Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Job Capítulo 1

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Job Capítulo 1

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Job 1 Introduction

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约伯记引言

在全部圣经中,没有哪一卷书像约伯记这样引出过如此多的问题。其写作年代、作者、故事发生的国度、约伯是否为真实人物、这首诗的性质与宗旨——这些都是释经家们意见纷纭、至今仍各持己见的要点。为了正确理解本书,尽可能把一切可供的亮光都投在这些问题上,是十分重要的;尽管在学识最卓越的学者中间也存在种种分歧的意见,不能指望获得绝对的确定性,但研究已经取得如此进展,以致在其中某些问题上,我们可以达到相当高的或然性。

第一节 约伯是否为真实人物的问题

考察本书时首先出现的问题,是约伯是否真实存在过。有人基于以下几类理由对此表示怀疑:

(1) 有人认为本书具有寓言的一切特征。据说,圣经中的寓言和比喻并不罕见:先设定一个假想的案例,然后叙述便如真事一般展开。据称,此处正是这样一个例子:诗的作者打算阐明一些重要真理,却不以抽象的形式陈述,而选择以假想案例这种更生动、更有趣的形式来呈现——使我们对受苦者产生同情,以比抽象形式更能打动人的方式看出所讨论问题的症结所在,并使论证带上真实生活中发生时那种引人入胜的力量。

(2) 有人主张,书中某些情节必属这种性质,或实际上不可能发生。特别是有人说,撒但与耶和华会面的记载(Job 1:6-12;Job 2:1-7)只能视为一个假想案例,因为这样的会面极不可能发生,这样的对话也极不可能进行。

(3) 有人从约伯在试炼前后产业记载的人工痕迹得出同样的结论——这些记载看似纯属假想,现实中不太可能出现。例如,列举他的产业时只提到整数——七千羊、三千骆驼、五百对牛、五百母驴。同样,圣数字七与三的使用也带有人工色彩。他在试炼前后都有七千羊、七个儿子;他的三个朋友来了,七日七夜坐在他身旁,一句话也不说安慰他(Job 2:13);他在试炼前后都有三个女儿。据说,同样的人工化和比喻式外观也见于这一事实:他复元之后产业恰好加倍,晚年又得了与他受苦之前恰好相同的七个儿子、三个女儿。

(4) 有人又从约伯朋友们的行为推论全书是寓言或比喻。他们说,这些人特地前来安慰他,却七日七夜坐着一言不发,这是全然不可能的情形,看上去整个是一个假想的案例。

(5) 有人从本书的写作方式得出同样的推论。这是最高品级的诗歌。各篇演说极为精细;充满准确而精心准备的论证;安排极为周密;表达极为精炼;凝聚着长期细心观察的成果,全然不似未经预备、临场即席的辩论中所能发出的言语。据说,没有人会这样说话;也不能设想,本书中比比皆是的美妙诗歌与崇高论证,会在激烈的辩论中从人口中脱口而出。见 Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Alte Tes.(第5卷,第129-131页)。基于这类考虑,有人怀疑本书的历史性,把全书视为旨在阐明诗作者所要考察之重大问题的假想案例。

因此,重要的是查问:有什么理由相信约伯这样一个人的确活过,以及书中所记的事在多大程度上应视为历史真实。

(1) 他的存在是明确宣告的事实,而且叙述具有真实事件朴素记载的一切外观。本书前两章及末章的一部分是朴素的历史记载。其余部分固然是诗体,但这些段落毫不具备诗的特征。圣经中没有比这些更简单平实的历史陈述了;而就其本身而论,也没有哪一段不可以同样恰当地被搁置一旁视为寓言。除非叙述表面之外另有理由视之为寓言,否则这一事实应被视为决定性的。

(2) 这样一个人确实存在的记载,被圣经受默示的作者们视为历史真实。例如在 Ezekiel 14:14,神说:"虽有挪亚、但以理、约伯这三人在其中,他们只能因他们的义救自己的性命。这是主耶和华说的。"比较 Ezekiel 14:16、Ezekiel 14:20。这里约伯与挪亚、但以理一样明确地被指为真实人物,而且种种细节恰与他真实存在的假设相符。他们同样被称为真实的"人";同样有灵魂——"他们只能因自己的义救自己的性命";同样有儿女——"他们连儿带女都不能得救,惟独他们自己得救"(Ezekiel 14:16);在各方面都被同样地提及为真实人物。挪亚与但以理确有其人,这一历史事实毫无疑义;显然,以西结把约伯视为真实人物,与他看待其余二人同样确定。

耶利米书中有一处平行经文可说明这一点(Jeremiah 15:1):"耶和华对我说:虽有摩西和撒母耳站在我面前,我的心也不顾惜这百姓。"这里摩西和撒母耳被说成真实人物,他们的存在毫无疑义。然而他们被提及的方式,与以西结书中提及约伯的方式完全相同。无论哪种情形,援引一个虚构人物都是不可信的。这样的呼吁只能指向真实人物;以西结视约伯为确实存在过,这一点没有合理怀疑的余地;更准确地说,既然说话的是神而非以西结,那么是神把约伯说成确实存在过。使徒雅各对约伯的提及也显明同样的事:"你们听见过约伯的忍耐,也知道主给他的结局,明显主是满心怜悯,大有慈悲"(James 5:11);即主使他的各样试炼所达到的光明结局,表明他对受苦者满怀怜恤、大有慈悲。

这里显然是指一个真实之人的受苦,正如指主在大试炼中向人所显的真实怜悯一样。这位圣卷作者在此援引一个他视为虚构人物之人的事迹,是不可信的;如果以西结与雅各的见证可信,那么约伯确实存在过就没有疑问。以西结提及他,正如提及挪亚和但以理一样;雅各提及他,正如提及以利亚一样(James 5:17);就这一历史见证而言,约伯真实存在的证据与其他人相同。

(3) 书中对地点与人名的具体指认,不会出现在寓言之中。倘若这只是一个用以说明某重大真理的"假想案例",这些指认便属多余,也不会出现。在圣经公认的比喻中,极少有对人名地名的详细指认。例如浪子的比喻中,父亲的名字、儿子的名字、事情发生的地点,一概未提。那往远方去得国的贵族、不义的管家、十个童女等比喻也是如此。但这里我们对大量细节有明确的指认,而这些对于阐明诗中的主要真理毫无必要。我们不仅知道受苦者的名字,还知道他居住之地,仿佛那是众所周知的地方。我们知道他朋友们的名字和他们的住地——"提幔人以利法"、"书亚人比勒达"、"拿玛人琐法",以及"布斯人巴拉迦勒的儿子"以利户,他"属于兰族"。除非有意暗示这些是真实人物而非寓言角色,为何要提到这些人的住地呢?

同样,我们对示巴人和迦勒底人有明确的提及——如果本书是寓言,这些指认全无必要,甚至不太可能。单用"强盗"一词就可达到一切目的;除非事件真实发生,受默示的作者也不会另用他词,因为受默示的作者绝不会把这种罪名加于任何族群,使其永蒙羞辱,除非这类事件确实发生过。救主在好撒玛利亚人的比喻中提到耶路撒冷到耶利哥之间发生的抢劫时,所用唯一的词就是"盗",更恰当地说是"强盗"。没有提任何名字,也没有指任何族群,免得因提名而使其蒙受恶名。同样,我们对约伯众儿女的宴乐、他打发人去劝诫他们、他特为他们献上祭物、牛羊骆驼的毁灭、约伯儿女所在房屋的倒塌等,都有具体的陈述——这些都是寓言中不太可能出现的细节陈述。

这些正是我们预期在真实事件的记载中看到的具体陈述,其表面带着朴素的真理印记。这不是我们在比喻中寻找的那类信息。财主与拉撒路的比喻几乎是救主所讲唯一提到名字的比喻,其中也没有提到财主的名字;虽然提到拉撒路的名字,但也仅此而已。我们没有关于他家庭、住地、家世、生活年代的记载;而且这名字本身如此常见,即便救主心中确有某个真实个人,也无从猜出是谁。约伯的记载却截然不同。诚然,在小说或《天路历程》这类铺陈较长的寓言中,我们预期有详细的姓名地点交代;但没有任何证据表明圣经中有这类长篇虚构叙事;除非约伯记是其中之一,否则圣经中没有这样的长篇寓言。

(4) 针对这一观点所提出的反对理由,并不足以摧毁约伯真实存在的正面证据。已经部分提及的、针对叙事历史真实性的反对意见,主要有以下几条:

第一条,是 Job 1 与 Job 2:1-13 中神与撒但会面的记载。有人断言,这件事如此不可能,以致给全书一切历史陈述蒙上了虚构的色彩。对此可以回应:第一,即便这不被视为字面真实的事件,也不能证明没有约伯这样的人,也不能证明关于他的种种事件不真实。即便这是一种诗意的装饰、只是一种象征性的描绘,他仍可能确实存在过,曾被剥夺产业,并经受这些漫长而痛苦的忠诚试炼。

但第二,不可能证明这样的事件没有发生过。撒但这样一位存在者的存在,在圣经中处处得到承认;这里对他性情的描述与圣经一贯的记述完全吻合;他对约伯行使的权柄无一是未获明确许可的;而且无法证明,他如今在试验义人时所行的,不是书中所说他在约伯身上所行的那类事。即便承认他出场的形式带有某种诗意的陈述,这也并不使主要记述变得不可能或荒谬。圣经出于事势的必要,充满这类表述;当圣经说神对人"说话"、他与亚当交谈、他对蛇说话(Genesis 3)时,我们不必认定这一切都严格按字面发生;而非严格按字面发生的事实,也不推翻主要事实。随后确有结果,或者说有一系列事实随之而来,仿佛这事按字面是真的;见 Job 1:6-12 的注释。

对本书所载事件历史真实性的第二条反对理由,是本著作的诗体特征,以及这类演说极不可能如书中所呈现的那样被发表。见 Eichhorn, Einleit. v. 123, 124。它们属于最高品级的诗歌;全然没有即兴发挥的性质;显示出深刻缜密的思考,必是花费许多时间才准备出来的。尤其有人说,约伯在身心极大的痛苦之中,还能发出这般精雕细琢的诗歌与论证,是极不可能的。关于这一反对意见,可以指出:

(1) 即便果真如此,即便假定各发言者的论证带有诗体特征、实际上从未以我们现在所见的形式被说出,这仍不能推翻关于约伯存在及其试炼之史实性的既有证据。他可能确实这样生活、这样受苦,这样一场讨论可能确实发生过,这些论点也大体上确实被提出过,只是后来由约伯本人或他人之手加工成我们如今所见的诗体。约伯本人在试炼之后又活了一百四十年;就其本身而论,以下设想并无不可信之处:当他恢复能力、安享闲暇之时,会认为值得把他曾在这一重大问题上进行过的论证以更完善的形式呈现出来,并赋予它更浓的诗意。在这种情形下,主要的历史真实得以保留,真正的论证也确实被陈述出来——只是采取了一种比从发言者口中即席而出的言语更值得保存的形式。但是,

(2) 一切困难都可以通过一个完全符合本书特征与事情性质的假设来消除:即各篇演说之间相隔的时日,足以供人深思,足以精心构筑论证。没有证据表明全部辩论是"一气呵成"完成的;没有证据表明一篇演说紧接另一篇,也没有证据排除足够的时间间隔,使发言者有机会预备好回应前一位发言者所提出的观点。书中的一切都带有最审慎从容的印记,尽可能没有即席辩论的匆忙与嘈杂。约伯所受的苦显然旷日持久。他的朋友们"七日七夜"默默坐着一言不发。

辩论的整个主题似乎经过最系统的细心安排。发言者按固定的次序在一轮轮论证中相继发言——每一轮都循相同的方法,无人错位。发言时无人被打断;无论他的痛斥何等尖锐刻薄,他的责备何等令人难堪,他的言论被人认为何等大胆或亵渎,人人都耐心听他把想说的话说完;然后他所说的一切在回应中被仔细权衡思考。这一切都表明,回答很可能在说出之前已有充分时间构思;这一假设自然消解此一反对意见的全部力量。若果真如此,那么认为这些话如书中所说的那样被讲出,并不比怀疑希腊史诗吟诵诗人的诗歌——那些为公开朗诵而作的诗——或荷马的《伊利亚特》、希罗多德的《历史》的真实性有更多的理由;后两者写成之后,都曾由作者在雅典公开朗诵。没有人能确实证明书中所列的约伯、以利法、比勒达、琐法、以利户诸人没有能力作出分派给他们的各篇演说,也不能证明他们未曾投入这类写作所需的一切时间。

除非能做到这一点,否则这一不可能性的反对意见——Eichhorn(Einleit. v. 123ff.)如此自信地提出,并为 Noyes(Intro. pp. xxi., xxii.)所辩护——实际上力量甚微。Noyes 说:"假定如此美丽和谐的整体、每一部分都带着最高天才印记的作品,竟是一个被可憎疾病带到坟墓门口之人的偶然之作,是三四位前来安慰他的朋友之作,而且他们都以诗意而有格律的语言表达思想;假定神真的在狂风暴雨中被人听见说话达半小时之久;假定天上的会议是实际发生的事件——这太荒诞,无需反驳。"

第三条反对理由来自书中出现的整数与加倍的数目,以及整个叙述因此似乎带上的人工色彩。有人断言,这完全是反常而不可信的事;整个陈述看上去像虚构的叙事。约伯的牛、骆驼、羊的数目以整数表达;其中一部分恰是另一倍;更奇特的是,这一切在他恢复健康时恰好加倍。他试炼之后儿女的数目与之前相同,且每个数目都是希伯来人视为神圣的数字。

关于这一反对意见,可以指出:

