言順的法庭——設在凱撒利亞的法庭——受審：我站在凱撒的堂前，這就是我應當受審的地方——在省會之城。法庭既奉凱撒之名、憑祂的權柄和委任、由祂所委派的人主持，就可以正當地稱為祂的審判台——正如在我們這裏，一切令狀都以君主之名發出，一切法庭都以祂之名設立。保羅承認他應當在凱撒的審判台前受審，清楚證明基督的使者並非豁免於民事政權的管轄，而應當順服他們——在良心所允許的範圍內；若他們真犯了罪，就當受他們的懲處；若無罪，也當服從他們的調查，在他們面前澄清自己。（2）作為猶太民族的一員，他沒有做任何使自己被他們仇視的事：*我向猶太人並沒有行不對的事，這也是你明明知道的。*無辜的人申明自己的無辜並堅持，是十分合宜的；這是我們對自己好名聲當盡的本分——不僅不作假見證陷害自己，還要針對那些作假見證陷害我們的人維護自己的純正。（3）他願意遵行法律的規則，任其照章辦理（Ac 25:11）。他若犯了該死的死罪，他不會企圖抗拒或逃跑，既不逃避司法也不與之對抗：「就是死，我也不辭，我願意接受我罪孽的刑罰。」這不是說一切犯了該死之罪的人都有義務自首、自投法網；但他們既被控告、被帶到司法面前，就當服從，並說神和政府都是公義的；正如必須以一些人作為鑑戒。但他若是無辜的——他鄭重聲明如此——「他們所告我的事若都不實——若這起訴是惡意的，他們不顧是非定要取我的性命——就沒有人可以把我交給他們，連巡撫本人也不可以——否則就是明顯的不公正；因為保護無辜與懲罰有罪同樣是他的職責」——他要求他的保護。
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他上訴朝廷。他既不斷處於猶太人的危險之中，一次又一次有人企圖把他交到他們手中——他們的殘忍看似慈悲——他就求助於受壓迫之無辜者的最後庇護所，在那裏尋求庇護，因為他不能用其他方式得到公正：我要上告於凱撒。「與其被交給猶太人」（非斯都似乎傾向於同意）「不如把我交給尼祿。」當大衛幾次僅免於掃羅的怒氣，斷定他這樣不休止的仇敵終有一日會死在他手中時，他幾乎被迫地達到了這個決定：不如我逃奔非利士地去（1Sa 27:1）。保羅在這裏也是如此。但亞伯拉罕的子孫竟被迫向一個非利士人、向尼祿上訴，而控告他的卻自稱為亞伯拉罕的後裔——在迦特或羅馬比在耶路撒冷更安全——這實在是可悲。忠信的城竟變為妓女！
V. 對整個案子的判決。保羅既沒有被釋放，也沒有被定罪。他的仇敵希望案子以他的死亡告終；他的朋友希望以他的獲救告終；但結果兩者都不是——他們都失望了，事情維持原樣。這是護理有時邁出的緩慢步伐的一個例子——不像我們期望的那樣快地把事情帶到結果，藉此我們常常對自己的希望和恐懼都感到羞愧，仍舊等候神。案子先前被延期到另一個時間，如今到另一個地方，到另一個法庭——好叫保羅的患難生忍耐。1. 巡撫就此事徵詢意見：他和議會商量了——希臘文 meta tou symbouliou，不是與猶太人的議會（那叫做 synedrion），而是與他自己的參議們商議，他們隨時準備以建議協助巡撫。謀士眾多，人便得安全；審判官在判決之前，當與自己和他人商議。2. 他決定把他送往羅馬。有人認為保羅不是指上訴凱撒本人，而是指他的法庭——他願意服從其判決，而不願被移交猶太人的議會；而非斯都本可以選擇是否把他送往羅馬，或至少是否就這上訴與他正式對決。但從亞基帕所說的話來看（Ac 26:32），他若沒有上告凱撒，就可以釋放了——按照羅馬法律的程序，一個羅馬公民隨時可以向上級法庭——甚至最高法庭——上訴，正如在我們這裏案件可以藉移審令轉移、罪犯可以藉人身保護令轉移、上訴常常上達到上議院。所以非斯都——或出於選擇，或照章辦事——得出了這個決定：*你既上告於凱撒，可以往凱撒那裏去。*他發現案情有非常特殊之處，因此害怕無論怎樣判決都不妥，又想這案子的知識對皇帝會是一種消遣，所以把它轉呈他裁決。在我們受神審判時，那些以自稱為義而上訴律法的人，必到律法那裏去，律法必定他們的罪；但那些以悔改和信心上訴福音的人，必到福音那裏去，福音必拯救他們。
영문 원문
Paul Arraigned before Festus; Paul's Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar
¹ Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem.
² Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him,
³ And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him.
⁴ But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither.
⁵ Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.
⁶ And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought.
⁷ And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove.
⁸ While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all.
⁹ But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me?
¹⁰ Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest.
¹¹ For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cæsar.
¹² Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou go.
