Matthew Henry's Complete Commentary · 사사기 12장

주석 읽기 최적화

장별 주석

사사기 12장

서론

제목 없음

본문 열기

简体中文

本章我们有:I. 耶弗他与以法莲人的冲突,以及在那不幸场合中所流的血(士 12:1-6),并耶弗他一生与治理的结语,士 12:7。II. 简略记述以色列的另外三位士师:以比赞(士 12:8-10)、以伦(士 12:11,12)、押顿,士 12:13-15。

영문 원문

In this chapter we have, I. Jephthah's rencounter with the Ephraimites, and the blood shed on that unhappy occasion (Jdg 12:1-6), and the conclusion of Jephthah's life and government, Jdg 12:7. II. A short account of three other of the judges of Israel: Ibzan (Jdg 12:8-10), Elon (Jdg 12:11,12), Abdon, Jdg 12:13-15.

1-7

Displeasure of the Ephraimites; Punishment of the Ephraimites (1143 BC)

본문 열기

简体中文

以法莲人的不满;以法莲人受罚(主前1143年)

¹ 以法莲人聚集,向北而去,对耶弗他说:“你过去与亚扪人争战,为什么不召我们同去呢?我们要用火烧你和你的房屋。” ² 耶弗他对他们说:“我和我的本民与亚扪人大大争战;我召你们来,你们却没有把我从他们手中救出来。 ³ 我见你们不来救我,我就将自己的命置之度外,过去攻击亚扪人;耶和华将他们交在我手中。你们今日为什么上我这里来攻打我呢?” ⁴ 于是耶弗他招聚基列众人,与以法莲人争战;基列人击杀以法莲人,是因为以法莲人说:“你们基列人不过是以法莲人中间逃亡的人,也在玛拿西人中间。” ⁵ 基列人把守约旦河的渡口,不容以法莲人过去。以法莲逃脱的人说:“容我过去。”基列人就问他说:“你是以法莲人不是?”他若说:“不是”; ⁶ 就对他说:“你说‘示播列’。”那人若发不正音,便说“西播列”。基列人便拿住他,在约旦河的渡口杀了他。那时以法莲人仆倒的,有四万二千人。 ⁷ 耶弗他作以色列的士师六年。基列人耶弗他死了,葬在基列的一座城里。

本段记述的是:I. 以法莲人无理地向耶弗他发怒,因他没有召他们同去攻击亚扪人,使他们不能分享胜利的荣光与战利品(士 11:1)。骄傲是这场争端的根源。惟有骄傲才生争竞(参箴 13:10)。骄傲的人以为凡不归自己的尊荣都算是失落了,于是谁能站在嫉妒面前呢? 以法莲人从前也曾这样向基甸发难(士 8:1),基甸属约但河东的玛拿西,耶弗他则属约但河西的玛拿西。以法莲与玛拿西在众支派中血缘最近,同为约瑟之子,他们彼此间的嫉妒却超过任何其他支派。雅各当年交叉双手,把以法莲置于玛拿西之上,远望及于日后脱离大卫家叛离的十支派国——以法莲为其首。那支派既已在应许中得此尊荣,仍不以此为足,玛拿西在当世稍得尊荣,他们就心怀不平。亲属关系本应是促使人相爱和睦的凭借,却往往(事实也常常如此)成为争竞不睦的缘由,实在可叹。弟兄结怨,劝他和睦,比取坚固城还难;这样的争竞,如同坚寨的门栓(箴 18:19)。以法莲人之恼怒耶弗他:1. 是无端且不义的。“你为什么不召我们同去呢?”自有正当理由。因为立他作元帅的是基列人,不是以法莲人,因此他并无权柄召他们。倘若他的行动因缺少他们的援助而失败,他们尚可公然责备他未予求助。但事既已成,且果有功效——亚扪人已被制服,以色列已蒙拯救——纵然他们的手未曾参与,也无损于事。2. 是凶残而狂暴的。他们聚集成群,如暴徒一般,过了约但河,远至基列的米斯巴——耶弗他所居之地——非要把他的房屋连同他本人一起焚烧,不足以平息其怒。他们的怒气可咒诅,因为凶暴(参创 49:7)。怨愤之事,理由愈少,怒气常愈大。耶弗他此刻乃是以色列共同仇敌的得胜者,他们本当前来道贺,并以本支派之名向他致谢,感激他所行的善事;然而我们若从自己所善待过的人那里反受恶待,也不足为怪。耶弗他此时正为女儿的遭遇而哀悼家中之苦,他们本当前来吊慰、加以安慰;然而残暴之人却以加增受苦之人的苦难为乐。在这世上,一事之患的终局,往往成为另一事之患的开端;我们决不可像摘下头盔那样自夸安泰(参王上 20:11)。