(1) 至于整数,这不过是历史陈述中司空见惯的情形。在清点军队、一国人口或牲畜牛羊时,再没有比这更常见的表述了。

(2) 至于说约伯的产业在灾难复元之后恰好"加倍",不必认定这在各方面都严格属实。我们完全可以设想,由于朋友的馈赠及其他原因,约伯的产业已如此接近试炼之前的两倍,足以支持这一概括性的说法。这一陈述本身并无不可信之处。约伯在试炼之后又活了一百四十年。如果他此时享有与从前相当的富足,又有朋友的资助使他得以重新开始生活,那么产业加倍这一设想并无不可信之处。

这些大致就是针对本书历史性所提出的全部反对意见;若它们站不住脚,那么随之而来的是:这样一个确实活过的人、他确实经历了此处所述的试炼,应当被视为历史真实。关于这些反对意见更详尽的陈述与反驳,可参看以下著作:Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses,第5卷第298页以下,8vo 版,London, 1811;Prof. Lee on Job 一书的导论第11节;以及 Magee 论赎罪与献祭的著作(Atonement and Sacrifice),第212页以下,ed. New York, 1813。然而应当说明,不少作者虽然承认约伯确有其人、本书有历史根据,却认为本著作的主体是诗体的。在这些批评家看来,诗人为阐明他所要考察的伟大真理,利用了关于一位著名人物受苦的传说,并赋予整个论证如今这般高昂的诗体色彩。这一假设符合史诗与悲剧诗人通常采用的方法,也是小说作家通常遵循的方法。这是 Eichhorn 的意见(Einleitung V. Section 638)。

第二节 约伯居住何处的问题

Job 1:1 说约伯住在"乌斯地"。因此,要确定他住在哪里,唯一要解决的问题就是:尽可能确定这地方在哪里。从记载的方式("乌斯地")看,这很可能是一片相当广阔的地域,而且其名很可能来自一位定居于此的同名者。按照 Gesenius 的说法,Uz(עוּץ ‛ûts)一词意为轻质的沙土;若这地名是参照土壤的这一特质而得,那么自然应定位于某种以贫瘠著称的地区——一片荒地或沙漠。Gesenius 认为 Uz 在阿拉伯旷野(Arabia Deserta)的北部——位于巴勒斯坦与幼发拉底河之间的地方,Ptolemy 称之为 Αἰσῖται Aisitai。这一意见为 Rosenmuller(Prolegomena)所辩护,并为 Spanheim、Bochart、Lee、Umbreit、Noyes 及《万国史》的作者们所采纳。Dr. Good 认为此处的 Uz 在彼得拉阿拉伯(Arabia Petraea),位于死海的西南岸,并认为约伯及诗中所提到的他的一切朋友都是以土米人。见 Introductory Dissertation, Section 1。

Eichhorn 也认为故事发生于以土米,并认为诗的作者显示他对埃及的历史、风俗与物产有特别的了解。Einleit. Section 638。Bochart(见其 Phaleg et Canaan)、Michaelis(Spicileg. Geog. Hebraeo.)和 Ilgen(Jobi, Antiquis. carminis,第91页)认为他居住之地是大马士革附近的古塔谷(Guta),那谷被视为阿拉伯人四大乐园之最。关于此谷的描述,见 Eichhorn, Einleit. V. s. 134。עוּץ ‛ûts(Uz)一词在希伯来圣经中仅见于以下各处:Genesis 10:23;Genesis 22:21;Genesis 36:28,以及 1 Chronicles 1:17、1 Chronicles 1:42——在以上各处它都是人名;而在 Jeremiah 25:20、Lamentations 4:21,以及 Job 1:1,它用于指一个国家。能对约伯居住之地提供任何可能性的仅有情况如下:

(1) 那些使我们能以某种或然性确定乌斯家族定居之地的情况——这家族很可能把名字给了那地,正如 Sheba、Seba、Tema、Cush、Misraim 等人把名字给了他们定居之地一样。在 Genesis 10:23,乌斯(עוּץ ‛ûts)被列为闪的孙子。在 Genesis 22:21,一位乌斯(英文圣经作"Huz")被列为亚伯拉罕之弟拿鹤的儿子,与 Genesis 10:23 所提到的无疑不是同一人。在 Genesis 36:28,此名见于以扫的后代之中。在 1 Chronicles 1:17,此名见于"闪的儿子们"之中;而在 1 Chronicles 1:42,同一名字又见于以扫的后代之中。因此,仅就名字而论,它可能来自闪的家族,也可能来自一位与亚伯拉罕同时代的人,或来自以扫较晚的某位后裔。在本引言的后文将会看到,此名因后两者中任何一位定居此地而得的可能性极小,因为那样的假设会把约伯生活的时代推到比他历史中所记情形所容许的更晚;因此,这名字很可能是为纪念闪的孙子而得的。这一事实本身就能在一定程度上确定地点。

闪住在亚洲,我们将看到,他后代的早期定居地位于幼发拉底河附近的某处(Genesis 10:21-30)。在 Genesis 10:23,乌斯被列为亚兰的儿子之一;亚兰给了名为亚兰(Aramea)或叙利亚的国家之名,亚兰人即由他而出。据推测,他们原先住在基珥河(Kir,或作 Cyrus)附近,后来在某个现已不详的时期,被一次类似神领以色列人出埃及的解救迁移到叙利亚诸地区;见 Amos 9:7。叙利亚与美索不达米亚的居民总被摩西称为"亚兰人":既然他们的居地在美索不达米亚及其附近,乌斯大概也离那地区不远。因此,我们自然会在那一带寻找乌斯国。在 Genesis 10:30,又论到闪的子孙说:"他们所住的地方是从米沙直到西发东边的山";这一陈述与论约伯本人所说的相合,即他"在东方人中至大"(Job 1:8)——显然暗示他是那通称为东方之地的居民。

关于米沙与西发的位置,众说纷纭。Michaelis 的意见最为可取(Spicileg. pt. 11, p. 214):"米沙是帕索拉(Passora)周围的地区,后来的叙利亚人称之为 Maishon,希腊人称之为 Mesene。他们在这些名称之下,把幼发拉底河与底格里斯河之间、塞琉西亚与波斯湾之间的国土包括在内。Abulfeda 提到这一地区有两座离帕索拉不远的城,名为 Maisan 与 Mushan。因此,约坍子孙所居地区的东北边界大概在此。另一端之界的名字西发,在迦勒底语中意为海岸或海滨,大概是也门沿阿拉伯湾的西部,如今阿拉伯人称之为 Tchiainah。这两个边界之间的高山地带,摩西称之为'东方的山'。这地带阿拉伯人至今仍称之为 Djebal,即'群山'。"见 Rosenmuller's Alterthumskunde, iii. 163, 164。

认为乌斯所居之地指这一地区的某部分、也就是约伯居住之地的假设,因书中提到的许多人物与部族都住在这一带而得到加强。例如,提幔人以利法的住处很可能在那里;见 Job 2:11 的注释。示巴人大概住得离那地区不远(见 Job 1:15 的注释);我们知道迦勒底人住在那里(见 Job 1:17 的注释);这一假设也与关于从"旷野"而来的旋风的记述十分吻合;见 Job 1:19 的注释。约伯的住地离迦勒底人和示巴人如此之近,以致他们惯常的劫掠行动即可抵达;这一事实与"他住在阿拉伯旷野某处"的假设,比与"他住在以土米"的假设更为吻合。

(2) 这一国家在耶利米的书卷中两处被提及,可帮助我们确定其位置;即 Lamentations 4:21:

"住乌斯地的以东民哪,只管欢喜快乐,

苦杯也必传到你那里:

你必喝醉,以致露身。"

初看之下,这段经文似乎表明乌斯地是以东的一部分;然而它更恰当表明的是,乌斯地并不属于那地,而是以东人或以土米人夺取了一个原本不属于他们的国家。先知说"以东的民",不是说她恰当地住在自己的国土,而是说她"住乌斯地"——住在一个她以某种方式夺得的外邦之地。以东的本国乃是西珥山及死海以南一带;但我们知道以东人后来扩张了疆界,有一段时期,死海以东、摩押境内的波斯拉是他们的首都;见以赛亚书第34章的分析及 Isaiah 34:6 的注释。耶利米所指的很可能是以下时期:以土米人既已获得这些征服,又以这座外邦城为首都,便被描绘为住在那里。若然,则照 Lamentations 这段经文,我们自然应在以东人征服所及的诸国中寻找乌斯地——而这些征服主要在他们本土以东。从耶利米书中另一处出现此名的地方,也可得出类似的结论,即 Jeremiah 25:20 以下:"并一切杂族的人民,和乌斯地的诸王,以及非利士地的诸王,就是亚实基伦、迦萨、以革伦,和亚实突剩下的人,还有以东、摩押、亚扪人"等。这里有两点是明显的。其一,乌斯国与以东地有别,因为它们被提及为不同的邦国;其二,这是一片相当广阔的国土,因为它被提到处于多位"王"之下。诚然,这一提及没有暗示其方位;但在耶利米的时代,它是为人熟知的。

(3) 约伯的住地在 Job 1:8 被论及的方式也显明同样的事。那里说他"在东方人中至大"。这暗示他住在通称为东方之国的地方。诚然,我们尚未确定本诗作于何处,因而不知道作者以此语所指为何;但这一说法在圣经中有惯常的含义,指巴勒斯坦以东的国土。而以土米却在正南方;因此我们自然要在别处寻找乌斯地;比较 Job 1:3 的注释。圣经中所用的"东方"一词,无论在何例中都不会自然引导我们想到以土米。

(4) 七十士译本在 Job 1:1 把 Uz 一词译作 Ασίτις Asitis——这词看似由希伯来文 עוּץ ‛ûts,即 Utz 或 Uz 衍生而来。当然,他们的译文没有说明所指之地。但 Ptolemy(Geog. Lib. v.)提到巴比伦附近的一个部族或民族,称之为 Αὐσίται Ausitai(或如或许所写的 Αἰσῖται Aisitai),与七十士译本译 Uz 一词所用的相同。Ptolemy 把这些人置于 Cauchebeni 附近——ὑπὸ υὲν τοῖς Καυχαβηνοις hupo men tois Kauchabēnois——并说他们与迦勒底被一道山脊隔开。见 Rosenm. Prolegomena, p. 27。这一位置使约伯离迦勒底人如此之近,以致他们侵入他境内的记载(Job 1:17)就完全可信了。——还可以补充,在同一带,我们在 Diodorus Sic. Lib. iii. Section 46 见到一座名为萨巴斯(Σάβας Sabas)的城。Prof. Lee, p. 32。这些情形使以下看法具有可能性:这位族长的住地在迦勒底以西、巴勒斯坦、以土米与幼发拉底河之间的阿拉伯旷野北部某处。

(5) 东方至今仍保存或被指认的约伯的纪念碑与纪念物,可以引为约伯确有其人的微小证据,也可作为他所居地区的指示。诚然,它们只依据传说;但纪念碑不会为任何被视为不曾存在的人而立,传说通常也有某种事实的根据。阿拉伯作者总是把约伯提为真实人物,他传说中的坟墓至今在东方被人指给人看。它确实在六个不同的地方被人指认;但这并不能证明关于此人所言皆属虚构,正如七城争夺荷马出生地之荣并不能证明没有荷马这个人。这类坟墓中最著名的一座在特拉可尼提斯(Trachonitis),朝向约旦河的源头。它位于至今仍名提幔、书亚、拿玛诸城之间(Wemyss);不过我们有充分理由相信,这些名字的得来,与其说因为它们是约伯记中所提到的那些地方,不如说因为那里被认为是约伯的住处。其中一座坟墓曾指给 Niebuhr 看。他说(Reisebeschreib, i. 466):"在萨阿达(Saada)以东两三个小时路程之处,有一座大清真寺,按当地阿拉伯居民的看法,受苦者约伯就葬在其中。""在阿拉伯的东界,他们把约伯的坟墓指给我看,紧靠幼发拉底河,在赫勒河(Helleh)附近,在巴比伦以南一小时路程之处。"这里只需注意一点:所有这些坟墓都在以土米的疆界之外。阿拉伯人中有关约伯的传说众多,其中不少确属完全荒诞的故事,但都表明阿拉伯普遍坚信曾有此人。见 Sale's Koran, vol. ii. pp. 174, 322;Magee 论赎罪与献祭的著作,第366、367页;以及 D'Herbelot, Bibli. Orient.,第一卷,第75、432、438页(转引自 Magee)。

(6) 阿拉伯人今日的信念可引为佐证,支持我们在此探究中已接近的结论:约伯的住地不在以土米,而在巴勒斯坦与幼发拉底河之间的阿拉伯旷野某处。Eli Smith 曾告诉我(1840年11月),豪兰(Houran)仍有一个地方被阿拉伯人称为 Uz;他们中间有一个传统,说那就是约伯的住地。它在波斯拉的东北。波斯拉曾是以土米的首都(见 Isaiah 34:6 的注释),尽管它位于以土米天然疆界之外。若这一传统有根据,那么约伯大概不是以土米人。没有任何事实使这一传统显得不可信;我们的探究以相当高的或然率把我们引向这一结论:这就是约伯的住地。关于约伯及其朋友们的住地,另请参看 Abrahami Peritsol Itinera Mundi(载 Ugolin, Thes. Sac. vii.,第103-106页)。

第三节 约伯生活的年代

关于约伯生活的年代,其不确定性与关于他居住之地的不确定性不相上下。这里应当指出,这一问题与本书写于何时并无必然的联系;无论我们认为它出自约伯本人、摩西,还是较晚的作者之手,这个问题都不会受到实质影响。无论本书写于何时,若晚于这位族长生活的年代,作者自然会把他自己时代的痕迹隐藏起来,只提及事件假定发生之时代所流行的风俗与观念。