We commonly say, "New lords, new laws, new customs;" but here was a new governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had from the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust to him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn him to die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is,
I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used with the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to Jerusalem was in effect to abandon him. 1. See how speedy they were in their applications to Festus concerning Paul. As soon as ever he had come into the province, and had taken possession of the government, into which, probably, he was installed at Cæsarea, within three days he went up to Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were upon him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at Cæsarea, where Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that in that time Paul made any application to him to release him, though, no doubt, he could have made good friends, that he might hope to have prevailed by; but as soon as ever he comes up to Jerusalem the priests are in all haste to make an interest with him against Paul. See how restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently bears the lengthening out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay of his prosecution even to the death. 2. See how spiteful they were in their application. They informed the governor against Paul (Ac 25:2) before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if possible, prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party who was to be the judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they could not confide in; for the governor would be sure to hear him himself, and then all their informations against him would fall to the ground; and therefore they form another project much more base, and that is to assassinate Paul before he came upon his trial. These inhuman hellish methods, which all the world profess at least to abhor, have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify their malice against the gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal for Moses. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum—Such was their dire religious zeal. 3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the governor was himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul thither, and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great deal of labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with having profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him upon the road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so strong a guard as he was sent down with, or that the officers that were to bring him up might be bribed to give them an opportunity for their wickedness. It is said, They desired favour against Paul. The business of prosecutors is to demand justice against one that they suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not proved so, it is as much justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he be. But to desire favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who ought to be of counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought to be for the prisoner, in favorem vitæ—to favour his life, but here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon him.
II. The governor's resolution that Paul shall take his trial at Cæsarea, where he now is, Ac 25:4,5. See how he manages the prosecutors. 1. He will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no, he gave orders that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. It does not appear that he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of their bloody design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had when he sent him to Cæsarea (Ac 23:30); but perhaps he was not willing so far to oblige the high priest and his party, or he would maintain the honour of his court at Cæsarea and require their attendance there, or he was not willing to be at the trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason for refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of the hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep their conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery of it might not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though God does not, as then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as effectual, to bring it to nought, by inclining the heart of the governor, for some other reasons, not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God is not tied to one method, in working out salvation for his people. He can suffer the designs against them to be concealed, and yet not suffer them to be accomplished; and can make even the carnal policies of great men to serve his gracious purposes. 2. Yet he will do them the justice to hear what they have to say against Paul, if they will go down to Cæsarea, and appear against him there: "Let those among you who are able, able in body and purse for such a journey, or able in mind and tongue to manage the prosecution—let those among you who are fit to be managers, go down with me, and accuse this man; or, those who are competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal upon him, let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such wickedness in him as you charge upon him." Festus will not take it for granted, as they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it is proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he be guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so.
III. Paul's trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten days, and then went down to Cæsarea, and the prosecutors, it is likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with him; and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing this cause should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he will despatch it the next day. Expedition in administering justice is very commendable, provided more haste be not made than good speed. Now here we have, 1. The court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in the judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought before him that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be brought, and to make his appearance, Ac 25:6. Christ, to encourage his disciples and keep up their spirits under such awful trials of their courage as this was to Paul, promised them that the day should come when they should sit on thrones, judging the tribes of Israel. 2. The prosecutors exhibiting their charges against the prisoner (Ac 25:7): The Jews stood round about, which intimates that they were many. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me! It intimates also that they were unanimous, they stood by one another, and resolved to hold together; and that they were intent upon the prosecution, and eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood round about, if possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with their malicious design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put him out of countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance to be frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are quenched as the fire of thorns, Ps 118:12. When they stood round about him, they brought many and grievous accusations against Paul, so it should be read. They charged him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The articles of impeachment were many, and contained things of a very heinous nature. They represented him to the court as black and odious as their wit and malice could contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they thought fit, and came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not prove what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the complaints were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they opened it, or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things that he knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against them falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon the seat of the scornful, but even before the judgment-seat. 3. The prisoner's insisting upon his own vindication, Ac 25:8. Whoever reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own tongue shall not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity from him. When it came to his turn to speak for himself, he insisted upon his general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. (1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any doctrine destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law, was no offence against the law. (2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any contempt at all upon the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel temple did not at all offend against that temple which was a type of it. (3.) He had not offended against Cæsar, nor his government. By this it appears that now his cause being brought before the government, to curry favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to Cæsar, they had charged him with some instances of disaffection to the present higher powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to that matter, and to protest that he was no enemy to Cæsar, not so much as those were who charged him with being so.
IV. Paul's appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was a sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God puts it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which he had said to him, that he must bear witness to Christ at Rome, for there the emperor's court was, Ac 23:11. We have here,
1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at Jerusalem, Ac 25:9. Festus was willing to do the Jews a pleasure, inclined to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome, and therefore asked him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and clear himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have his witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the Jews would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of these things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might have ordered him thither, but he would not do it without his own consent, which, if he could have wheedled him to give it, would have taken off the odium of it. In suffering times, the prudence of the Lord's people is tried as well as their patience; being sent forth therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents.