II. 耶弗他为自己的热切辩护。他没有像基甸在同样情形中所行的那样竭力安抚他们;以法莲人此刻比从前更加猖獗,耶弗他也未曾像基甸那样具有温柔谦和的灵。无论他们肯不肯平息,耶弗他都要自顾——

1. 为自己辩白(士 11:2、3)。他证明他们根本毫无理由向他发难,因为:(1)他投身此战并非为追求荣耀,乃是为国家必要的防御——亚扪人曾极力侵扰。(2)他曾邀请以法莲人来与他联合,虽然他既不缺少他们,也无义务向他们如此表示敬意,但他们却推辞不肯效力:“我招呼你们,你们却没有把我从他们手中救出来。”即便他们对他的指控属实,也不构成争端的正当理由;何况看来那指控乃是假的,按如今所显明的事实,他反倒更有理由责备他们,因他们在危难之时背弃了以色列的共同利益。那些自己罪责最重的人,往往最喧嚷地控告无辜者,这原非新事。(3)这一事业极其凶险,他们更当怜悯他,而非向他发怒:“我将自己的命置之度外”,意即“我在这事上使自己陷入极大的危险之中,因我的军队如此之少”。他们所嫉妒的尊荣,代价已付得够重了,他们不必为此吝惜;他们中肯冒如此之险去争取的人寥寥无几。(4)他没有将成功的荣耀归给自己(那样会招人反感),而完全归给神:“耶和华将他们交在我手中。”神若愿意如此使用我这不配的器皿以成全他的荣耀,你们为何因此动怒呢?你们有什么理由来攻打我呢?那岂不就等于攻打神——我只是他手中的工具吗?