在这一问题上,我们不能指望达到绝对确定。值得注意的是,书中既没有约伯家族的谱系记录,也没有他三位朋友的谱系记录。书中唯一出现的这类记录是以利户的(Job 32:2),而它过于简略,对他生活年代的确立几乎无补于事。关于这一问题仅有的情况如下;既然这是一个不牵涉任何重要结论的问题,它们足以以充分的或然率解决它。

(1) 约伯的年岁。按此推算,他生活的年代当在他拉(亚伯拉罕之父)与雅各之间的某处,即约在主前一千八百年,洪水后约六百年。持此意见的理由,见 Job 42:16 的注释。这一估计不能自诩完全准确,但有相当高的或然性。若这估计正确,他生活在以色列人出埃及、在西奈山领受律法之前约四百年;比较 Acts 7:6 的注释。

(2) 作为对这一意见的轻微印证,我们可以援引关于他生活年代的传说。七十士译本所附的记载说他名叫撒雷(Zare),是以扫众子之一,是亚伯拉罕的第五代后裔,见 Job 42:16 的注释。阿拉伯文约伯记译本的末尾有类似的记载,相似到一个地步,或是一者抄自另一者,或是二者同出一源。"约伯住在乌斯地,在以东与阿拉伯的边界之间,从前名叫约巴(Jobab)。他娶了外邦女子为妻,名叫安嫩(Anun)。约伯本是撒雷的儿子,撒雷是以扫众子之一;他母亲名叫巴斯拉(Basra),他是亚伯拉罕的第六代后裔。在以东作王的诸王中,首先统治那地的是比珥的儿子巴拉(Balak),他城的名字叫达纳巴(Danaba)。在他之后是约巴,就是约伯;在他之后是一位治理提幔地的君王;再之后是他的儿子巴拉(Barak),就是在摩押平原杀败并驱逐米甸(Madian)的那位,他城的名字叫格亚特斯(Gjates)。在来见约伯的朋友中,有以利法(Elifaz),出于以扫的众子,是提幔人的王。"这些传说没有价值,只在于表明这些译本问世之时流行的信念:约伯生活的年代接近希伯来三位伟大族长的时代。

一个几乎一致的传说也一致把约伯生活的年代定在这一时期。希伯来作者大都把他描述为生活在以撒和雅各的时代(Wemyss)。Eusebius 把他置于摩西之前约两个"世代"。东方各国的意见大都一致把他生活的年代定于此。

(3) 从本书自身的记述看,他显然生活在出埃及之前。这从以下事实可见:书中没有直接提及那件大事,也没有提及伴随它的一系列奇事,也没有提及前往迦南地的旅程。这一沉默除非以"他生活在那事之前"来解释,否则无从说明,理由有二。其一,那是历史上神施行拯救、拯救他的朋友、毁灭恶人的最显著例证,若约伯及其朋友知道此事,他们在维护自己观点时不可能不援引它;其二,那事是一切后起的圣卷作者取之不竭的论证与例证宝库。圣卷作者们不断提及脱离埃及的奴役、神领百姓往应许之地的介入作为。他们从那些事件中汲取他们对耶和华大能与威严最壮丽的描述。他们援引那些事件来说明他的品性与治理。他们诉诸那些事件,证明他是他百姓的朋友与保护者,证明他必毁灭他的仇敌。他们从其中汲取最崇高最优美的诗歌意象,从不厌倦地提醒百姓,因神怜悯奇妙的介入,他们有服侍神的义务。本书论证的要点,恰是那一次拯救比历史上任何别的事件都更能说明的问题;而既然约伯所居之地的居民必定知道这事,那么若那些事早已发生,书中竟无一语提及,就无可解释了。

因此很清楚,即便本书写于出埃及之后的时期,诗的作者也是要表明这位族长生活在那事件之前。他把约伯描绘为不知有那事件的人,处于这样的境况、怀有这样的观念,以致若他生活在那事件之后,就不可能不提及它。同样有可能的是,约伯生活在所多玛、蛾摩拉被毁之前。那事件发生在他所住之地的附近,他不可能不知道。而且,就论证而言,此事的相关性不亚于出埃及的拯救;在本书这类性质的论证中,竟会略去全能者借直接审判对恶人如此显著的惩罚,是不可思议的。约伯的朋友们所坚持的,正是神以直接的审判剪除恶人;而若约伯的灾祸发生于那事件之后,世上再没有比发生在他们自己附近的那件事更贴切的例证了。

(4) 书中对犹太的礼仪、风俗、习惯、宗教仪式、祭司制度、节期、禁食、安息日等等全无影踪,也同样显明这一点。在本引言的另一部分(第四节),将有机会考察书中事实上在多大程度上缺少对这一切的暗示。现在要说的只是:书中明显而惊人地缺少一个生活在较晚时代、熟悉犹太风俗与宗教礼仪之人所会作出的那类暗示。诚然,可以承认,这首诗的布局不要求经常提及这些风俗与礼仪,甚至可以说与这类暗示相抵触(即便作者知道它们);但竟然没有比现存更显著的提及,就几乎不可思议了。即便承认约伯是外邦人,即便作者有意保持这一印象,他的住地也不可能离犹太民族的边界很远;一个像他那样对神显出如此坚定敬虔原则的人,不可能不深深同情那个民族,也不可能在一个与耶和华的治理如此密切相关的论证中不提及他们的礼仪。约伯的形像以及书中的暗示,在各方面都与"他生活在特殊的犹太政体设立之前"这一假设相符。

(5) 另一情况也显明这一点。约伯的宗教与我们在亚伯拉罕时代、在犹太制度设立之前所流行的宗教同类。那是献祭的宗教,却没有主持献祭的祭司。约伯自己作为家主,代表他的儿女和朋友们献上祭物(Job 1:5;Job 42:8)。没有为这职分设立祭司;没有殿、会幕或任何形式的圣所;没有分别为圣的坛。这正是我们在族长中间、直到西奈山颁赐律法之前所见的宗教;因此,自然可以推论约伯生活于那事件之前。这样,我们看见挪亚为耶和华筑坛献祭(Genesis 8:20);亚伯拉罕以同样的方式亲自献祭(Genesis 15:9-11;比较 Genesis 12:1-13);这无疑是宗教最早的形式。祭物献给神,而父亲是主持献祭的祭司。

这些情况合起来,使约伯生活的年代几乎没有疑问。它们一致把时期定在距亚伯拉罕时代不远处;在别的历史时期,这些情况不会同时成立。然而,没有重大问题系于这一问题的解决;就解释本书的一切所需而言,这些情况已足够准确地确定了年代。

第四节 本书的作者

一个比前面所考察的更为重要的问题,是本书的作者问题。由于作者的名字无论在书中或圣经别处都没有提到,当然不可能达到绝对确定;在关于它的一切论述之后,这仍是、也必定只是一个揣测的问题。尽管如此,这问题若按通常那样讨论,会开启广阔的探究范围,值得加以考察。若作者的名字无法确实发现,至少有可能以某种或然率断定本书写于世界的哪个时期,或许还能以足够令人满意的或然率断定它出于谁手。

探究这一点时首先遇到的问题是:全书是否出于同一作者之手,还是历史部分为后来之人所加。对本书最粗浅的了解已足以表明,书中有两种本质不同的文体——诗体与散文体。书的主体(Job 3 至 Job 42:6)是诗;其余部分(Job 1;Job 2:1-13 与 Job 42:7-17)是散文。后一部分的真实性被许多杰出的批评家否认,尤其是 DeWette,他们认为这是某位后来之手的增补。针对序言与结语,DeWette 提出:"作品的完美性要求摒弃它们,因为它们借试炼与补偿的观念解决了讨论的主题问题;而作者的目的,本是要借人完全顺服神的智慧与能力这一观念来解决这问题";见 Noyes, Intro. pp. xxi., xxii。

对这一反对意见可以回答:

(1) 我们只能借着作者呈现给我们的一切来认识他的观点。呈现这样的观点可能正是他计划的一部分——不是提出抽象论证,而是把论证与一个真实案例联系起来,并借展示一个敬虔之人实际遭遇灾祸、继之以显著兴旺的实例,使论证更加生动。可以推定,诗的作者有意把这幽暗不明之题的一切可能亮光都投上;为此,论证前后的史实陈述似乎不可或缺。

(2) 若没有结尾处关于约伯试炼之后兴旺的陈述,本书的论证就不完整。主要的问题没有解决。在后几章中,神出场并非以明确的宣告来解决那些令人大惑不解的问题,而是表明无条件顺服的本分。但当这之后接着约伯恢复兴旺的历史陈述——他其后所享的长寿、近一个半世纪伴随他的财富与安乐——他朋友们的反对与他自己的困惑就充分得着了解答;全书的结论表明,神并非不顾念他的百姓,而是他们虽经历严峻的试炼,仍是他慈爱看顾的对象。

(3) 此外,序言是理解约伯的品格、言语与论证所必需的。在他有时发出的严苛不敬的言语中,在他 Job 3 里对自己生日可怕的咒诅中,在我们所遇到的急躁爆发中,我们不可能对受苦者怀有作者显然要我们怀有的同情,也不可能体会他灾祸的深度,除非我们看见他先前的兴旺与他受试炼的缘由,除非我们确知他一直是个极为敬虔正直的人。如今情形既是这样,我们便预备好去同情一位地位崇高的受苦者,一位曾经富足昌盛的人,一位正是为试炼的缘故被置于这境况中的人。我们立刻有兴趣知道人性在这境况中会如何表现,而这兴趣从未减退。

在这些突然而叠至的试炼之下,我们起初钦佩受苦者的忍耐与顺服;随后,在长期难堪的重压之下,他 Job 3 中情绪的爆发便不足为怪;然后我们怀着极大的兴趣、毫不厌倦地观看他如何回应他"朋友们"巧妙的论证——他们要证明他向来是个伪君子——以及他们尖刻的讥诮与责备。除非有开头几章的历史陈述作预备,这论证的兴趣是不可能维持下去的。应当补充,任何认为这几章出于后来之手的假设,全然出于揣测——古译本、抄本或传统都没有为这类看法提供任何根据。然而这些话并不妨碍我们设想:若本书出自约伯本人之手,Job 42 末两节记载他的年岁与死亡的经文,乃为后来之手所加——正如摩西之死的记载(Deuteronomy 34:1-12)必须认为不是摩西自己的作品,而是某位后来的受默示作者所加的一样。

因此,若有理由相信整部著作大体上如我们现在所见的出自同一手笔,问题便来了:是否有任何情况可以据以或然地断定作者是谁。在神圣考据学的几乎任何问题上,都没有像在这问题上那样意见纷纭。Lowth、Magee、Prof. Lee 等许多人认为这是约伯本人的作品;Lightfoot 等人把它归于以利户;一些拉比作者,以及 Kennicott、Michaelis、Dathe、Good,把它归于摩西;Luther、Grotius 与 Doederlin 把它归于所罗门;Umbreit 与 Noyes 把它归于犹太被掳时期前后不久的某位作者;Rosenmuller、Spanheim、Reimar、Stauedlin 与 C. F. Richter 认为它由某位希伯来作者大约在所罗门时代写成;Warburton 认为它是以斯拉的作品;Herder(Hebrew Poetry, i. 110)认为它出自某位古以土米人之手——很可能就是约伯本人——是大卫征服以土米时获得的。他认为,在大卫较晚的作品中,可发现他模仿这本古书文风的痕迹。

逐一审查这些作者各自为其主张所提出的理由,既乏味又无益。我不打算这样做,而要陈述考察本书本身以及这些作者所提理由时出现的主要考虑,它们或许能帮助我们形成一个或然的看法。即使这探究的结果只是给已有的揣测再添一个,它仍有这样的长处:把一切对形成判断似属重要的东西差不多都陈述出来。

一、在估计本书作者问题时首先会遇到的一个情况,是整部著作的外邦色彩——它有别于希伯来著作的惯常风格。对于熟悉希伯来著述的人,其中的风俗、暗示、修辞与思维方式都带有外邦的气息,显然表明发言者生活在犹太以外的某个国家。诚然,全书弥漫着一种共同的东方色彩,足以把它与西方世界的一切写作方式区别开来;但也有几乎同样多的东西,把它与我们明知起源于希伯来人的著作区别开来。思维方式与全书的总体气质是阿拉伯式的。其中的暗示、比喻、例证,对历史事件与流行风俗的援引,都不是希伯来人会作出的——除非在历史上最早的时期、在这个民族的性格尚未定型以致与东方大家庭中的弟兄显著区别之前。阿拉伯的沙漠;因旱而涸的溪流;冬天满溢、夏天干涸的河谷(wady);定期到同一处取水的游牧部落与商队;易于拔起迁移的帐篷住所;沙漠中干瘦的灌木;狮子等野兽的吼叫;周期性的降雨;栽在溪水旁的树木;天未亮就起来、清晨发动攻击的强盗劫匪;报血仇者(גאל gô'el)的权利、权柄与本分;款客之谊的要求;阿拉伯法庭的正式程序——这些是不断呈现在心目中的意象。