2. Paul's refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if he were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of the president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death of him; and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads, (1.) That, as a citizen of Rome, it was most proper for him to be tried, not only by the president, but in that which was properly his court, which sat at Cæsarea: I stand at Cæsar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the metropolis of the province. The court being held in Cæsar's name, and by his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by him, it might well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all writs run in the name of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are held. Paul's owning that he ought to be judged at Cæsar's judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ's ministers are not exempted from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but ought to be subject to them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and, if they be guilty of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent, yet to submit to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them. (2.) That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to make himself obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. It very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. (3.) That he was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let that take its course, Ac 25:11. If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves death, he will not offer either to make resistance or to make his escape, will neither flee from justice nor fight with it: "I refuse not to die, but will accept of the punishment of my iniquity." Not that all who have committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves, and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought to justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the government are righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made examples. But, if he be innocent, as he protests he is, "If there be none of these things whereof these accuse me,—if the prosecution be malicious and they are resolved to have my blood right or wrong,—no man may deliver me unto them, no, not the governor himself, without palpable injustice; for it is his business as much to protect the innocent as to punish the guilty;" and he claims his protection.
3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the Jews, and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands, whose tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier resort—the last refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary there, since he cannot have justice done him in any other way: "I appeal unto Cæsar. Rather than be delivered to the Jews" (which Festus seems inclined to consent to) "let me be delivered to Nero." When David had divers times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul, and concluded he was such a restless enemy that he should one day perish by his hands, he came to this resolution, being in a manner compelled to it, There is nothing better for me than to take shelter in the land of the Philistines, 1Sa 27:1. So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham must be forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than in Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot!