2. 当这虽正当、却不如基甸之回答那样柔和的话(参箴 15:1)未能消解他们的怒气时,他便凭以色列士师的权柄,以剑自卫,并惩罚他们的狂妄。(1)以法莲人不但与耶弗他争执,当他的邻舍朋友出面替他说话时,他们还辱骂他们,说恶毒的话;我沿用我们译本的译法,依此理解为士 11:4 所记。他们讥诮地说:“你们这些住在约但河那边的基列人,不过是以法莲的逃亡者,是约瑟众支派——其中以法莲为首——中的渣滓糟粕,是家族中的弃物,在以法莲人和玛拿西人眼中都被如此看待。谁在乎你们呢?你们的邻舍都知道你们的底细,不过是逃亡者和流浪汉,与弟兄分离,被赶到这一隅之地。”基列人原与其他以色列人一样是纯正的以色列人,且此时在拣选耶弗他和与亚扪人争战的事上,已显赫于以色列诸家族之上,却被卑鄙不义地称为逃亡者。将侮辱性的名号或品格强加于人、强加于某地——这事十分恶劣,且屡见不鲜,尤其是加在那些身处外在不利处境的人身上;这往往引发恶果严重的争端,此处即为一例。也要看见,一个惯于谩骂、恶语相加的舌头是何等败坏之物:它能把生命的轮子点起来,并且是从地狱里点着的(雅 3:6),又屡屡割断使用它之人的喉咙,此处正是如此(参诗 12:2)。这些以法莲人若能克制自己,不去贪图那称基列人为逃亡者的小小快意,本可避免大量的流血;因为惹人发怒的言语挑起争端(参箴 15:1、18),谁知这一点小小的火星能点燃多大的事呢?(2)这一侮辱激起基列人的义愤——对他们自身的羞辱,正如对他们元帅的羞辱一样,必须报复。[1.] 他们在战场上击溃他们(士 11:4)。他们与以法莲争战;以法莲不过是一群无首的乌合之众,基列人便击杀他们,使他们溃逃。[2.] 他们切断他们的退路,使报复得以彻底完成(士 11:5、6)。基列人或许比以法莲人更熟悉约但河的渡口,便派强兵把守,奉命击杀每一个企图渡河的以法莲人。其中:第一,对他们的大肆杀戮,实在残忍。许多人所加的刑罚已够(林后 2:6);他们既已在战场上溃败,本无须再如此严厉地尽行除灭一切逃脱之人。刀剑岂能永远吞灭呢?耶弗他此举是否可嘉,我不知道;或许他视之为必要的公义之举。第二,在识破他们的事上,颇为巧妙。看来以法莲人虽与其他以色列人讲同样的语言,但在他们本乡的方言中,已养成了把希伯来字母 Shin 读作 Samech 的习惯,并且习染已深,无论如何也不能改变——纵然为救命也不能。我们说话是靠模仿学来的;最初把 s 代 sh 的人,或因前者更省力,或因后者更文雅,他们的儿女便学他们说话,由此便可以认出一个以法莲人来;正如在英国,我们凭口音能分辨西部人和北部人,甚至或许能分辨什罗普郡人和柴郡人。你是个加利利人,你的口音把你露出来了(太 26:73)。以法莲人就这样被识破。他们若怀疑某人是以为法莲人,那人却否认,他们便叫他说示播列(Shibboleth);他或不能——如我们译本所读——或不留意、不能正确发音,竟说成西播列(Sibboleth),于是便被认出是以法莲人,立即被杀。示播列意为河流或溪流:“请容我渡过示播列——这河。”那些这样被杀的人,使被屠戮的以法莲人总数达四万二千(士 11:6)。这样,那好发怒的支派又一次叛乱,便被遏止了。

3. 如今让我们观察神报应这些骄傲狂妄之以法莲人的公义——其报应在数处与他们的罪相称。(1)他们夸耀自己支派的尊荣,以身为以法莲人为傲;然而转眼之间,他们竟羞于、且惧于承认自己的本乡了!“你是以法莲人不是?”“不是”,如今宁可属于任何支派,也不愿属这。(2)他们曾怒气冲冲地渡过约但河,要烧耶弗他的房屋;如今他们却如当初之狂暴过河那样,狼狈不堪地回到约但河边,且永远不再能回到自己的家。(3)他们曾讥笑基列人所居之地偏僻遥远;如今他们却因自己本乡特有的缺陷——不能正确发音“示播列”——而遭殃。(4)他们曾不义地称基列人为逃亡者;如今他们自己却真真切切地成了逃亡者;希伯来原文中(士 11:5)用来指“逃脱”或“逃亡”之以法莲人的那个字,正是他们曾用来讥诮基列人、称他们为逃亡者的那个字。那将毁谤之石不义地滚向别人的人,就当预期那石必公义地返滚到自己身上(参箴 26:27)。

III. 此处记耶弗他执政的终结。他作以色列的士师不过六年便死了(士 11:7)。或许是因他女儿之死使他深受打击,从此一蹶不振,以致寿数缩短,怀着哀痛进了坟墓。

영문 원문

Displeasure of the Ephraimites; Punishment of the Ephraimites (1143 BC)