在这里,对一位埃米尔(Emir)当有的尊敬;阿拉伯部落中较高阶层通行的礼节;那种听人发言直到结束、绝不打断的专注(Herder i. 81)——这在今日有教养的东方人中如此显著——处处可见。诚然,这些事中有许多在无可置疑的希伯来著述中也能找到相似之处——因为其中一些是东方民族的共同特征——但没有人会怀疑,它们在本书中的丰富程度超过圣经中任何别的书卷;而且,我们不久将更具体地看到,它们不像在别处那样与确属希伯来起源的事物混杂。与此相关,可以注意到书中有异常多的词,其词根如今只在阿拉伯语中找得到,且这些词的用法在希伯来语中不常见,在阿拉伯语中却惯常。凡在解释本书时利用 Gesenius 借阿拉伯语对众多词语投下的亮光的人,凡查阅 Castell 词典或研读 Schultens 与 Lee 注释的人,都会信服这一点。许多批评家对此的重视超过事实所容许,这无可否认;但同样无可否认的是,解释本书时从阿拉伯语所得的帮助,多于解释圣经任何别的部分。关于这一点,Gesenius 有如下评论:"总的说来,书中确有许多与阿拉伯语相似、或可借阿拉伯语说明之处;但这些或是希伯来语,属于诗歌用语;或是同时属于亚兰语,由诗人从亚兰语借来,在此不是以亚兰语的面貌、而是以阿拉伯语的面貌出现。然而按比例而言,此处并不比其他诗歌书卷及书中的诗歌部分更多。若由此推断本书作者与阿拉伯或阿拉伯文学有直接的关联,那是不公正的。"(Geschichte der hebr. Sprache,第88页。)著作的阿拉伯色彩这一事实,Gesenius 在上面这段引文中已经承认;至于由此可得出本书与阿拉伯及阿拉伯文学有何关联的推论,则须由其他情况判定;比较 Eichhorn, Einleitung, v. S. 163ff。

二、能帮助我们判断本书作者问题的第二个考虑,是书中确有众多无可置疑的暗示,指向以色列人出埃及、西奈山颁赐律法及犹太制度设立之前发生的事件。这一评论的要点是:我们若发现这类暗示,同时发现没有对那时期之后所发生事件的暗示,这一情况就能对作者问题有所启发。它至少能使我们以某种准确性确定本书写成的时间。至于对那时期之前事件的明显暗示,以下引文可以表明;Job 10:9:"求你记念,制造我如抟泥一般,你还要使我归于尘土吗?"这里几乎是用原话暗示了 Genesis 2:7 与 Genesis 3:19 中关于人受造方式的陈述——表明约伯熟悉人受造的记载;Job 27:3:"我的生命尚在我里面,神所赐呼吸之气仍在我的鼻孔内";Job 33:4:"神的灵造我,全能者的气使我得生";Job 32:8:"但在人里面有灵,全能者的气息使人有聪明。"

这里也确凿地暗示了人受造的方式(比较 Genesis 2:7)——这些暗示表明,这事实必是借着传统为发言者所知,因为它不是人凭推理容易达到的那种事实。人的脆弱无能,也是以暗示熟悉其受造方式的语言来描述的。"何况那住在土房、根基在尘土里、被蠹虫所毁坏的人呢"(Job 4:19)。在 Job 31:33,大概暗示了亚当吃了禁果后试图藏躲不见神这件事:"我若像亚当遮掩我的过犯。"认为这是指亚当的理由,见该节注释。在 Job 22:15-16,有对洪水的明确提及:"你要依从上古的道吗?这道是恶人所行的。他们未到死期,忽然除灭;根基毁坏,好像被江河冲去。"见该段注释。与此相关,我们还可以提到:本书中对敬拜方式与宗教观念的描述,表明作者熟悉出埃及之前人们敬拜神的形式。它们与我们在亚伯、挪亚和亚伯拉罕时代所见的恰为同类。这些事不是不熟悉创世记前部所载史实的人所能想出的,也不是推理的进程所能产生的,只能出于对那些事件的认识——在那时世界的早期,这些认识必已传遍东方。它们证明,本书的作者曾有机会了解如今记载为摩西历史的创造史与世界早期的事件。

三、书中没有对出埃及及犹太制度设立之后所发生事件的这类暗示。由于这在判定本书作者的问题上极为重要,又由于有人斩钉截铁地断言存在这类暗示,并以此为据论证本书的起源晚至所罗门甚至以斯拉的时代,仔细考察这一点就很重要。要点在于:书中没有希伯来人在出埃及之后会作的那类暗示;换言之,书中没有任何东西能使我们断定它写于出埃及之后。几点评论将说明这观察的真实性与意义。

希伯来作者对自己历史上的事件之暗示,比大多数其他作者更为突出。神对这个民族的作为如此独特,他们又如此深信自己历史的事件证明了神对他们民族的恩宠,以致我们在他们的著述中不断见到对他们民族遭遇的援引。尤其是出埃及、过红海、西奈山颁赐律法、旷野的旅程、迦南地的征服、仇敌的覆灭,构成他们各时代作者取用不竭的论证与例证宝库。这些事件之后写成的诗歌,无不充满对它们的暗示。他们的先知以之为向百姓严肃呼吁的题旨;对这些事的记念温暖了敬虔的心,使圣殿敬拜中的赞美之歌更加振奋。在"被掳"的苦难中,神曾救他们脱离远更难堪的压制这一事实安慰着他们;在自由的时代,先祖在"为奴之家"所受苦难的记忆使他们的自由更觉甘甜。

现在同样不可否认、同样值得注意的是:约伯记中没有希伯来作者会作的那类对这些事件的暗示。没有提及摩西;没有明确提及他们在埃及的奴役、法老的压迫行为、他的军队在红海中的覆灭、以色列儿女的获救、西奈山的颁赐律法、旷野的危险、他们在应许之地的最终定居。没有提及会幕、约柜、法版、祭司制度的设立与职能、逃城,或希伯来民族特殊的宗教礼仪。没有提及神权政体、严肃大会的日子、全国性的大节期,或犹太各支派的名字。没有提及希伯来人特殊的司法律例;对司法的提及,也不超出我们在早期族长时代所能见到的情形。

这些省略尤为显著(如前所述),因为其中许多事件本是历史上最贴切的例证,足以说明各发言者所持的论点。法老的覆灭、神百姓的蒙拯救与蒙保护、旷野中对他们显明的看顾、应许之地仇敌的倾覆——在论证进行的许多场合,再没有什么比这些更切题了。这些考虑如此明显,以致它们似乎在作者问题上把一件事确定下来:本书不可能出自出埃及之后的希伯来人之手。关于本书写于出埃及之前的更多论证,见 Eichhorn, Einleit, section 641。然而,尽管有这些事实,一些可敬的批评家——如 Rosenmuller、Umbreit、Warburton 等——仍主张本书晚至所罗门的时代、甚至被掳的时期才写成;因此,重要的是考察他们打算如何回避这一论证,凭什么理由为较晚的成书年代辩护。这些理由简述如下:

(1) 其一,诗的设计本身——无论写于何时——要求不作这类暗示。据说,场景不设在巴勒斯坦,而设在外邦;设定的时间是族长的时代、出埃及之前;人物不是希伯来人,而是阿拉伯人或以土米人;作者的宗旨本身就要求不提及希伯来人独特的历史或风俗。据说,这与今日把场景设在外国、或设在十字军或该撒时代的诗歌或小说创作中所发生的情况相同。我们自然预期,那外邦或远古时代的人物、服饰、习惯会被仔细遵守。"既然他们(书中人物和著作的作者)是与摩西的制度无干的阿拉伯人,那么显然,一位有天才的作者不会荒唐到把犹太人的观念和习俗放进阿拉伯人的口中——至少在制度、成文律法、礼仪和历史这类具体事项上是如此。本书的结构与写作已充分显示作者的天才与技巧,足以解释他为何没有把生活在摩西制度之下的希伯来人的显著特点加给阿拉伯人,无论本书写于哪个时期。"

"即便书中的人物是希伯来人,正被考虑的这条论证也不完全有约束力;因为从主题的性质看,我们在此预期见到的利未制的或粗具犹太色彩的东西,不会多于箴言或传道书中的。"(Noyes, Introduction p. 28.)这一假设以本书写于摩西之后的时代为前提,却没有提供任何证据证明它确写于那时。它至多只能证明:作者有足够的天才与技巧,能如此把自己投入遥远的时代与外邦之境,以致完全隐藏自己时代与国家的独特之处,把人物描绘为生活在那假想的国土与时期中而不露形迹。就作者与成书年代的问题而论,这里所承认的事实——没有对出埃及之后事件的暗示——对"成书于那事件之前"的支持,恰恰不弱于对"成书于其后"的支持。

即便假设本书出自一位较晚时代的希伯来人之手——他刻意要赋予它阿拉伯的外衣,刻意不提本国制度与历史中任何会暴露其作者身份的东西——仍存在若干困难。其一,这样做的内在困难。一位作者要如此投入往昔的时代,以致不留任何暴露自己时代与国家的痕迹,需要罕见的天才。我们从不至误以为 Shakespeare 生活在科里奥兰纳斯或该撒的时代,不至以为 Johnson 生活在《拉塞拉斯》的时代与国度,也不至以为 Scott 生活在十字军的时代。诚然,也找到过隐藏得卓有成效的实例,但极为罕见。这一看法的另一困难是:这样的作品对一个希伯来人来说尤其不可行,因为在所有人中,他是最容易暴露自己时代与国家的人。

这首诗的气质高度哲学化。论证在许多地方极为深奥。诉诸的是长期细致的观察、先祖记载的经验、对神的审判在世上所生效果的观察。一个希伯来人在这种情形下会诉诸神的权威;他会援引律法可怕的制裁,而不是冰冷抽象的推理;他也几乎无法不提及他自己历史中与本案如此明显相关的事件。是否曾有哪个希伯来人具备这样的天才与多面性,能完全脱去本国的固有色彩,自始至终以一位阿拉伯埃米尔的姿态出现,在漫长的论证中除了适合这外邦人假定身份的言语之外绝无他语,也可存疑。还应记得,这首诗所用的语言,不同于所罗门与被掳时期通行的语言。

它带有古旧的气质。它充满别处不见的词,其词根如今只在阿拉伯语中找得到。它带有一种特色鲜明的方言的许多特点——要维持一种古方言的精神,需要全部的技巧。然而在全部文学范围内,大概不会有半打采用这种手法的实例——即作者为了使自己的作品带上古味而使用外邦或古代的方言。Aristophanes 与悲剧诗人确实有时让人物说希腊其他地区的方言,而非他们成长之地的方言(Lee),Shakespeare 偶尔也是如此;但除了 Chatterton 一例,几乎找不出把这一手法贯穿于相当长度作品中的例子。一个希伯来人不会尝试这样做,这有道德上的确定性。

(2) 对"本书成于出埃及之前"这一假设的第二条反对理由(或者说,是"它出自一位生活得晚得多的希伯来人之手"的论证),来自所谓对犹太民族历史事件、对摩西独特制度的暗示。这不是主张对这些事件或制度有直接的提及,而是主张作者因使用某些唯独希伯来人才会用的话语,不自觉地"暴露"了自己。这一论证详见 Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses,第5卷第306-319页;对其充分的检视见 Peters' Critical Dissertation on the Book of Job,第22-36页。在此只能极简略地提及这一论证。连主张本书成于出埃及之后的人自己也通常承认,所引的经文对这意见的支持甚微。Warburton 所引的经文如下:

(a) 对父母的恶行为儿女带来灾祸的暗示。"诽谤朋友的,连他儿女的眼睛也要失明"(Job 17:5)。"神将他的罪孽封存给他儿女;神报应他本人,他们必知道"(Job 21:19)。据说这里影射希伯来圣经中作为神圣治理之一部分的原理:父亲的罪孽要报应在儿女身上。但理解这一点,并不必须假定作者特别熟悉摩西的律法。对事件实际进程的观察,就足以提示约伯记在此问题上所主张的一切。恶人在各地给后代带来的贫穷、疾病与耻辱,足以为细心的观察者提供一切必需的事实。儿女因恶父母之罪而受苦的观念,古时遍及全世界。例如 Theocritus 的一节诗,以仿佛出自宙斯的神谕的口吻发出(Idyll. xxvi.):

Εὐσεβέων παίδεσσι τὰ λώια, δυσσεβέων δ ̓ οὐ Eusebeōn paidessi ta lōia dussebeōn d' ou.