V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released nor condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death; his friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved neither so nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it was. It is an instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes takes, not bringing things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which we are often made ashamed both of our hopes and of our fears, and are kept still waiting on God. The cause had before been adjourned to another time, now to another place, to another court, that Paul's tribulation might work patience. 1. The president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the council—meta tou symbouliou, not with the council of the Jews (that is called synedrion), but with his own counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor with their advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and judges should consult both with themselves and others before they pass sentence. 2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an appeal to Cæsar's person, but only to his court, the sentence of which he would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew's council, and that Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to Rome, or, at least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon the appeal. But it should seem, by what Agrippa said (Ac 26:32), that he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Cæsar—that, by the course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen might appeal at any time to a superior court, even to the supreme, as causes with us are removed by certiorari, and criminals by habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the house of peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to this resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar thou shalt go. He found there was something very extraordinary in the case, which he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either one way or other, and the knowledge of which he thought would be an entertainment to the emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his cognizance. In our judgment before God those that by justifying themselves appeal to the law, to the law they shall go, and it will condemn them; but those that by repentance and faith appeal to the gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save them.
13-27
Agrippa's Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa
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亞基帕王拜訪非斯都；保羅在亞基帕王面前受審
¹³ 過了些日子，亞基帕王和百妮基來到凱撒利亞，問非斯都安。 ¹⁴ 他們在那裏住了多日，非斯都將保羅的事稟告王，說：「有一個人，是腓力斯留在監裏的。 ¹⁵ 我在耶路撒冷的時候，祭司長和猶太的長老將他的事稟報了我，求我定他的罪。 ¹⁶ 我對他們說，無論甚麼人，被告還沒有和原告對質，未得機會分訴所告他的事，就先定他死罪，這不是羅馬人的條例。 ¹⁷ 及至他們都來到這裏，我就不耽延，第二天便坐堂，吩咐把那人提上來。 ¹⁸ 告他的人站着告他，所告的，並沒有我所逆料的那等惡事； ¹⁹ 不過是有幾樣辯論，為他們自己敬鬼神的事，又為一個人名叫耶穌，是已經死了，保羅卻說他是活的。 ²⁰ 這些事當怎樣究問，我心裏作難，所以問他說：你願意上耶路撒冷去，在那裏為這些事聽審麼？ ²¹ 但保羅求我留下他，要聽皇上審斷，我就吩咐把他看守，等解他到凱撒那裏去。」 ²² 亞基帕對非斯都說：「我自己也願聽這人辯論。」非斯都說：「明天你可以聽。」 ²³ 次日，亞基帕和百妮基大張威勢而來，同着眾千夫長和城裏的尊貴人進了公廳；非斯都吩咐一聲，就有人將保羅帶進來。 ²⁴ 非斯都說：「亞基帕王和在這裏與我們同在的諸位啊，你們看這個人，就是猶太人在耶路撒冷和這裏，曾向我懇求呼叫說：『不可容他再活着。』 ²⁵ 但我查明他沒有犯甚麼該死的罪，並且他自己上告於皇帝，所以我定意把他解去。 ²⁶ 論到這人，我沒有確實的事可以奏明主上。因此，我帶他到你們面前，也特意帶他到你亞基帕王面前，為要在查問之後有所陳奏。 ²⁷ 據我看來，解送囚犯，不指明他的罪案是不合理的。」
這裏記載了為保羅在亞基帕王面前再開一次審訊所作的準備，這次審訊不是為了讓他對保羅作出判決，而是為了讓他就保羅的案件提供意見——或者更確切地說，只是為了滿足他的好奇心。基督曾說到他的門徒，他們將被帶到諸侯和君王面前。在本章前半部分，保羅被帶到巡撫非斯都面前；此處他被帶到亞基帕王面前，作為對兩者的見證。這裏有：
I. 亞基帕王對非斯都所作的友善而和善的拜訪——此時非斯都剛剛上任治理該省（Ac 25:13）：過了些日子，亞基帕來到凱撒利亞。 這是一次隆重的王駕親臨。君王通常認為派大使去向朋友祝賀已經足夠了，但這裏有一位君王親自前來，使王者的威嚴屈從於朋友的情誼；因為朋友之間，當面的交談最為愉快。請注意，
1. 來訪者是誰。（1）亞基帕王。他是那位綽號亞基帕的希律（他曾殺了使徒雅各，自己被蟲咬死）的兒子，是大希律的曾孫（基督就是在大希律治下出生的）。約瑟夫稱這位為亞基帕二世；皇帝革老丟立他為卡爾基斯的王，又作特拉可尼和亞比利尼的分封王（見路 3:1）。猶太人的著述提到他，（據萊特富特博士告訴我們）除了別的事之外，還記述了這樣一個故事：「他在豁免年的年末按照吩咐公開宣讀律法，當王讀到那些話（申 17:15）耶和華你的神……必將你心裏所厭惡的別國的王……立在你們上面（即不可立不屬你們弟兄的外邦人為王）時，眼淚順着臉頰流了下來，因為他並非以色列的後裔；會眾見了就喊叫說：『亞基帕王，你放心，你是我們的弟兄！』因為他雖不是他們的骨肉，卻與他們同信一個宗教。」（2）百妮基與他同來。她是他的親妹妹，此時是寡婦——她叔父卡爾基斯的希律王之寡婦；叔父死後，她與這位哥哥同住，被疑與他過於親密；她第二次嫁給基利家王波利蒙之後，又設法與他離了婚，回到她哥哥亞基帕王那裏。尤維納利斯（《諷刺詩》第六卷）提到亞基帕送給他那亂倫的妹妹百妮基一枚鑽石戒指。塔西佗和蘇埃托尼烏斯都提到她後來與提多·韋斯巴薌之間有不正當的關係。腓力斯的妻子土西拉是另一個妹妹。那時代的大人物一般就是這樣淫亂敗壞的一羣！不要說先前的日子強過如今的日子。
2. 這次訪問的目的何在：他們來問非斯都安，祝賀他的新陞遷，願他在其中蒙福；他們來恭賀他履新，並與他保持良好的關係，好叫治理加利利的亞基帕能與治理猶太地的非斯都協同行動。但也許他們來此，與其說是為了表示敬意，不如說是為了自己消遣，為了分享他宮廷中的宴樂、炫耀他們的華服——愛慕虛榮的人若不出門展示，這些東西對他們毫無益處。
II. 非斯都向亞基帕王稟報了保羅及其案件。他之所以如此稟報，
1. 是為了款待他，給他一些消遣。這是一個非常引人注目的故事，值得任何人一聽——不僅因它出人意料、引人入勝，而且若如實而完整地講述，也極具教益和造就；這對亞基帕尤為中聽，因為他不僅是一位審判官，案件中有一些法律和實務上的要點值得他注意，更因為他是猶太人，案件中有一些宗教上的爭點更值得他過問。
2. 是為了請教他的意見。非斯都剛剛上任作審判官——至少是剛到此地作審判官，因此對自己和自己的能力缺乏把握，願意向那些更年長、更有經驗的人求教，尤其是在像保羅這案件看來如此棘手的事上，於是他把案情稟告了王。現在讓我們看看他向亞基帕王所作的關於保羅的具體陳述（Ac 25:14-21）。
（1）他到任時發現保羅已是囚犯，因此無法憑自己的了解從頭講述他的案情：有一個人是腓力斯留在監裏的。所以，當初逮捕他的過程若有何不當，非斯都不必為此負責，因為他到任時已見保羅在押。當腓力斯為要討猶太人的喜歡，留保羅在監裏——雖然知道他無辜——他卻不知道自己所作的是甚麼；他不知道保羅會不會落入比他後來所遭遇的更惡劣的人手中，儘管落入其中的已不是好人。
（2）猶太人的公會極力與他作對：祭司長和長老向我稟報他，說他是一個危險人物，不配活着，因此求將他定死罪。這些人既是極力自稱虔誠的，就當被視為有信譽、正直的人，非斯都以為應當相信他們；但亞基帕比他更了解這些人，因此非斯都希望在這事上得到他的指教。
（3）他堅持了有利於囚犯的羅馬法律，不肯不經審訊就定他的罪（Ac 25:16）：無論甚麼人……先定他死罪，這不是羅馬人的條例——羅馬人此處所遵循的是自然法和正義的基本準則，不把任何人交給仇敵任其毀滅（原文如此），在被告還沒有和原告對質以質對他們的證詞，並且未得機會分訴所告他的事之前，決不將人處死。他似乎是在責備他們，好像他們提出這樣的要求、指望他們不經審訊就定人的罪，是對羅馬人及其政權的輕忽：他說：「不，我要你們知道，無論你們自己之間容許甚麼，羅馬人不容許這樣的不義。」兼聽則明——也要聽取另一方已成了他們中間的一句箴言。這條規則當管轄我們在日常交往中私下評斷別人；在我們聽過為他們辯護的話之前，我們不可給人定壞品格，也不可定罪他們的言語和行為。見約 7:51。
（4）他已經按其職責對保羅進行了審訊（Ac 25:17）。他辦事極為迅速，原告不能抱怨他拖延，因為他們一到（我們確知他們絲毫不肯耽延），我就不耽延，第二天便坐堂，着手審理。他也以最莊重的方式審訊了他：他坐堂，正如他們在重大案件中所做的那樣——至於那些微不足道的小事，他們在平地上審理。他特別為審訊保羅而召集了一個大法庭，好使判決成為定讞，案件得以了結。
（5）他對原告所提的控告極為失望（Ac 25:18,19）：告他的人站着告他……所告的，並沒有我所逆料的那等惡事。
[1] 他原以為，憑他們起訴的踴躍，以及他們一個接一個地把這事呈到羅馬官長面前，第一，他們要控告他一些對私人財產或公共治安構成危險的事——他們要證明他是強盜、殺人犯，或叛亂反對羅馬政權——他曾參與武裝、煽動暴亂——即使他不是那不久前作亂、率領一夥刺客的埃及人（千夫長曾以為他是），他也是同一類人。初期基督徒所遭受的便是這樣喧嚷、這樣猛烈的指控，以至旁觀者憑這些喊叫來判斷，不能不斷定他們是世上最壞的人；將他們描述成這樣正是那些喧嚷的目的，正如當年對我們救主的喧嚷一樣。第二，他們要控告他一些可以在羅馬法庭審理、可以由巡撫正式審判的事（如迦流所期望的，Ac 18:14）；否則，把這樣的事拿來麻煩他，是荒謬可笑的，實際上是對他的冒犯。
[2] 但他大為驚訝地發現，事情完全不是那樣；他們只有幾樣辯論對付他，而不是對付他的證據。他們所說的最嚴重的指控，是否構成犯罪尚有爭議——是些可以無休止辯論下去的懸案，卻無法給他定任何罪——這些問題更適合在學堂裏討論，而不是在審判席前。而且他們是為他們自己敬鬼神的事而辯論——他如此稱呼他們的宗教；或者更確切地說，他如此稱呼他們宗教中那一部分——保羅被指控損害了的那部分。羅馬人按他們的法律保護他們的宗教，但不保護他們的迷信，也不保護他們長老的遺傳。但看來最大的問題是為一個人名叫耶穌，是已經死了，保羅卻說他是活的。有人認為他所說的迷信，就是保羅所傳的基督教，他對它的看法與雅典人一樣，認為它是要引入一個新的鬼神，就是耶穌。請看這位羅馬人是何等輕描淡寫地論到基督、論到他的死與復活、論到猶太人和基督徒之間關於他是否所應許的彌賽亞的重大爭論，以及他作彌賽亞的最大證據——他從死裏復活——好像這不過就是：有一個人名叫耶穌死了，保羅說他活着。然而他所誇耀自己一無所知的這位耶穌——好像他不配引起他的注意——正是那位曾死過，現在又活了，直活到永永遠遠，並且拿着死亡和陰間的鑰匙的（啟 1:18）。保羅所論到耶穌的見證——他活着——是一件如此重大的事，若不是真的，我們就全都完了。