¹ And the men of Ephraim gathered themselves together, and went northward, and said unto Jephthah, Wherefore passedst thou over to fight against the children of Ammon, and didst not call us to go with thee? we will burn thine house upon thee with fire.
² And Jephthah said unto them, I and my people were at great strife with the children of Ammon; and when I called you, ye delivered me not out of their hands.
³ And when I saw that ye delivered me not, I put my life in my hands, and passed over against the children of Ammon, and the LORD delivered them into my hand: wherefore then are ye come up unto me this day, to fight against me?
⁴ Then Jephthah gathered together all the men of Gilead, and fought with Ephraim: and the men of Gilead smote Ephraim, because they said, Ye Gileadites are fugitives of Ephraim among the Ephraimites, and among the Manassites.
⁵ And the Gileadites took the passages of Jordan before the Ephraimites: and it was so, that when those Ephraimites which were escaped said, Let me go over; that the men of Gilead said unto him, Art thou an Ephraimite? If he said, Nay;
⁶ Then said they unto him, Say now Shibboleth: and he said Sibboleth: for he could not frame to pronounce it right. Then they took him, and slew him at the passages of Jordan: and there fell at that time of the Ephraimites forty and two thousand.
⁷ And Jephthah judged Israel six years. Then died Jephthah the Gileadite, and was buried in one of the cities of Gilead.

Here is, I. The unreasonable displeasure of the men of Ephraim against Jephthah, because he had not called them in to his assistance against the Ammonites, that they might share in the triumphs and spoils, Jdg 11:1. Pride was at the bottom of the quarrel. Only by that comes contention. Proud men think all the honours lost that go beside themselves, and then who can stand before envy? The Ephraimites had the same quarrel with Gideon (Jdg 8:1), who was of Manasseh on their side Jordan, as Jephthah was of Manasseh on the other side Jordan. Ephraim and Manasseh were hearer akin than any other of the tribes, being both the sons of Joseph, and yet they were more jealous one of another than any other of the tribes. Jacob having crossed hands, and given Ephraim the preference, looking as far forward as the kingdom of the ten tribes, which Ephraim was the head of, after the revolt from the house of David, that tribe, not content with that honour in the promise, was displeased if Manasseh had any honour done it in the mean time. It is a pity that kindred or relationship, which should be an inducement to love and peace, should be ever an occasion (as it often proves) of strife and discord. A brother offended is harder to be won than a strong city, and contentions among brethren are as the bars of a castle. The anger of the Ephraimites at Jephthah was, 1. Causeless and unjust. Why didst thou not call us to go with thee? For a good reason. Because it was the men of Gilead that had made him their captain, not the men of Ephraim, so that he had no authority to call them. Had his attempt miscarried for want of their help, they might justly have blamed him for not desiring it. But when the work was done, and done effectually, the Ammonites being subdued and Israel delivered, there was no harm done, though their hands were not employed in it. 2. It was cruel and outrageous. They get together in a tumultuous manner, pass over Jordan as far as Mizpeh in Gilead, where Jephthah lived, and no less will satisfy their fury but they will burn his house and him in it. Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce. Those resentments that have the least reason for them have commonly the most rage in them. Jephthah was now a conqueror over the common enemies of Israel, and they should have come to congratulate him, and return him the thanks of their tribe for the good services he had done; but we must not think it strange if we receive ill from those from whom we deserve well. Jephthah was now a mourner for the calamity of his family upon his daughter's account, and they should have come to condole with him and comfort him; but barbarous men take a pleasure in adding affliction to the afflicted. In this world, the end of one trouble often proves the beginning of another; nor must we ever boast as though we had put off the harness.

II. Jephthah's warm vindication of himself. He did not endeavour to pacify them, as Gideon had done in the like case; the Ephraimites were now more outrageous than they were them, and Jephthah had not so much of a meek and quiet spirit as Gideon had. Whether they would be pacified or no, Jephthah takes care,