"敬虔人的儿女得享美物,不敬虔之人的儿女却不然。"

(b) 暗示拜偶像是得罪国家的罪,应由民事的审判官惩罚。"(拜偶像)这也是审判官当罚的罪孽,因我若这样就是背弃在上的神"(Job 31:28)。据说这是唯独希伯来人才会有的情感,出自他特殊的制度——在那里,拜偶像得罪国家,被定为死罪。但丝毫没有证据表明,在族长的时代、在约伯所居之地,拜偶像的敬拜不会被视为民事的罪行;而且无论是否如此,一个像约伯那样对神、对神的名当受之尊荣深怀敬畏的人,表达这样的情感——敬拜日月是极重的罪,纯正的宗教如此重要,违背其原则当视为得罪社会的罪——毫无可怪之处。

(c) 对某些唯独希伯来人才会使用、且只有在比出埃及更晚的时期才会使用之措辞的暗示。所引的有以下几处:"他不得再见江河,流奶与蜜之溪"(Job 20:17)。"你当领受他口中的法则,将他的言语存在心里"(Job 22:22)。"惟愿我如壮年的日子,那时我在帐棚中,神待我有密友之情"(Job 29:4)。有人主张,这些显然是影射摩西各卷书中所记的事:第一处指对圣地常见的描述;第二处指西奈山颁赐律法;第三处指舍金纳(Shekinah)——神可见的象征——停于帐幕之上。对此我们可以回应:第一处是东方用来表示丰足富庶的常用语言,显然是谚语式的表达,Pindar(Nem. εἰδ. γ)曾使用,在阿拉伯作者中也很常见。第二处只是劝人留心神的律法时人人都会用的一般性语言,其中显然没有特别影射律法在西奈山颁布的方式。第三处则可以表明与舍金纳或荣耀的云彩停于帐幕之上并无特别的关联,也不是希伯来人论及此事时会用的语言。那云彩在圣经中任何地方都没有被称为"神的秘密";这话的恰当意思是:神如朋友和谋士般进入他的居所,亲密地接纳他与自己相交;见 Job 29:4 的注释。约伯说,他早年生活的一个特权,就是他能视自己为神的朋友,对神的计划与旨意有清楚的认识。如今,这些认识被收回,他被留在黑暗与孤独之中。

(d) 对犹太民族神迹历史的假定暗示。"他吩咐日头不出来,就不出来,又封闭众星"(Job 9:7)。据说这里影射约书亚命令日月停住时所行的神迹。但可以肯定,不必假定这里提及任何神迹。这里的观念是:神有能力随己意使太阳、月亮和星辰发光或不发光。他能用云彩遮蔽它们,也能把它们全然抹去。此外,在约书亚命令所行神迹的记载中,没有提及星辰。"他以能力搅动大海,他借知识打伤拉哈伯"(Job 26:12)。据说这里影射以色列人过红海。但这语言并不一定要求这样的解释,也容纳不下它。

那被误译作"搅动"的词,意为震慑、使其畏伏颤抖,进而平静安宁,描述的是神对风暴的权能。见该节注释。没有丝毫证据表明这里影射过红海。"他将地上民中首领的聪明夺去,使他们在无路的旷野飘流"(Job 12:24)。Warburton 说:"谁能怀疑这些话不是影射以色列人因怯懦、因不信神的应许而被罚在旷野飘流四十年呢?"但这里没有对此事的必然指涉。约伯说的是神对列国的掌管。他有能力挫败他们一切的谋算,击败他们一切的计划。他能使其君王的一切意图落空,把他们的事务陷入解不开的混乱。

况且在原文中,这个词并不一定指"旷野"或沙漠。这词是 תהוּ tôhû,是 Genesis 1:2 中用来表示"空虚"或"混沌"的词,在此可指他们谋算与计划的"混乱";若它指沙漠,这暗示也属一般性质,意思是神有能力把人赶离固定的居所,使他们在地上成为流离飘荡的人。"我指示你,你要听我;我要述说所看见的,就是智慧人从列祖所受、传于我们而不隐瞒的"(Job 15:17-18)。Warburton 说:"这正是摩西吩咐以色列人保存神作为之记念的方式。"也可以回答说,这也是自古以来一切古代历史、一切古代智慧传于后人的方式。过去之事的记载,除了把记念从父传子之外,别无他法保存;这在事实上向来是、如今仍是整个东方的做法,绝非以色列人独有。"这地惟独赐给他们,并没有外人从他们中间经过"(Job 15:19)。Warburton 说:"这一情形唯独符合定居迦南的以色列人,别的民族都不符合。"但这里没有对以色列人的必然指涉。以利法说的是他国家的黄金时代——他的先祖住在这地、未被外族混杂腐蚀的幸福纯洁时代。

他说,他要陈述他们在那些纯洁幸福之日——在任何人可以声称他们的观念已被外族掺杂败坏之前——的智慧与观察的成果;见该段注释。这些经文是所举"约伯记中暗示出埃及之后犹太人的风俗与观念"的最有力例证。逐一审查 Warburton 博士所提到的全部经文,既冗长又无益。可以对它们全体说的乃是:它们性质如此一般,如此切合东方通行的风俗习惯,以致没有理由假定其中特别指希伯来人。所提到的其余经文是 Job 22:6;Job 24:7、Job 24:9-10;Job 33:17 以下;Job 34:20;Job 36:7-12;以及 Job 37:13。对这些经文的充分检视,见 Peters' Critical Dissertation,第32-36页。

(3) 对"本书成于出埃及之前"这一假设的第三条反对理由,来自 yahweh(耶和华)一词的使用。这词在本书的历史部分多次出现(Job 1:6-9、Job 1:12、Job 1:21;Job 2:1-4、Job 2:6;Job 42:1、Job 42:10、Job 42:12),在诗的主体中也有几次。这一反对基于神对摩西所说的话(Exodus 6:3):"我从前向亚伯拉罕、以撒、雅各显现为全能的神;至于我名耶和华,他们未曾知道。"在焚烧的荆棘那里,他向摩西显现时,庄严地取了这名,并指示摩西以"我是自有永有的"、即耶和华(yahweh)之名宣告他。由此推论:既然此名出现在约伯记中,本书必写于神向摩西显现之后。但这一推论不成立,理由如下:

(a) "亚伯拉罕、以撒、雅各"不以此名认识神,这可能是真的;而别人仍可能已用这名指称他。

(b) 在此之前,神自己和别人实际上已经用过耶和华之名;见 Genesis 2:7-9、Genesis 2:15-16、Genesis 2:18-19、Genesis 2:21;Genesis 3:9 等处;Genesis 12:1、Genesis 12:4、Genesis 12:7-8、Genesis 12:17;Genesis 13:10、Genesis 13:13-14;Genesis 15:6、Genesis 15:18;Genesis 16:9-10、Genesis 16:13 等处,屡见不鲜。因此,若这一论证足以证明约伯记并非写于出埃及之前,它也将证明创世记是后来的作品。

(c) 但整个论证基于对 Exodus 6:3 的误解。既然族长们已经知道耶和华之名,那段经文的意思必定是:

(1) 他不是借这名宣扬他的存在,不是以这名为人公然庄重地知晓。这名字是他们与其他名字一同使用的名字,但他没有以任何特殊的方式把它据为己有,也没有赋予它特别的神圣性。他自己更常用的名字是另一个。这样,他向亚伯拉罕显现、使自己被他认识时说:"我是全能的神,你当在我面前作完全人"(Genesis 17:1)。他向雅各显现时也是如此:"我是神,你要生养众多"(Genesis 35:11;比较 Genesis 28:3;Genesis 43:14)。

(2) 在荆棘那里(Exodus 3;Exodus 4:3),神公开而庄严地取了耶和华(yahweh)之名。他赋予它特别的神圣性。他解释了它的含义(Exodus 3:14)。他说这是他特别要作为他百姓之神而为人知晓的名字。他以庄严的神圣性加于其上,作为他此后愿意在他的百姓中以此为人知晓的名字。列国各有不同名号的神祇;以色列人的神要以这特殊而神圣的名——耶和华——为人知晓。但他庄严地取用这名,绝不与他此前可能用过此名、或约伯记的写作中此前可能用过此名的假设相抵触。

(4) 对"本书成于出埃及之前"这一假设的第四条反对理由是:本书中出现的"撒但"之名,希伯来人在如此早的时期并不知道;事实上,它作为专有名词只出现于他们历史较晚的时期。见 Warburton's Divine Legation,第5卷第353页以下。对此可以回应:

(a) 这样一位恶灵存在的教义——其品格正如本书归于撒但的那样——希伯来人早已知道。亚哈的时代已经知道,那时据说耶和华使谎言的灵入了众先知的口(1 Kings 22:22-23);要对堕落史作出任何说得过去的解释,这类恶灵的信仰必早已流行。关于这词的含义,见 Job 1:6 的注释。

(b) "撒但"一词在历史中早已以"敌对者"或"控告者"的含义出现,把这词转用于那大仇敌是自然的事。见 Numbers 22:22。在 Zechariah 3:1-2,它的用法与约伯记中相同,指在神面前出现的那大仇敌;见 Job 1:6 的注释。这里撒但的出场,是一位名字与品格都为人熟知的存在者。

(c) Warburton 本人(第355页)也承认,"恶鬼"或"复仇之灵"的观念,在异教徒中即便在早的时代也是普遍的意见,尽管他说希伯来人到其历史晚期才接受它。但这观念若在异教徒中流行,同样的见解也可能在阿拉伯为人所理解,并可能在很早的时候就已纳入约伯记之中。这整个问题的考察见 Peters' Critical Dissertation,第80-92页。然而我必须承认,Peters 与 Magee(第322、323页)对这反对意见所作的回应,并不完全令人满意;在反对本书成于出埃及之前的种种理由中,这一条是我所见最有力的。要充分消除这困难,看来需要对"统管之恶者"的观念史作比我所能接触到的更透彻的研究。

真正的困难在于:不是圣经别处没有提到这样的存在者;不是他的存在不可能或荒谬——因为撒但的存在,就其本身而言,并不比尼禄(Nero)、提比留(Tiberius)、理查三世(Richard III)、亚历山大六世(Alexander VI)或该撒·波吉亚(Caesar Borgia)的存在更不可能,他也并不比他们中任何一位坏多少;也不是圣经早期的记载中毫无他的痕迹——而是在于:在圣经中,直到出埃及之时、甚至此后很久,我们对他的存在与品格只有隐晦的暗示——没有对他属性的具体说明,也没有给他任何名字;而在约伯记中,他一出场就带着一个显然通用的名字、一个确定成形的品格、一个计划完全成熟的姿态——一位显然与犹太历史最晚期中的撒但同样轮廓分明的存在者。我承认自己无法解释这一点,但仍看不出这样的假设有何不可能之处:对恶者的这种成熟的观念,可能在如此早的时期流行于约伯的国家,尽管在犹太历史相应的部分没有机会把它陈述出来。族长们中间可能早有这样的流行信仰,只是在他们观念与生平的简短记载中,没有机会把这信仰记录下来。

(5) 第五条反对理由来自这一事实:约伯记与诗篇、箴言中的许多段落极为相似,由此推论它写于这些书卷之后。特别提出这一反对的 Rosenmuller 举出以下相似的实例:Psalm 107:40;与之比较的是 16:18;Psalm 18:12;Psalm 29:1-11 与 Job 22:29;Proverbs 8:26-29;Proverbs 30:4 与 Job 38:4-8;Proverbs 10:7 与 Job 20:7。细察这些经文或试图否认它们的相似,并无必要。它们极为相似,无可怀疑;但哪一卷书先写成、若彼此借用何者为源头的问题,仍是公开的。Warburton 本人就说得好:"若圣卷的作者们果真必须彼此借用常谈的道德格言,那么说诗篇的作者们借用约伯记,与说约伯记的作者借用诗篇,同样合理。"(Works, vol. v. 320.)约伯记先写成的假设,就能应付因彼此借用而来的一切困难。还应补充,这些见解中有许多不过是通行的格言,在一个习惯细致观察、惯以谚语形式表达见解的民族中必然早已流行。

到此,我已详尽考察了我所见一切似有力量的、反对"约伯记成于出埃及之前"这一假设的理由,也陈述了导致"它有如此早的起源"这一假设的论证。所提出的这些考虑,在我看来足以使人毫无合理怀疑地相信:本著作写于出埃及之前。因此,这思路若属可靠,就不必再考察 Luther、Grotius 与 Doederlin 认为所罗门是作者的意见、Umbreit 与 Noyes 认为它出自被掳时期前后某位不知名作者的意见、Warburton 认为它是以斯拉作品的意见、以及 Rosenmuller、Spanheim、Reimer、Staeudlin 与 Richter 认为它约于所罗门时代由某位希伯来作者写成的意见。接下来要问的是:是否有任何情况能使我们以某种或然率断定作者是谁。这探究把我们引向:

四、第四点,要指出没有任何充分的迹象表明本书出自以利户之手。认为他是作者的意见,为 Lightfoot 等人所持。但撇开能导致这结论的正面证据的缺乏不谈,这一意见还有使其极不可能的反对理由。它们见于以利户本人的论证。他确实以极大的谦逊出场,却仍带着对智慧不寻常的自许。他声称自己直接受灵感,自称能给这整个令人困惑的问题投下亮光,足以终结辩论。然而在他的演讲中,他就讨论的要点所引入的新意只有一条,是先前的发言者未曾详论过的。那观念是:苦难的设计,不是要证明受苦者罪大恶极——如约伯的朋友们所主张的——而是为受苦者本人的益处而设,因此可以与真敬虔相容。

他把这观念置于多种角度之下;以极大的美感加以阐明,并强有力地把它印入约伯的心(比较 Job 33:14-30 的注释;Job 34:31-32 的注释;Job 35:10-15 的注释;Job 36:7-16 的注释)。但在他的演讲中,以利户没有显示出如此非凡的才能,足以使我们认为他是本书的作者。他似乎没有明白临到约伯的试炼的目的;他对苦难的成因没有给出令人满意的解答;他重复甚多;他对事件进程的观察显然远不如以利法深刻;他对自然的知识远不如约伯和其他发言者广博;而对全书从头到尾所讨论的伟大问题,他显然与其余的发言者一样处在黑暗之中。此外,正如 Prof. Lee 所指出的(第44页),相信以利户写了本书,与相信前两章和末章出自写成本书主体的同一作者之手,二者互相抵触。写这几章的人显然"看透了全局",明白这些试炼临到这位族长的缘由。那些缘由若为以利户所知,他必会在自己的演讲中提出来。

五、认为约伯本人是本书作者的假设——即便后来可能有人对它略加修改——能吻合本案的一切情形。这与全书的外邦气质与特征相合;与那些如今在希伯来语中已不明的阿拉伯词语的使用相合;与对那时代游牧习惯、生活模式的暗示、与取自沙原和沙漠的例证相合;与关于当时通行的简朴敬拜方式的陈述、与对诸般科学与技艺的提及(见本引言第五节)相合;也与全然不指出埃及、颁赐律法及希伯来人特殊风俗制度这一切相合。除这些支持约伯为作者的概括性考虑之外,以下几点或可进一步表明这意见具有极高的或然率。

(1) 约伯在他的灾祸之后又活了一百四十年,有充分的闲暇可以记载他的试炼。

(2) 制书之术在他的时代已为人所知,族长本人也知道(Job 19:23-24;Job 31:35)。无论用什么方式——或刻在石头或铅上,或用更易朽坏的材料——他都懂得把思想记录下来、传诸后世的技术。既懂得这技术,又有充裕的闲暇,他竟不把他那非凡试炼期间所发生之事记录下来,实难想象。