（6）因此他曾向保羅提議，將案件移送猶太法庭，因那裏最能審理這類性質的案件（Ac 25:20）：這些事當怎樣究問，我心裏作難，所以問他說：你願意上耶路撒冷去，在那裏為這些事聽審麼？ 他不願強迫他，但如果保羅同意，他倒很高興，免得自己的良心因這類性質的案件受累。
（7）保羅寧可將案件移到羅馬，也不願到耶路撒冷，因為他指望從皇帝那裏得到比從祭司那裏更公正的對待：他求我留下他，要聽皇上審斷（Ac 25:21），他無法用別的方法阻止這裏下級法庭的審理；因此我吩咐把他看守，作為嚴密的囚犯，等解他到凱撒那裏去，因為我未見有理由拒絕他的上訴，倒為此感到高興。
III. 將他帶到亞基帕面前，使他的案件得以審理。
1. 王自己願意如此（Ac 25:22）：「我感謝你對他的稟報，但我自己也要聽這人辯論。」亞基帕對這案件——對案由和對此人——比非斯都知道得更多；他聽說過保羅，也知道非斯都如此輕視的那個問題——耶穌是死的還是活的——事關何等重大。沒有甚麼比聽保羅辯論更令他樂意的了。許多大人物認為過問宗教的事有失身分，除非能像他們那樣坐在審判席上審理。亞基帕寧可出任何代價也不肯去聚會聽保羅講道，正如希律不肯去聽耶穌一樣；然而他們兩人都樂意把這些人帶到自己面前，只是為了滿足好奇心。也許亞基帕想親自聽他，好能有機會幫他一把——結果他並沒有幫他，只是給了他一些體面。
2. 非斯都答應了：明天你可以聽。 此事有美好的護理之恩在其中，為要鼓勵保羅——他似乎在監禁中如同被活埋，失去了一切行善的機會。我們不知道他從凱撒利亞的監獄中有過任何書信。他那些來探望他的朋友，以及也許每個主日來看他的一小羣會眾——他所行善的機會，不過是一個又低又窄的範圍，以致他似乎被丟在一旁，如同蒙鄙視的破器皿，其中毫無喜悅；但這給了他一個機會，向一大羣會眾傳講基督，而且（這更難得）是向一羣大人物傳講。腓力斯曾在私下聽他講論基督的真道。但亞基帕和非斯都同意他在公開場合受審。我們有理由認為，他下一章的那篇講論，雖然在領人歸主方面可能不如他其他一些講論那樣奏效，卻在榮耀基督和基督教方面，與他一生所講過的任何一篇講論一樣卓著。
3. 為此作了隆重的準備（Ac 25:23）：次日，在公廳裏盛況空前——保羅和他的案件被談論得多了，正因他們被攻擊得多，也就被談論得多。
（1）亞基帕和百妮基趁此機會炫耀自己、大顯威風——也許他們就是為此而要了這個場合，好讓自己看見和被看見；因為他們大張威勢而來——身穿華服，佩戴金子和珍珠，衣着奢華；又有大批衣着鮮艷的隨從，蔚為大觀，令圍觀的羣眾目眩神迷。他們meta polles phantasias——大張幻想而來（原文如此）。請注意，大威勢不過是大幻想。它既不能增添任何真正的卓越，也不能獲得任何真正的尊敬，不過是滿足了一種虛榮，而智慧人寧可治死它，也不願滿足它。它不過是一場表演、一個夢、一種虛幻之物（原文如此）——是表面的，轉眼即逝。而這次出場的威勢，足以使人對威風排場永遠失去迷戀——當亞基帕和百妮基所顯出的威勢，[1] 被他們淫亂的品格所玷污，其一切光彩都被敗壞了；一切認識他們的善良人，在這一切威勢之中，不能不在心中鄙視他們為邪惡之人（詩 15:4）；[2] 又被那站在被告席上可憐囚犯的真正榮耀所掩蓋。他們華服的尊榮，怎能與他的智慧、恩典和聖潔，以及他為基督受苦時的勇敢和堅定相比！他在如此善業中的鎖鏈，比他們的金鏈更為榮耀；他的看守，比他們的儀仗更為可觀。誰還會迷戀世上的威勢呢——在此我們看見一個這樣敗壞的女人身披威勢，而一個這樣善良的男人卻身披與之相反的一切？
（2）眾千夫長和城裏的尊貴人也趁此機會向非斯都及其貴賓表示敬意。這相當於宮廷中的一場舞會，把衣冠楚楚的人聚在他們華麗的衣裳裏，充作一種娛樂。非斯都可能在前一天晚上就派人通知保羅，要他準備第二天早晨在亞基帕面前受審。保羅對基督的應許滿有信心——相信在那時必賜給他當說的話——所以他不抱怨通知倉促，也不因此慌亂。我倒認為，那些要穿華服出場的人為衣服操心，比身為囚犯要出場的保羉為自己的案件操心更多；因為他知道他所信的是誰，也知道是誰站在他旁邊。
IV. 法庭——或者說旁聽席——坐定後，非斯都為引出這案件所發表的演說。這番話與他剛才私下對亞基帕所稟報的大致相同。1. 他恭敬地向在場的人致辭：亞基帕王，以及在這裏與我們同在的諸位。他向所有的人——pantes andres——說話，彷彿有意暗暗責備百妮基——一個女人——竟出現在這種性質的集會中；他既不徵詢她的判斷，也不求她的意見；而是說：所有在場的男人（這話是如此排列的），我請你們過問這事。所用的詞，是那個指男人而區別於女人的詞； 百妮基在這裏有甚麼相干呢？2. 他把這囚犯描述為一個猶太人極其仇恨的人；不僅是首領們，而且是他們的眾人，在耶路撒冷也在這裏的凱撒利亞，都喊叫着說，他不可容他再活着——因為他們認為他活得太久了，若再活着，便要作更多的禍害。他們不能指控他犯了甚麼死罪，卻想要把他除掉。3. 他承認囚犯無辜；保羅和他的鎖鏈得着這樣的榮耀實在是好事——他的判官親口公開作出這樣的承認（Ac 25:25）：我查明他沒有犯甚麼該死的罪。 經過充分的審訊，看來根本沒有證據支持起訴；因此，雖然他頗想偏袒原告，他自己的良心卻判保羅無罪。那麼，他當時為何不釋放他——因為保羅站在那裏等候釋放？說實話，是因為攻擊他的聲勢太大，他怕一旦釋放了他，喧嚷就要轉到自己頭上。每個有良心的人都該有勇氣按良心行事，這實在令人惋惜。也許也因為煙霧太大，他就斷定其中必有火，將來會顯露出來，於是把他繼續關押，以待後效。4. 他告知他們案件目前的狀況：囚犯已上訴於皇帝本人（他藉此為自己的案件增光，因知道這案件並非不配受最偉大之人的審理），而他已接受了他的上訴：所以我定意把他解去。 案件如今就這樣懸着。5. 他請他們協助，在如今沒有被原告的喧嚷和騷亂所干擾的危險之時，平心靜氣、不偏不倚地審查這事——好叫他能對案件至少有足夠的了解，以便向皇帝陳明（Ac 25:26,27）。（1）他認為解送囚犯——尤其是遠至羅馬——卻不指明所控的罪案，是不合理的，好使案件盡可能準備妥當，為皇帝的裁決作好準備；因為皇帝被認為是日理萬機的人，所以每一件事都要盡可能簡明扼要地呈到他面前。（2）他至今還不能寫明甚麼確實的事論到保羅；告發他的證詞如此混亂、如此自相矛盾，以致非斯都根本理不出頭緒來。因此他希望保羅被公開審查，好叫他可以從他們那裏得到該寫甚麼的建議。請看，那些住在遠離羅馬之地、卻又服在羅馬皇帝之下的人，在司法審判中受了多少麻煩和折磨，受了多少拖延——甚至多少危險。我們這個國家（它與羅馬在另一個方向大約同等遙遠），在教會事務上服於羅馬教皇、凡事都上訴於他的法庭時，也曾遭受同樣的對待；那些要再次用那奴役的軛來纏累我們的人，也會把同樣的禍害、甚至千倍更糟的禍害，加在我們身上。
영문 원문
Agrippa's Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa
¹³ And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus.