1. To justify himself, Jdg 11:2,3. He makes it out that they had no cause at all to quarrel with him, for, (1.) It was not in pursuit of glory that he had engaged in this war, but for the necessary defence of his country, with which the children of Ammon greatly strove. (2.) He had invited the Ephraimites to come and join with him, though he neither needed them nor was under any obligation to pay that respect to them, but they had declined the service: I called you, and you delivered me not out of their hands. Had that been true which they charged him with, yet it would not have been a just ground of quarrel; but it seems it was false, and, as the matter of fact now appears, he had more cause to quarrel with them for deserting the common interests of Israel in a time of need. It is no new thing for those who are themselves most culpable to be most clamorous in accusing the innocent. (3.) The enterprise was very hazardous, and they had more reason to pity him than to be angry with him: I put my life in my hands, that is, "exposed myself to the utmost peril in what I did, having so small an army," The honour they envied was bought dearly enough; they needed not to grudge it to him; few of them would have ventured so far for it. (4.) He does not take the glory of the success to himself (that would have been invidious), but gives it all to God: "The Lord delivered them into my hands. If God was pleased so far to make use of me for his glory, why should you be offended at that? Have you any reason to fight against me? Is not that in effect to fight against God, in whose hand I have been only an unworthy instrument?"

2. When this just answer (though not so soft an answer as Gideon's) did not prevail to turn away their wrath, he took care both to defend himself from their fury and to chastise their insolence with the sword, by virtue of his authority as Israel's judge. (1.) The Ephraimites had not only quarrelled with Jephthah, but, when his neighbours and friends appeared to take his part, they had abused them, and given them foul language; for I adhere to our translation, and so take it, Jdg 11:4. They said in scorn, "You Gileadites that dwell here on the other side Jordan are but fugitives of Ephraim, the scum and dregs of the tribes of Joseph, of which Ephraim is the chief, the refuse of the family, and are so accounted among the Ephraimites and among the Manassites. Who cares for you? All your neighbours know what you are, no better than fugitives and vagabonds, separated from your brethren, and driven hither into a corner." The Gileadites were as true Israelites as any other, and at this time had signalized themselves, both in the choice of Jephthah and in the war with Ammon, above all the families of Israel, and yet are most basely and unjustly called fugitives. It is an ill thing to fasten names or characters of reproach upon persons or countries, as is common, especially upon those that lie under outward disadvantages: it often occasions quarrels that prove of ill consequence, as it did here. See likewise what a mischievous thing an abusive tongue is, that calls ill names, and gives scurrilous language: it sets on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell (Jam 3:6), and many a time cuts the throat of him that uses it, as it did here, Ps 34:8. If these Ephraimites could have denied themselves the poor satisfaction of calling the Gileadites fugitives, they might have prevented a great deal of bloodshed; for grievous words stir up anger, and who knows how great a matter a little of that fire may kindle? (2.) This affront raises the Gileadites' blood, and the indignity done to themselves, as well as to their captain, must be revenged. [1.] They routed them in the field, Jdg 11:4. They fought with Ephraim, and, Ephraim being but a rude unheaded rabble, smote Ephraim, and put them to flight. [2.] They cut off their retreat, and so completed their revenge, Jdg 11:5,6. The Gileadites, who perhaps were better acquainted with the passages of Jordan than the Ephraimites were, secured them with strong guards, who were ordered to slay every Ephraimite that offered to pass the river. Here was, First, Cruelty enough in the destruction of them. Sufficient surely was the punishment which was inflicted by many; when they were routed in the field, there needed not this severity to cut off all that escaped. Shall the sword devour for ever? Whether Jephthah is to be praised for this I know not; perhaps he saw it to be a piece of necessary justice. Secondly, Cunning enough in the discovery of them. It seems the Ephraimites, though they spoke the same language with other Israelites, yet had got a custom in the dialect of their country to pronounce the Hebrew letter Shin like Samech, and they had so strangely used themselves to it that they could not do otherwise, no, not to save their lives. We learn to speak by imitation; those that first used s for sh, did it either because it was shorter or because it was finer, and their children learnt to speak like them, so that you might know an Ephraimite by it; as in England we know a west-country man or a north-country man, nay, perhaps a Shropshire man, and a Cheshire man, by his pronunciation. Thou art a Galilean, and thy speech betrays thee. By this the Ephraimites were discovered. If they took a man that they suspected to be an Ephraimite, but he denied it, they bade him say Shibboleth; but either he could not, as our translation reads it, or he did not heed, or frame, or direct himself, as some read, to pronounce it aright, but said Sibboleth, and so was known to be an Ephraimite, and was slain immediately. Shibboleth signifies a river or stream: "Ask leave to go over Shibboleth, the river." Those that were thus cut off made up the whole number of slaughtered Ephraimites forty-two thousand, Jdg 11:6. Thus another mutiny of that angry tribe was prevented.