(3) 整个事件本可给人类提供重要的教训;一个经历过如此不寻常场面的人,很难甘愿让对它的记念寄托于不可靠的传统。人的智巧所能发明的一切最强论证,已经在一个关乎神圣治理的伟大问题的双方被提出;一个特征鲜明、与世上不断发生之事相似的案例已经出现,其中会兴起同样令人困惑、同样令人为难的疑问;神已经亲自出面教导人在此情形下的本分,并提供了在一切类似情形中极为宝贵的教导;整个试炼的结局,则提供了最强有力的证明:无论义人如何受苦,他们的受苦都不是他们是骗子或伪君子的证据。

(4) 对他自己不完全与过失的记载,恰是我们在假定约伯为作者时所预期于他的。没有隐瞒。对他的急躁、他的怨言、他的不敬,以及全能者所加给他的责备,有最坦白、最完整的陈述。摩西也同样记载自己的过失;纵观圣经,圣卷的作者们从不试图隐瞒自己的软弱与过错。

(5) 约伯在他自己的演讲中已经显明,他完全有能力写作本书。在一切事上,除了神以外,他远超其他所有的发言者;一个在如此严酷的试炼中能发出如今见于他演讲中的高超雄辩、论证与诗歌的人,不可能没有能力在他后来所享受的漫长健康与昌盛的岁月中把它们记载下来。因此,在我看来,每一情形都表明很可能约伯是这本非凡之书的编纂者——或者我们更应该说,是它的编者,惟独关于他自己年岁与死亡的记载除外。那些演讲无疑大体上如所记载的那样被发表过;作者的工作是收集并编辑那些演讲,记下他自己的言论和全能者的言论,并为全书提供恰当的史事交代,使论证得以被正确理解。

六、只需再有一个假设,就能应对关于本著作起源所提出的一切问题,即:摩西采纳了它,把它作为神圣启示的一部分发布给希伯来人,并把它与他自己的著述一同托付给他们,传于后世。有几种情况使这成为可能。

(1) 摩西在阿拉伯各地度过了四十年,大部分在何烈山附近;在那样的国家里,这样一部著作若已存在,很可能为人所知。

(2) 他的才能与先前在法老宫廷所受的训练,使他很可能饶有兴致地看待任何文献——任何表达别国风俗、技艺、科学与宗教的作品,尤其是带有非凡天才印记的任何东西。

(3) 这著作极适合使他的本国同胞受益,能在他所承担的解救百姓脱离奴役的大业中派上极大的用场。它包含对一个重大问题的广泛考察——这问题必会进入他们的心中:神的百姓为何遭受灾殃;它教导人在最严峻的试炼之下也要毫无怨言地顺服;它表明神虽长久惩治他的百姓,仍是他们的朋友,终必把丰盛的昌盛赐给他们。因此,摩西若发现这样一卷书已经存在,他极可能采纳它,作为完成他蒙召之伟大使命的重要辅助。还可以补充:

(4) 有充分的理由认为,摩西本人并不是它的作者。这意见基于如下的考虑:

(a) 文体不是摩西的。其中对箴言、格言和流行科学观念的援引,多于他的诗体著述中所见的;见 Lowth, Prae. Hebr. xxxii.;Michaelis, Nat. et Epim. p 186(转引自 Magee, p. 328);以及 Herder, Hebrew Poetry,第一卷第108、109页。

(b) 摩西在他的诗中几乎总是用耶和华(yahweh)作为神的名字,很少用全能者(שׁדי shadday);而在约伯记中,耶和华一词在诗的主体中罕见出现,几乎一律使用别的神名。

(c) 约伯记中有大量词语,其词根如今已经废弃,或只见于阿拉伯语或迦勒底语。见 Prof. Lee, Intro. p. 50。

(d) 对阿拉伯风俗、观念、习惯的种种暗示,不像是摩西的心所熟悉的。他对这些所能有的了解,只能是他四十多岁以后在牧放他岳父叶忒罗的羊群时得来的;虽然可以貌似有理地说,他与叶忒罗同度的四十年可能使他熟悉阿拉伯的习惯,但在这样长的一首诗中,我们预期这些不会是仅有的暗示。人心中最鲜明、最持久的印象是青年时期形成的;而在摩西的心中,这些印象是在埃及领受的。本书若为他所作,我们就应预期常见暴露埃及起源的暗示。但这些一处也没有;即便有哪一处出于这样的来源,也是从旅行者的普遍传闻中容易听来的东西。然而对沙漠、对牧放牛羊、对游牧的生活方式、对那里贫穷困乏的流离者、对劫掠抢夺的手段,诗的作者都显得完全熟悉。因此在我看来,这一系列的论述把我们引向一个结论,其确定性达到本案性质所能期望的最高程度:本著作由约伯本人在他试炼之后的安息与昌盛时期写成,在摩西居于阿拉伯期间为他所知,被他所采纳,为要在试炼中向希伯来人表明顺服神旨意的本分,并提供确据:无论他的百姓多么受苦,他终必显现,以丰盛的福分为他们加冕。

第五节 约伯时代的技艺与科学状况

约伯记还有一个可以考察的重要方面,即作为对它写成之时世界上技艺与科学状况的说明。当然,在这样性质的一首诗中,我们不应期待找到论及当时所理解的任何技艺或科学的正式论文;我们所能期待找到的,只能是附带的暗示或提示,使我们能以某种准确性断定当时社会已取得的进步。这类暗示在判定社会的进步方面,也比冗长的征服与围城的记述更有价值。后者只改变帝国的疆界;前者标示人类境况的进步。技艺的发明与科学的发现是固定的坐标点,社会不会从那里倒退。因此,为说明约伯时代社会已取得的进步,也为使人心预备好以最明白的方式读这卷书,我打算把散见于这首诗中的技艺与科学状况的零星记载汇集起来。其中无法保持精确的次序;诗中也没有任何东西表明所述各项孰先孰后,或发明发现于何时。所选的排列次序,或顾及主题的重要性,或顾及可推想最早引人注意的先后。关于将提到的各点更全面的看法,可参看所引各段经文的注释。

一、天文学

星辰在迦勒底早被观察,天文学的科学即起源于那里。畜牧的民族对天体总有若干认识。在晴朗的东方夜空下于夜间牧放羊群,为观察天体的运行提供了充分的机会;最重要的星辰很快会被命名;行星与恒星的分别会被观察到;想象会被用来把星群连成动物等物件的相似形状。同样,商队因夜间较为凉爽而多在夜间穿越沙漠,也就有观察星辰的机会,而若干天体的知识也成为引路所必需。这首诗中对天体的记载主要表明:某些星辰已被命名;它们已被分组为星座;某些星辰出现的时节已被仔细观察,它们与天气某些状况的关系也已被留意。没有明确提及行星以区别于恒星;也没有任何东西使我们认为他们已经认识真正的天文体系。

他吩咐日头不出来,就不出来,

又封闭众星。

他独自铺张诸天,

步行在海浪之上。

他造北斗、参星、昴星,

并南方的密宫。

Original em inglês

Introduction to Job

In reference to no part of the Scriptures have so many questions arisen as to the Book of Job. The time of its composition; the author; the country where the scene was laid; the question whether Job was a real person; the nature and design of the poem; have been points on which a great variety of opinion has been entertained among expositors, and on which different views still prevail. It is important, in order to have a correct understanding of the book, that all the light should be thrown on these subjects which can be; and though amidst the variety of opinion which prevails among men of the highest distinction in learning absolute certainty cannot be hoped for, yet such advances have been made in the investigation that on some of these points we may arrive to a high degree of probability.

Section 1. The Question whether Job Was a Real Person

The first question which presents itself in the examination of the book is, whether Job had a real existence. This has been doubted on such grounds as the following:

(1) The book has been supposed by some to have every mark of an allegory. Allegories and parables, it is said, are not uncommon in the Scriptures where a case is supposed, and then the narrative proceeds as if it were real. Such an instance, it has been maintained, occurs here, in which the author of the poem designed to illustrate important truths, but instead of stating them in an abstract form, chose to present them in the more graphic and interesting form of a supposed case - in which we are led to sympathize with a sufferer; to see the ground of the difficulty in the question under discussion in a more affecting manner than could be presented in an abstract form; and where the argument has all to interest the mind which one has when occurring in real life.

(2) it has been maintained that some of the transactions in the book must have been of this character, or are such as could not have actually occurred. Particularly it has been said that the account of the interview of Satan with yahweh -Job 1:6-12; Job 2:1-7 must be regarded merely as a supposed case, it being in the highest degree improbable that such an interview would occur, and such a conversation be held.

(3) the same conclusion has been drawn from the artificial character of the statements about the possessions of Job, both before and after his trials - statements which appear as if the case were merely supposed, and which would not be likely to occur in reality. Thus, we have only round numbers mentioned in enumerating his possessions - as 7,000 sheep, 3,000 camels, 500 yoke of oxen, and 500 she-asses. So, also, there is something artificial in the manner in which the sacred numbers seven and three are used. He had 7,000 sheep, 7 sons - both before and after his trials; his three friends came and sat down 7 days and 7 nights without saying a word to condole with him Job 2:13; and both before and after his trials he had three daughters. The same artificial and parabolical appearance, it is said, is seen in the fact that after his recovery his possessions were exactly doubled, and he had again in his old age exactly the same number of 7 sons and 3 daughters which he had before his afflictions.

(4) that the whole narration is allegorical or parabolical has been further argued from the conduct of the friends of Job. Their sitting down 7 days and 7 nights without saying anything, when they had come expressly to condole with him, it is said, is a wholly improbable circumstance, and looks as if the whole were a supposed case.

(5) the same thing has been inferred from the manner in which the book is written. It is of the highest order of poetry. The speeches are most elaborate; are filled with accurate and carefully prepared argument; are arranged with great care; are expressed in the most sententious manner; embody the results of long and careful observation, and are wholly unlike what would be uttered in unpremeditated and extemporary debate. No men, it is said, talk in this manner; nor can it be supposed that beautiful poetry and sublime argument, such as abound in this book, ever fell in animated debate from the lips of men. See Eichorn, Einleitung in das Alte Tes. V. Band. 129-131. From considerations such as these the historical character of the book has been doubted, and the whole has been regarded as a supposed case designed to illustrate the great question which the author of the poem proposed to examine.

It is important, therefore, to inquire what reasons there are for believing that such a person as Job 54ed, and how far the transactions referred to in the book are to be regarded as historically true.

(1) the fact of his existence is expressly declared, and the narrative has all the appearance of being a simple record of an actual occurrence. The first two chapters of the book, and a part of the last chapter, are simple historical records. The remainder of the book is indeed poetic, but these portions bare none of the characteristics of poetry. There are not to be found in the Bible more simple and plain historical statements than these; and there are none which, in themselves considered, might not be as properly set aside as allegorical. This fact should be regarded as decisive, unless there is some reason which does not appear on the face of the narrative for regarding it as allegorical.

(2) the account of the existence of such a man is regarded as historically true by the inspired writers of the Scriptures. Thus, in Ezekiel 14:14, God says, "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it (the land), they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God." Compare Ezekiel 14:16, Ezekiel 14:20. Here Job is referred to as a real character as distinctly as Noah and Daniel, and all the circumstances are just such as they would be on the supposition that he had a real existence. They are alike spoken of as real "men;" as having souls - "they should deliver but their own souls by their own righteousness;" as having sons and daughters - "they shall deliver neither sons nor daughters, they only shall be delivered" Ezekiel 14:16; and are in all respects mentioned alike as real characters. Of the historic fact that there were such men as Noah and Daniel there can be no doubt, and it is evident that Ezekiel as certainly regarded Job as a real character as he did either of the others.

A parallel passage, which will illustrate this, occurs in Jeremiah 15:1 : "Then said the Lord unto me, Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not be toward this people." Here Moses and Samuel are spoken of as real characters, and there is no doubt of their having existed. Yet they are mentioned in the same manner as Job is in the passage in Ezekiel. In either case it is incredible that a reference should have been made to a fictitious character. The appeal is one that could have been made only to a real character, and there can be no reasonable doubt that Ezekiel regarded Job as having really existed; or rather, since it is God who speaks and not Ezekiel, that he speaks of Job as having actually existed. The same thing is evident from a reference to Job by the apostle James: "Ye have heard of the patience of Job, and have seen the end of the Lord; that the Lord is very pitiful and of tender mercy" James 5:11; that is, the happy issue to which the Lord brought all his trials, showing that he was pitiful to those in affliction, and of great mercy.

There can be no doubt that there is reference here to the sufferings of a real man, as there is to the real compassion which the Lord shows to one in great trials. It is incredible that this sacred writer should have appealed in this instance to the case of one whom he regarded as a fictitious character; and if the views of Ezekiel and James are to be relied on, there can be no doubt that Job had a real existence. Ezekiel mentions him just as he does Noah and Daniel, and James mentions him just as he does Elijah James 5:17; and so far as this historical record goes there is the same evidence of the actual existence of the one as of the other.

(3) the specifications of places and names in the book are not such as would occur in an allegory. Had it been merely a "supposed case," to illustrate some great truth, these specifications would have been unnecessary, and would not have occurred. In the acknowledged parables of the Scripture, there are seldom any very minute specifications of names and places. Thus, in the parable of the prodigal son, neither the name of the father, nor of the sons, nor of the place where the scene was laid, is mentioned. So of the nobleman who went to receive a kingdom; the unjust steward; the ten virgins, and of numerous others. But here we have distinct specifications of a great number of things which are in no way necessary to illustrate the main truth in the poem. Thus, we have not only the name of the sufferer, but the place of his residence mentioned, as if it were well known. We have the names of his friends, and the places of their residence mentioned - "Eliphaz the Temanite," and "Bildad the Shuhite," and "Zophar the Naamathite." and Elihu "the son of Barachel the Buzite, of the kindred of Ram." Why are the places of residence of these persons mentioned unless it be meant to intimate that they were real persons, and not allegorical characters?