¹⁴ And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix:
¹⁵ About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him.
¹⁶ To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.
¹⁷ Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth.
¹⁸ Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed:
¹⁹ But had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.
²⁰ And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.
²¹ But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cæsar.
²² Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.
²³ And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth.
²⁴ And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer.
²⁵ But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.
²⁶ Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write.
²⁷ For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.
We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they should be brought before governors and kings. In the former part of this chapter Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. Here is,
I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now upon his coming into the government in that province (Ac 25:13): After certain days, king Agrippa came to Cæsarea. Here is royal visit. Kings usually think it enough to send their ambassadors to congratulate their friends, but here was a king that came himself, that made the majesty of a prince yield to the satisfaction of a friend; for personal converse is the most pleasant among friends. Observe,
1. Who the visitants were. (1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod (surnamed Agrippa) who killed James the apostle, and was himself eaten of worms, and great grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was born. Josephus calls this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor made him king of Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene, mentioned Lu 3:1. The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr. Lightfoot tells us) among other things relate this story of him, "That reading the law publicly, in the latter end of the year of release, as was enjoined, the king, when he came to those words (De 17:15), Thou shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed of Israel, which the congregation observing, cried out, Be of good comfort, king Agrippa, thou art our brother; for he was of their religion, though not of their blood." (2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a widow, the widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she lived with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of Cilicia, she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother king Agrippa. Juvenal (Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which Agrippa gave to Bernice, his incestuous sister:—
And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was another sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in those times! Say not that the former days were better.
2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute Festus, to give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy in it; they came to compliment him upon his accession to the government, and to keep up a good correspondence with him, that Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee, might act in concert with Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is probable they came as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him, and to share in the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine clothes, which would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad.
II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case, which he gave.
1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very remarkable story, and worth any man's hearing, not only as it was surprising and entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very instructive and edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to Agrippa, not only because he was a judge, and there were some points of law and practice in it well worth his notice, but much more as he was a Jew, and there were some points of religion in it much more deserving his cognizance.
2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge, at least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of himself and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of those that were older and more experienced, especially in a matter that had so much difficulty in it as Paul's case seemed to have, and therefore he declared it to the king. Let us now see the particular account he gives to king Agrippa concerning Paul, Ac 25:14-21.
(1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account of his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the first taking of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for he found him in bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound, though he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he did, knew not but he might fall into worse hands than he did fall into, though they were none of the best.
(2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: "The chief priests and the elders informed me against him as a dangerous man, and not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be condemned to die." These being great pretenders to religion, and therefore to be supposed men of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he ought to give credit to them; but Agrippa knows them better than he does, and therefore Festus desires his advice in this matter.
(3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner, and would not condemn him unheard (Ac 25:16): "It is not the manner of the Romans, who herein govern themselves by the law of nature and the fundamental rules of justice, to deliver any man to die, to grant him to destruction" (so the word is), "to gratify his enemies with his destruction, before the accused has the accusers face to face, to confront their testimony, and have both licence and time given him to answer for himself." He seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the Romans and their government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they would condemn a man without trying him: "No," says he, "I would have you to know, whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the Romans allow not of such a piece of injustice among them." Audi et alteram partem—Hear the other side, had become a proverb among them. This rule we ought to be governed by in our private censures in common conversation; we must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words and actions, till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See Joh 7:51.
(4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of his place, Ac 25:17. That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors had not reason to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever they had come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay, on the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him in the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they used to do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment they judged de plano—upon even ground. He called a great court on purpose for the trial of Paul, that the sentence might be definitive, and the cause ended.
(5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they brought against him (Ac 25:18,19): When the accusers stood up against him, and opened their indictment, they brought no accusations of such things as I supposed.
[1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging it thus upon the Roman governors one after another, First, That they had something to accuse him of that was dangerous either to private property or the public peace,—that they would undertake to prove him a robber, or a murderer, or a rebel against the Roman power,—that he had been in arms to head a sedition,—that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an uproar, and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed him to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the standers-by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude them the worst of men; and to represent them so was the design of that clamour, as it was against our Saviour. Secondly, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and which the governor was properly the judge of, as Gallio expected (Ac 18:14); otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and really an affront to him.
[2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor so; they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs and evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was disputable whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an endless debate, but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him, questions fitter for the schools than for the judgment-seat. And they were questions of their own superstition, so he calls their religion; or, rather, so he calls that part of their religion which Paul was charged with doing damage to. The Romans protected their religion according to their law, but not their superstition, nor the tradition of their elders. But the great question, it seems, was concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it that the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon, even Jesus. See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his death and resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews and the Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the great proof of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead, as if it were no more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and Paul affirmed he was alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this question, whether such a person that has been long absent be living or dead, and proofs are brought on both sides; and Festus will have it thought that this is a matter of no more moment. Whereas this Jesus, whom he prides himself in being thus ignorant of, as if he were below his notice, is he that was dead, and is alive, and lives for evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death, Re 1:18. What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a matter of such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone.