3. Now let us observe the righteousness of God in the punishment of these proud and passionate Ephraimites, which in several instances answered to their sin. (1.) They were proud of the honour of their tribe, gloried in this, that they were Ephraimites; but how soon were they brought to be ashamed or afraid to own their country! Art thou an Ephraimite? No, now rather of any tribe than that. (2.) They had gone in a rage over Jordan to burn Jephthah's house with fire, but now they came back to Jordan as sneakingly as they had passed it furiously, and were cut off from ever returning to their own houses. (3.) They had upbraided the Gileadites with the infelicity of their country, lying at such a distance, and now they suffered by an infirmity peculiar to their own country, in not being able to pronounce Shibboleth. (4.) They had called the Gileadites, unjustly, fugitives, and now they really and in good earnest became fugitives themselves; and in the Hebrew the same word (Jdg 11:5) is used of the Ephraimites that escaped, or that fled, which they had used in scorn of the Gileadites, calling them fugitives. He that rolls the stone of reproach unjustly upon another, let him expect that it will justly return upon himself.

III. Here is the end of Jephthah's government. He judged Israel but six years, and then died, Jdg 11:7. Perhaps the death of his daughter sunk him so that he never looked up afterwards, but it shortened his days, and he went to his grave mourning.

8-15

Jephthah's Successors (1112 BC)

본문 열기

简体中文

耶弗他的继任者(主前1112年)

⁸ 耶弗他以后,有伯利恒人以比赞作以色列的士师。 ⁹ 他有三十个儿子,三十个女儿;女儿他都打发出去,给儿子从外乡娶了三十个媳妇。他作以色列士师七年。 ¹⁰ 以比赞死了,葬在伯利恒。 ¹¹ 以比赞之后,有西布伦人以伦作以色列的士师;他作以色列士师十年。 ¹² 西布伦人以伦死了,葬在西布伦地的亚雅仑。 ¹³ 以伦之后,有比拉顿人希列的儿子押顿作以色列的士师。 ¹⁴ 他有四十个儿子,三十个孙子,骑着七十匹驴驹。他作以色列士师八年。 ¹⁵ 比拉顿人希列的儿子押顿死了,葬在以法莲地的比拉顿,在亚玛力人的山地。

此处所记,是另外三位以色列士师短暂任期的简短记录——第一人仅治理七年,第二人十年,第三人八年。邦国因有过犯,君王就多更迭——短时间内许多人接连更替(箴28:2),好人正在他们有用之初、正当专心办事之时便被挪去。

I. 伯利恒人以比赞——很可能是犹大的伯利恒,大卫之城,而非西布伦的那伯利恒(那城仅见于书19:15)。他治理仅七年,但从他儿女的数目和他亲自安排他们全部婚事来看,他显然长寿;他家族的大增和他所结的众多姻亲,加上他个人的功德,大概使他更适于——或如耶弗他那样被百姓拣选,或如基甸那样直接被神呼召——作以色列的士师,以在他们中间维持并推进神的工作。关于他值得注意的有:1. 他有许多儿女,共六十人,一满袋的箭。如此,伯利恒在古时便以繁衍闻名——正是那他将来降生之城,他属灵的后裔要如天上的星。2. 他每种性别的儿女数目相等——三十个儿子,三十个女儿——这在同一家庭中不常有;然而在人类这大家族中,那起初造男造女的,借他智慧的护理,使两者在某程度上相等地相继延续,远足以维持地上人类的代代相传。3. 他留心为他们全部安排婚事。他的女儿他都打发出去——武加大译本加添:他为她们找了丈夫;仿佛是交换,并双方面地加强他的影响力,他又为儿子从外乡娶了三十个媳妇。犹太人说:每个父亲欠儿子三件事——教他诵读律法、给他一门手艺、为他娶妻。以比赞的家与他紧邻的前任耶弗他的家有何等的不同!以比赞有六十个儿女,全都成婚;耶弗他只有一个女儿,且死或终身不嫁。有人增多,有人减少:两者都是耶和华的作为。