In like manner we have express mention of the Sabeans and the Chaldeans - specifications wholly unnecessary if not improbable if the work is an allegory. The single word "robbers" would have answered all the purpose, and would have been such as an inspired writer would have used unless the transaction were real, for an inspired writer would not have charged this offence on any class of men, thus holding them up to lasting reproach, unless an event of this kind had actually occurred. When the Savior, in the parable of the good Samaritan, mentions a robbery that occurred between Jerusalem and Jericho, the word "thieves," or more properly "robbers", is the only word used. No names are mentioned, nor is any class of men referred to, who would by such a mention of the name be held up to infamy. Thus, also we have the particular statement respecting the feasting of the sons and daughters of Job; his sending for and admonishing them; his offering up special sacrifices on their behalf; the account of the destruction of the oxen, the sheep, the camels, and the house where the sons and daughters of Job were - all statements of circumstances which would not be likely to occur in an allegory.

They are such particular statements as we expect to find respecting the real transactions, and they bear on the face of them the simple impression of truth. This is not the kind of information which we look for in a parable. In the parable of the rich man and Lazarus, almost the only one spoken by the Saviour where a name is mentioned, we have not that of the rich man; and though the name Lazarus is mentioned, yet that is all. We have no account of his family, of his place of residence, of his genealogy, of the time when he lived; and the name itself is so common that it would be impossible even to suspect whom the Savior had in his eye, if he had any real individual at all. Far different is this in the account of Job. It is true that in a romance, or in an extended allegory like the Pilgrim's Progress, we expect a detailed statement of names and places; but there is no evidence that there is any such extended fictitious narrative in the Bible, and unless the Book of Job be one there is no such extended allegory.

(4) the objections urged against this view are not such as to destroy the positive proof of the reality of the existence of Job. The objections which have been urged against the historical truth of the narrative, and which have already been in part alluded to, are principally the following:

The first is, the account of the interview between God and Satan in Job 1 and Job 2:1-13. It is alleged that this is so improbable a transaction as to throw an air of fiction over all the historical statements of the book. In reply to this, it may be observed, first, that even if this were not to be regarded as a literal transaction, it does not prove that no such man as Job 54ed, and that the transactions in regard to him were not real. He might have had an existence, and been stripped of his possessions, and subjected to these long and painful trials of his fidelity, even if this were a poetic ornament, or merely a figurative representation.

But, secondly, it is impossible to prove that no such transaction occurred. The existence of such a being as Satan is everywhere recognized in the Scriptures; the account which is here given of his character accords entirely with the uniform representation of him; he exerts no power over Job which is not expressly conceded to him; and it is impossible to prove that he does not even now perform the same things in the trial of good men, which it is said that he did in the case of Job. And even if it be admitted that there is somewhat of poetic statement in the form in which he is introduced, still this does not render the main account improbable and absurd. The Bible, from the necessity of the case, abounds with representations of this sort; and when it is said that God "speaks" to men, that he conversed with Adam, that he spake to the serpent Genesis 3, we are not necessarily to suppose that all this is strictly literal, nor does the fact that it is not strictly literal invalidate the main facts. There were results, or there was a series of facts following, as if this had been literally true; see the notes at Job 1:6-12.

A second objection to the historical truth of the transactions recorded in the book is, the poetic character of the work, and the strong improbability that addresses of this kind should ever have been made in the manner here represented. See Eichhorn, Einleit. v. 123, 124. They are of the highest order of poetry; they partake not at all of the nature of extemporaneous effusions; they indicate profound and close thinking, and are such as must have required much time to have prepared them. Especially it is said that it is in the highest degree improbable that Job, in the anguish of his body and mind, should have been capable of giving utterance to poetry and argument of this highly finished character. In regard to this objection, it may be observed,

(1) that even if this were so, and it were to be supposed that the arguments of the various speakers have a poetic character, and were in reality never uttered in the form in which we now have them, still this would not invalidate the evidence which exists of the historic truth of the facts stated about the existence and trials of Job. It might be true that he lived and suffered in this manner, and that a discussion of this character actually occurred, and that substantially these arguments were advanced, though they were afterward wrought by Job himself or by some other hand into the poetic form in which we now have them. Job himself lived after his trials 140 years, and, in itself considered, there is no improbability in the supposition, that when restored to the vigorous use of his powers, and in the leisure which he enjoyed, he should have thought it worthy to present the argument which he once held on this great subject in a more perfect form, and to give to it a more poetic cast. In this case, the main historic truth would be retained, and the real argument would in fact be stated - though in a form more worthy of preservation than could be expected to fall extemporaneously from the lips of the speakers. But

(2) all the difficulty may be removed by a supposition which is entirely in accordance with the character of the book and the nature of the case. It is, that the several speeches succeeded each other at such intervals as gave full time for reflection, and for carefully framing the argument. There is no evidence that the whole argument was gone through with "at one sitting;" there are no proofs that one speech followed immediately on another, or that a sufficient interval of time may not have elapsed to give opportunity for preparation to meet the views which had been suggested by the previous speaker. Everything in the book bears the marks of the most careful deliberation, and is as free as possible from the hurry and bustle of an extemporaneous debate. The sufferings of Job were evidently of a protracted nature. His friends sat down "seven days and seven nights" in silence before they said anything to him.

The whole subject of the debate seems to be arranged with most systematic care and regularity. The speakers succeed each other in regular order in a series of arguments - in each of these series following the same method, and no one of them out of his place. No one is ever interrupted while speaking; and no matter how keen and sarcastic his invectives, how torturing his reproaches, how bold or blasphemous what he said was thought to be, he is patiently heard until he has said all that he designed to say; and then all that he said is carefully weighed and considered in the reply. All this looks as if there might have been ample time to arrange the reply before it was uttered, and this supposition, of course, would relieve all the force of this objection. If this be so, then there is no more ground of objection against the supposition that these things were spoken, as it is said they were, than there is about the genuineness of the poems of the Grecian Rhapsodists, composed with a view to public recitation, or to the Iliad of Homer or the History of Herodotus, both of which, after they were composed, were recited publicly by their authors at Athens. No one can prove certainly that the several persons named in the book - Job, Eliphaz, Bildad, Zolphar, and Elihu - were incompetent to compose the speeches which are severally assigned to them, or that all the time necessary for such a composition was not taken by them.

Unless this can be done, the objection of its improbability, so confidently urged by Eichhorn (Einleit. v. 123ff.), and defended by Noyes (Intro. pp. xxi., xxi.), where he says that "the supposition that so beautiful and harmonious a whole, every part of which bears the stamp of the highest genius, was the casual production of a man brought to the gates of the grave by a loathsome disease, of three or four friends who had come to comfort him in his affliction, all of them expressing their thoughts in poetical and measured language; that the Deity was actually heard to speak half an hour in the midst of a violent storm; and that the consultations in the heavenly world were actual occurrences, is too extravagant to need refutation," is an objection really of little force.

A third objection has been derived from the round and doubled numbers which occur in the book, and the artificial character which the whole narrative seems to assume on that account. It is alleged that this is wholly an unusual and improbable occurrence; and that the whole statement appears as if it were a fictitious narrative. Thus Job's possessions of oxen and camels and sheep are expressed in round numbers; one part of these is exactly the double of another; and what is more remarkable still, all these are exactly doubled on his restoration to health. He had the same number of sons and the same number of daughters after his trial which he had before, and the number of each was what was esteemed among the Hebrews as a sacred number.

In regard to this objection, we may observe:

(1) That as to the round numbers, this is no more than what constantly occurs in historical statements. Nothing is more common in the enumeration of armies, of the people of a country, or of herds and flocks, than such statements.

(2) in regard to the fact that the possessions of Job are said to have been exactly "doubled" after his recovery from his calamities, it is not necessary to suppose that this was in all respects literally true. Nothing forbids us to suppose that, from the gifts of friends and other causes, the possessions of Job came so near to being just twice what they were before his trials, as to justify this general statement. In the statement itself, there is nothing improbable. Job 54ed 140 after his trials. If he had then the same measure of prosperity which he had before, and with the assistance of his friends to enable him to begin life again, there is no improbability in the supposition that these possessions would be doubled.

These are substantially all the objections which have been urged against the historical character of the book, and if they are not well founded, then it follows that it should be regarded as historically true that such a man actually lived, and that he passed through the trials which are here described. A more extended statement of these objections, and a refutation of them, may be found in the following works: - Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, Vol. V. p. 298ff. ed. 8vo, London, 1811; Prof. Lee on Job, Intro. Section 11; and Magee on atonement and Sacrifice, p. 212, following, ed. New York, 1813. It should be said, however, that not a few writers admit that such a man as Job 54ed, and that the book has an historical basis, while they regard the work itself as in the main poetic. In the view of such critics, the poet, in order to illustrate the great truth which he proposed to consider, made use of a tradition respecting the sufferings of a well-known person of distinction, and gave to the whole argument the high poetic cast which it has now. This supposition is in accordance with the methods frequently adopted by epic and tragic poets, and which is commonly followed by writers of romance. This is the opinion of Eichhorn, Einleitung V. Section 638.

Section 2. The Question on Where Job 54ed

In Job 1:1, it is said that Job dwelt "in the land of Uz." The only question, then, to be settled in ascertaining where he lived, is, if possible, to determine where this place was. From the manner in which the record is made ("the land of Uz") it would seem probable that this was a region of country of some considerable extent, and also that it derived its name from some man of that name who had settled there. The word Uz (עוּץ ‛ûts), according to Gesenius, means a light, sandy soil; and if the name was given to the country with reference to this quality of the soil, it would be natural to fix on some region remarkable for its barrenness - a waste place or a desert. Gesenius supposes that Uz was in the northern part of Arabia Deserta - a place lying between Palestine and the Euphrates, called by Ptolemy Αἰσῖται Aisitai. This opinion is defended by Rosenmuller (Prolegomena); and is adopted by Spanheim, Bochart, Lee, Umbreit, Noyes, and the authors of the Universal History. Dr. Good supposes that the Uz here referred to was in Arabia Petraea, on the southwestern coast of the Dead Sea, and that Job and all his friends referred to in the poem were Idumeans. Introductory Dissertation, Section 1.

Eichhorn also supposes that the scene is laid in Idumea, and that the author of the poem shows that he had a particular acquaintance with the history, customs, and productions of Egypt. Einleit. Section 638. Bochart (in Phaleg et Canaan), Michaelis (Spicileg. Geog. Hebraeo.), and Ilgen (Jobi, Antiquis. carminis Hebrew natura et indoles, p. 91), suppose that the place of his residence was the valley of Guta near Damascus, regarded as the most beautiful of the four Paradises of the Arabians. For a description of this valley, see Eichhorn, Einleit. V. s. 134. The word עוּץ ‛ûts (Uz) occurs only in the following places in the Hebrew Bible: Genesis 10:23; Genesis 22:21; Genesis 36:28, and 1 Chronicles 1:17, 1 Chronicles 1:42; in each of which places it is the name of a man; and in Jeremiah 25:20; Lamentations 4:21, and in Job 1:1, where it is applied to a country. The only circumstances which furnish any probability in regard to the place where Job 54ed, are the following:

(1) Those which enable us to determine with some probability where the family of Uz was settled, who not improbably gave his name to the country - as Sheba, and Seba, and Tema, and Cush, and Misraim, and others, did to the countries where they settled. In Genesis 10:23; Uz עוּץ ‛ûts, is mentioned as a grandson of Shem. In Genesis 22:21; an Uz (English Bible, "Huz") is mentioned as the son of Nahor, brother of Abraham, undoubtedly a different person from the one mentioned in Genesis 10:23. In Genesis 36:28, an individual of this name is mentioned among the descendants of Esau. In 1 Chronicles 1:17, the name occurs among the "sons of Shem;" and in 1 Chronicles 1:42, the same name occurs among the descendants of Esau. So far, therefore, as the name is concerned, it may have been derived from one of the family of Shem, or from one who was a contemporary with Abraham, or from a somewhat remote descendant Esau. It will be seen in the course of this introduction, that there is strong improbability that the name was given to the country because it was settled by either of the two latter, as such a supposition would bring down the time when Job 54ed to a later period than the circumstances recorded in his history will allow, and it is therefore probable that the name was conferred in honor of the grandson of Shem. This fact, of itself, will do something to determine the place.

Shem lived in Asia, and we shall find that the settlements of his descendants originally occupied the country somewhere in the vicinity of the Euphrates; Genesis 10:21-30. In Genesis 10:23; Uz is mentioned as one of the sons of Aram, who gave name to the country known as Aramea, or Syria, and from whom the Arameans descended. Their original residence, it is supposed, was near the river Kir, or Cyrus, from where they were brought, at some period now unknown, by a deliverance resembling that of the children of Israel from Egypt, and placed in the regions of Syria; see Amos 9:7. The inhabitants of Syria and Mesopotamia are always called by Moses "Arameus": as they had their seat in and near Mesopotamia, it is probable that Uz was located also not far from that region. We should, therefore, naturally be led to look for the country of Uz somewhere in that vicinity. In Genesis 10:30; it is further said of the sons of Shem, that "their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the East;" a statement which corresponds with what is said of Job himself, that he was "the greatest of all the men of the East" Job 1:8; manifestly implying that he was an inhabitant of the country so called.