(6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature (Ac 25:20): "Because I doubted of such manner of questions, and thought myself unfit to judge of things I did not understand, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear before the great sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters." He would not force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it, that he might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature.
(7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the priests: "He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus (Ac 25:21), having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court; and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner till I might send him to Cæsar, for I did not see cause to refuse his appeal, but rather was pleased with it."
III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing of his cause.
1. The king desired it (Ac 25:22): "I thank you for your account of him, but I would also hear the man myself." Agrippa knows more of this matter, of the cause and of the person, than Festus does; he has heard of Paul, and knows of what vast concern this question is, which Festus makes such a jest of, whether Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige him more than to hear Paul. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear them like themselves in the judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have gone to a meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he might be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only put some credit upon him.
2. Festus granted it: To-morrow thou shalt hear him. There was a good providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of doing good. We know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his prison at Cæsarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, and perhaps to a little congregation of them that visited him every Lord's-day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness, so that he seemed to be thrown by as a despised broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but this gives him an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and (which is more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus agree he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his life.
3. Great preparation was made for it (Ac 25:23): The next day there was a great appearance in the place of hearing, Paul and his cause being much talked of, and the more for their being much talked against.
(1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in state, and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the occasion, that they might see and be seen; for they came with great pomp, richly dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with a great retinue of footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid show, and dazzled the eyes of the gazing crowd. They came meta polles phantasias—with great fancy, so the word is. Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It neither adds any read excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a vain humour, which wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a show, a dream, a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and it passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice appeared in was, [1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty of it sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons, Ps 15:4. [2.] Outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom, and grace, and holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ! His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it?
(2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this opportunity to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It answered the end of a ball at court, it brought the fine folks together in their fine clothes, and served for an entertainment. It is probable that Festus sent Paul notice of it overnight, to be ready for a hearing the next morning before Agrippa. And such confidence had Paul in the promise of Christ, that it should be given him in that same hour what he should speak, that he complained not of the short warning, nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that those who were to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about their clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care about his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him.
IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court, or rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with the account he had just now given to Agrippa. 1. He addressed himself respectfully to the company: "King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us." He speaks to all the men—pantes andres, as if he intended a tacit reflection upon Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this nature; he does not refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her counsel; but, "All you that are present that are men (so the words are placed), I desire you to take cognizance of this matter." The word used is that which signifies men in distinction from women; what had Bernice to do here? 2. He represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great spite against; not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both at Jerusalem and here at Cæsarea, cry out that he ought not to live any longer, for they think he has lived too long already, and if he live any longer it will be to do more mischief. They could not charge him with any capital crime, but they wanted to have him out of the way. 3. He confesses the prisoner's innocency; and it was much for the honour of Paul and his bonds that he had such a public acknowledgement as this from the mouth of his judge (Ac 25:25): I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. Upon a full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no evidence at all to support the indictment: and therefore, though he was inclinable enough to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought in Paul not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he stood upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should have courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so much smoke that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which would appear at last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation of it. 4. He acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the prisoner had appealed to the emperor himself (where by he put ann honour upon his own cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of the greatest of men), and that he had admitted his appeal: I have determined to send him. And thus the cause now stood. 5. He desires their assistance in examining the matter calmly and impartially, now that there was no danger of their being interrupted, as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the prosecutors-that he might have at least such an insight into the cause as was necessary to his stating it to the emperor, Ac 25:26,27. (1.) He thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially so far as Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him, that the matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put in a readiness for the emperor's determination; for he is supposed to be a man of great business, and therefore every affair must be laid before him in as little compass as possible. (2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him, and so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He therefore desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might be advised by them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and vexation those were put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard, in the administration of public justice, who live at such a distance from Rome, and yet were subject to the emperor of Rome. The same was this nation of ours put to (which is about as far distant from Rome the other way) when it was in ecclesiastical affairs subject to the pope of Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions made to his court; and the same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those bring upon us who would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage.
有人認為非斯都接替腓力斯，是在保羅被囚之後不久發生的，而前一章末了所提的那兩年應從尼祿登基算起；但更自然的算法似乎是從保羅被交在腓力斯手中算起。無論如何，此處我們看到保羅之案的處理與前一章大致相同；此案在此被審理：一、由巡撫非斯都審理；猶太人把這案帶到他面前，徒 25:1-3。審訊定在凱撒利亞，而非猶太人所盼望的耶路撒冷，徒 25:4-6。猶太人出庭控告保羅（徒 25:7），他卻堅持自己的無辜（徒 25:8）；為避免案子被移到耶路撒冷——他們力勸他同意——他終於上訴於凱撒，徒 25:9-12。二、由亞基帕王審理；非斯都把他的案子向亞基帕述說（徒 25:13-21），亞基帕表示自己要親自聽審，徒 25:22。法庭隨即開庭，保羅被帶到審判臺前（徒 25:23），非斯都陳明案情（徒 25:24-27），以此引出保羅在下一章的辯護。