II. 西布伦人以伦——在迦南北方——其次被兴起,主持公务、施行审判、改革弊端。他十年之久作以色列的祝福,而后去世(士11:11、12)。莱特富特博士推算,在他的任期之初,非利士人四十年的欺压开始(士13:1所记),约在那时参孙出生。也许因他住在北方,毗连迦南南部的非利士人便趁机侵扰。

III. 以法莲支派的押顿继任;在他身上,那显赫的支派开始恢复其声誉——自约书亚以来未曾出过显赫人物(示剑人亚比米勒宁可说是它的耻辱)。这位押顿以子孙众多而闻名(士11:14):他有四十个儿子,三十个孙子,他全都活着见到他们长大,他们骑着七十匹驴驹——或作士师和官长,或作绅士和尊贵人。看见儿女的儿女是满足,但恐怕他不能看见以色列享平安,因为非利士人此时已开始侵扰他们。关于这位以及其余那些记录极其简短的士师,仍注意到他们葬于何处(士11:7、10、12、15)——也许因他们墓碑上的铭文(古时确有此用,王下23:17)有助于证实和扩展他们的故事,供那些想进一步了解的人查阅。彼得在论到大卫时说:他的坟墓直到今日还在我们这里(徒2:29)。或也是为尊重埋葬遗骨之地,但也可借此减少我们对一切属世荣耀的尊崇——死亡和坟墓将使其骄傲失色。这些作以色列之"神"的士师,仍如常人一般死去,他们一切的尊荣都归于尘土。

令人十分惊奇的是:在所有这些士师的历史中——他们中间有些人的事迹记载得十分详尽——竟没有一次提到大祭司,或任何别的祭司或利未人,在公务中——无论是为参谋还是行动——出现,从非尼哈(士20:28)到以利,其间可算约二百五十年;只有那时大祭司的名字被保留下来(代上6:4-7、拉7:35)。这祭司职分在其初创之日竟有如此长久的晦暗,怎能与它被设立时那伟大的荣光、与它在摩西律法中所占的地位相合呢?这无疑暗示:这制度主要意在作为预表,它似乎应许的种种大益处,主要当在它的本体——我们主耶稣那永远的祭司职分——中寻得;与之相较,那更超越的荣耀使那祭司职分就算不得有荣光(林后3:10)。

영문 원문

Jephthah's Successors (1112 BC)

⁸ And after him Ibzan of Bethlehem judged Israel.
⁹ And he had thirty sons, and thirty daughters, whom he sent abroad, and took in thirty daughters from abroad for his sons. And he judged Israel seven years.
¹⁰ Then died Ibzan, and was buried at Bethlehem.
¹¹ And after him Elon, a Zebulonite, judged Israel; and he judged Israel ten years.
¹² And Elon the Zebulonite died, and was buried in Aijalon in the country of Zebulun.
¹³ And after him Abdon the son of Hillel, a Pirathonite, judged Israel.
¹⁴ And he had forty sons and thirty nephews, that rode on threescore and ten ass colts: and he judged Israel eight years.
¹⁵ And Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite died, and was buried in Pirathon in the land of Ephraim, in the mount of the Amalekites.

We have here a short account of the short reigns of three more of the judges of Israel, the first of whom governed but seven years, the second ten, and the third eight. For the transgression of a land, many are the princes thereof, many in a short time, successively (Pr 28:2), good men being removed in the beginning of their usefulness and by the time that they have applied themselves to their business.

I. Ibzan of Bethlehem, most probably Bethlehem of Judah, David's city, not that in Zebulun, which is only mentioned once, Jos 19:15. He ruled but seven years, but by the number of his children, and his disposing of them all in marriage himself, it appears that he lived long; and probably the great increase of his family, and the numerous alliances he made, added to his personal merits, made him the more fit to be either chosen by the people as Jephthah was, or called of God immediately, as Gideon was, to be Israel's judge, to keep up and carry on the work of God among them. That which is remarkable concerning him is, 1. That he had many children, sixty in all, a quiver full of these arrows. Thus was Bethlehem of old famous for increase, the very city where he was to be born whose spiritual seed should be as the stars of heaven. 2. That he had an equal number of each sex, thirty sons and thirty daughters, a thing which does not often happen in the same family, yet, in the great family of mankind, he that at first made two, male and female, by his wise providence preserves a succession of both in some sort of equality as far as is requisite to the keeping up of the generations of men upon earth. 3. That he took care to marry them all. His daughters he sent abroad, et maritis dedit, so the vulgar Latin adds—he provided husbands for them; and, as it were in exchange, and both ways, strengthening his interest, he took in thirty daughters from abroad for his sons. The Jews say, Every father owes three things to his son: to teach him to read the law, give him a trade, and get him a wife. What a difference was there between Ibzan's family and that of his immediate predecessor Jephthah! Ibzan has sixty children and all married, Jephthah but one, a daughter, that dies or lives unmarried. Some are increased, others are diminished: both are the Lord's doing.

II. Elon of Zebulun, in the north of Canaan, was next raised up to preside in public affairs, to administer justice, and to reform abuses. Ten years he continued a blessing to Israel, and then died, Jdg 11:11,12. Dr. Lightfoot computes that in the beginning of his time the forty years' oppression by the Philistines began (spoken of Jdg 13:1), and about that time Samson was born. Probably, his residence being in the north, the Philistines who bordered upon the southern parts of Canaan took the opportunity of making incursions upon them.

III. Abdon, of the tribe of Ephraim, succeeded, and in him that illustrious tribe begins to recover its reputation, having not afforded any person of note since Joshua; for Abimelech the Shechemite was rather a scandal to it. This Abdon was famous for the multitude of his offspring (Jdg 11:14): he had forty sons and thirty grandsons, all of whom he lived to see grown up, and they rode on seventy ass-colts either as judges and officers or as gentlemen and persons of distinction. It was a satisfaction to him thus to see his children's children, but it is feared he did not see peace upon Israel, for by this time the Philistines had begun to break in upon them. Concerning this, and the rest of these judges that have ever so short an account given of them, yet notice is taken where they were buried (Jdg 11:7,10,12,15), perhaps because the inscriptions upon their monuments (for such were anciently used, 2Ki 23:17) would serve for the confirmation and enlargement of their story, and might be consulted by such as desired further information concerning them. Peter, having occasion to speak of David, says, His sepulchre is with us unto this day, Ac 2:29. Or it is intended for the honour of the places where they laid their bones, but may be improved for the lessening of our esteem of all worldly glory, of which death and the grave will stain the pride. These judges, that were as gods to Israel, died like men, and all their honour was laid in the dust.

It is very strange that in the history of all these judges, some of whose actions are very particularly related, there is not so much as once mention made of the high priest, or any other priest or Levite, appearing either for counsel or action in any public affair, from Phinehas (Jdg 20:28) to Eli, which may well be computed 250 years; only the names of the high priests at that time are preserved, 1Ch 6:4-7, Ezr 7:35. How can this strange obscurity of that priesthood for so long a time, now in the beginning of its days, agree with that mighty splendour with which it was introduced and the figure which the institution of it makes in the law of Moses? Surely it intimates that the institution was chiefly intended to be typical, and that the great benefits that seemed to be promised by it were to be chiefly looked for in its antitype, the everlasting priesthood of our Lord Jesus, in comparison of the superior glory of which that priesthood had no glory, 2Co 3:10.