Various opinions have been entertained of the places where Mesha and Sephar were. The opinion of Michaelis is the most probable (Spicileg. pt. 11, p. 214), "that Mesha is the region around Passora, which the later Syrians called Maishon, and the Greeks Mesene. Under these names they included the country on the Euphrates and the Tigris, between Seleucia and the Persian Gulf. Abulfeda mentions in this region two cities not far from Passora, called Maisan, and Mushan. Here, then, was probably the northeastern border of the district inhabited by the Joktanites. The name of the opposite limit, Sephar, signifies in the Chaldee shore or coast, and is probably the western part of Yemen, along the Arabian Gulf, now called by the Arabs Tchiainah. The range of high and mountainous country between these two borders, Moses calls "the Mount of the East," or eastern mountains. It is also called by the Arabs, Djebal, i. e., "mountains," to the present day. See Rosenmuller's Alterthumskunde, iii. 163, 164.

The supposition that some portion of this region is denoted by the country where Uz settled, and is the place where Job resided is strengthened by the fact, that many of the persons and tribes mentioned in the book resided in this vicinity. Thus, it is probable that Eliphaz the Temanite had his residence there; see the notes at Job 2:11. The Sabeans probably dwelt not very remote from that region (see the notes at Job 1:15); the Chaldeans we know had their residence there (notes, Job 1:17), and this supposition will agree well with what is said of the tornado that came from the "wilderness," or desert; see the notes at Job 1:19. The residence of Job was so near to the Chaldeans and the Sabeans that he could be reached in their usual predatory excursions; a fact that better accords with the supposition that his residence was in some part of Arabia Deserta, than that it was in Idumea.

(2) this country is referred to in two places by Jeremiah, which may serve to aid us in determining its location; Lamentations 4:21 :

"Rejoice and be glad, O daughter of Edom,

That dwellest in the land of Uz;

The cup shall pass through unto thee:

Thou shalt be drunken, and shalt make thyself naked."

At first view, perhaps, this passage would indicate that the land of Uz was a part of Edom, yet it more properly indicates that the land of Uz was not a part of that land, but that the Edomites or Idumeans had gained possession of a country which did not originally belong to them. Thus, the prophet speaks of the "daughter of Edom," not as dwelling in her own country properly, but as dwelling "in the land of Uz" - in a foreign country, of which she had somehow obtained possession. The country of Edom, properly, was Mount Seir and the vicinity, south of the Dead Sea; but it is known that the Edomites subsequently extended their boundaries, and that at one period Bozrah, on the east of the Dead Sea, in the country of Moab, was their capital; see the Analysis of Isaiah 34, and the notes at Isaiah 34:6. It is highly probable that Jeremiah refers to the period when the Idumeans, having secured these conquests, and made this foreign city their capital, is represented as dwelling there. If so, according to this passage in Lamentations, we should naturally look for the land of Uz somewhere in the countries to which the conquests of the Edomites extended - and these conquests were chiefly to the east of their own land. A similar conclusion will be derived from the other place where the name occurs in Jeremiah. It is in Jeremiah 25:20 ff. "And all the mingled people, and all the kings of the land of Uz, and all the kings of the land of the Philistines, and Askelon, and Azzah, and Ekron, and the remnant of Ashdod, and Edom, and Moab, and the children of Ammon," etc. Two things are apparent here. One is, that the country of Uz was distinct from the land of Edom, since they are mentioned as separate nations; the other is, that it was a country of some considerable extent, since it is mentioned as being under several "kings." There is, indeed, in this reference to it no allusion to its situation; but it is mentioned as being well known in the time of Jeremiah.

(3) the same thing is evident from the manner in which the residence of Job is spoken of in Job 1:8. He is there said to have been the "greatest of all the men of the east." This implies that his residence was in the land which was known familiarly as the country of the East. It is true, indeed, that we have not yet determined where the poem was composed, and of course do not know precisely what the author would understand by this phrase, but the expression has a common signification in the Scriptures, as denoting the country east of Palestine. The land of Idumea, however, was directly south; and we are, therefore, naturally led to look to some other place as the land of Uz; compare the notes at Job 1:3. The expression "the East," as used in the Bible, would in no instance naturally lead us to look to Idumea.

(4) the Septuagint renders the word Uz in Job 1:1. by Ασίτις Asitis - a word which seems to have been formed from the Hebrew עוּץ ‛ûts, Utz, or Uz. Of course, their translation gives no intimation of the place referred to. But Ptolemy (Geog. Lib. v.) speaks of a tribe or nation in the neighborhood of Babylon, whom he calls Αὐσίται Ausitai, Ausitae (or as it was perhaps written Αἰσίται Aisitai), the same word which is used by the Septuagint in rendering the word Uz. These people are placed by Ptolemy in the neighborhood of the Cauchebeni - ὑπὸ υὲν τοῖς Καυχαβηνοις hupo men tois Kauchabēnois - and he speaks of them as separated from Chaldea by a ridge of mountains. See Rosenm. Prolegomena, p. 27. This location would place Job so near to the Chaldeans, that the account of their making an excursion into his country Job 1:17 would be entirely probable. - It may be added, also, that in the same neighborhood we find a town called Sabas (Σάβας Sabas) in Diodorus Sic. Lib. iii. Section 46. Prof. Lee, p. 32. These circumstances render it probable that the residence of the patriarch was west of Chaldea, and somewhere in the northern part of Arabia Deserta, between Palestine, Idumea, and the Euphratcs.

(5) the monuments and memorials of Job still preserved or referred to in the East, may be adduced as some slight evidence of the fact that such a man as Job 54ed, and as an indication of the region in which he resided. It is true that they depend on mere tradition; but monuments are not erected to the memory of any who are not supposed to have had an existence, and traditions usually have some basis in reality. Arabian writers always make mention of Job as a real person, and his pretended grave is shown in the East to this day. It is shown indeed in six different places: but this is no evidence that all that is said of the existence of such a man is fabulous, anymore than the fact that seven cities contended for the honor of the birth of Homer is an evidence that there was no such man. The most celebrated tomb of this kind is that of the Trachonitis, toward the springs of the Jordan. It is situated between the cities still bearing the names of Teman, Shuah, and Naama - (Wemyss); though there is every reason to believe that these names have been given rather with reference to the fact that that was supposed to be his residence, than that they were the names of the places referred to in the book of Job. One of these tombs was shown to Niebuhr. He says (Reisebeschreib, i. 466, "Two or three hours east of Saada is a great mosque, in which, according to the opinion of the Arabs who reside there, the sufferer Job lies buried." "On the eastern limits of Arabia, they showed me the grave of Job, close to the Euphrates, and near the Helleh, one hour south from Babylon." is of importance to remark here only that all of these tombs are outside the limits of Idumea. Among the Arabians there are numerous traditions respecting Job, many of them indeed stories that are entirely ridiculous, but all showing the firm belief prevalent in Arabia that there was such a man. See Sale's Koran, vol. ii. pp. 174, 322; Magee on Atonement and Sacrifice, pp. 366, 367; and D'Herbelot, Bibli. Orient. tom. i. pp. 75, 432, 438, as quoted by Magee.

(6) the present belief of the Arabians may be referred to as corroborating the results to which we have approximated in this inquiry, that the residence of Job was not in Idumea, but was in some part of Arabia Deserta, lying between Palestine and the Euphrates. Eli Smith stated to me (November, 1840) that there was still a place in the Houran called by the Arabians, Uz; and that there is a tradition among them that that was the residence of Job. It is northeast of Bozrah. Bozrah was once the capital of Idumea (notes on Isaiah 34:6), though it was situated without the limits of their natural territory. If this tradition is well founded, then Job was not probably an Idumean. There is nothing that renders the tradition improbable, and the course of the investigation conducts us, with a high degree of probability, to the conclusion that this was the residence of Job. On the residence of Job and his friends, consult also Abrahami Peritsol Itinera Mundi, in Ugolin, Thes. Sac. vii. pp. 103-106.

Section 3. The Time When Job 54ed

There has been quite as much uncertainty in regard to the time when Job 54ed, as there has been in regard to the place where he lived. It should be observed here, that this question is not necessarily connected with the inquiry when the book was composed, and will not be materially affected, whether we suppose it to have been composed by Job himself, by Moses, or by a later writer. Whenever the book was composed, if at a later period than that in which the patriarch lived, the author would naturally conceal the marks of his own time, by referring only to such customs and opinions as prevailed in the age when the events were supposed to have occurred.

On this question, we cannot hope to arrive at absolute certainty. It is remarkable that neither the genealogical record of the family of Job nor that of his three friends is given. The only record of the kind occurring in the book, is that of Elihu Job 32:2, and this is so slight as to furnish but little assistance in determining when he lived. The only circumstances which occur in regard to this question, are the following; and they will serve to settle the question with sufficient probability, as it is a question on which no important results can depend.

(1) the age of Job. According to this, the time when he lived, would occur somewhere between the age of Terah, the father of Abraham, and Jacob, or about 1,800 years before Christ, and about 600 years after the deluge. For the reasons of this opinion, see the notes at Job 42:16. This estimate cannot pretend to be entirely accurate, but, it has a high degree of probability. If this estimate is correct, he lived not far from 400 years before the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, and before the giving of the law on Mount Sinai; compare the notes at Acts 7:6.

(2) as a slight confirmation of this opinion, we may refer to the traditions in reference to the time when he lived. The account which is appended to the Septuagint, that he was a son of Zare, one of the sons of Esau, and the fifth in descent from Abraham, may be seen in the notes at Job 42:16. A similar account is given at the close of the Arabic translation of Job, so similar that the one has every appearance of having been copied from the other, or of their having had a common origin. "Job dwelt in the land of Uz, between the borders of Edom and Arabia, and was before called Jobab. He married a foreign wife, whose name was Anun. Job was himself a son of Zare, one of the sons of Esau; and his mother's name was Basra, and he was the sixth in descent from Abraham. But of the kings who reigned in Edom, the first who reigned over the land was Balak, the son of Beor; and the name of his city was Danaba. And after him Jobab, who is called Job; and after him the name of him who was prince of the land of Teman; and after him his son Barak, he who slew and put to flight Madian in the plain of Moab, and the name of his city was Gjates. And of the friends of Job who came to meet him, was Elifaz, of the sons of Esau, the king of the Temanites." These traditions are worthless, except as they show the prevalent belief when these translations were made, that Job 54ed somewhere near the time of the three great Hebrew patriarchs.

A nearly uniform tradition also has concurred in describing this as about the age in which he lived. The Hebrew writers generally concur in describing him as living in the days of Isaac and Jacob. Wemyss. Eusebius places him about two "ages" before Moses. The opinions of the Eastern nations generally concur in assigning this as the age in which he lived.

(3) from the representations in the book itself, it is clear that he lived before the departure from Egypt. This is evident from the fact that there is no direct allusion either to that remarkable event, or to the series of wonders which accompanied it, or to the journey to the land of Canaan. This silence is unaccountable on any other supposition than that he lived before it occurred, for two reasons. One is, that it would have furnished the most striking illustration occurring in history, of the interposition by God in delivering his friends and in destroying the wicked, and was such an illustration as Job and his friends could not have failed to refer to, in defense of their opinions, if it were known to them; and the other is, that this event was the great storehouse of argument and illustration for all the sacred writers, after it occurred. The deliverance from Egyptian bondage, and the divine interposition in conducting the nation to the promised land, is constantly referred to by the sacred writers. They derive from those events their most magnificent descriptions of the power and majesty of Yahweh. They refer to them as illustrating his character and government. They appeal to them in proof that he was the friend and protector of his people, and that he would destroy his foes. They draw from them their most sublime and beautiful poetic images, and are never weary with calling the attention of the people to their obligation to serve God, on account of his merciful and wonderful interposition. The very point of the argument in this book is one that would be better illustrated by that deliverance, than by any other event which ever occurred in history; and as this must have been known to the inhabitants of the country where Job 54ed, it is inexplicable that there is no allusion to these transactions, if they had already occurred.

It is clear, therefore, that even if the book was written at a later period than the exode from Egypt, the author of the poem meant to represent the patriarch as having lived before that event. He has described him as one who was ignorant of it, and in such circumstances, and with such opinions, that he could not have failed to refer to it, if he was believed to have lived after that event. It is equally probable that Job 54ed before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. This event occurred in the vicinity of the country where he lived, and he could not have been ignorant of it. It was, moreover, a case not less in point in the argument than the deliverance from Egypt was; and it is not conceivable that a reference to so signal a punishment on the wicked by the direct judgment of the Almighty, would have been omitted in an argument of the nature of that in this book. It was the very point maintained by the friends of Job, that God interposed by direct judgments to cut off the wicked; and the world never furnished a more appropriate illustration of this than had occurred in their own neighborhood, on the supposition that the calamities of Job occurred after that event.

(4) the same thing is apparent also from the absence of all allusion to the Jewish rites, manners, customs, religious ceremonies, priesthood, festivals, fasts, sabbaths, etc. There will be occasion in another part of this introduction (Section 4) to inquire how far there is in fact such a lack of allusion to these things. All that is now meant is, that there is an obvious and striking lack of such allusions as we should expect to find made by one who lived at a later period, and who was familiar with the customs and religious rites of the Jews. The plan of the poem, it may be admitted, indeed, did not demand any frequent allusion to these customs and rites, and may be conceded to be adverse to such an allusion, even if they were known; but it is hardly conceivable that there should not have been some reference to them of more marked character than is now found. Even admitting that Job was a foreigner, and that the author meant to preserve this impression distinctly, yet his residence could not have been far from the confines of the Jewish people; and one who manifested such decided principles of piety toward God as he did, could not but have had a strong sympathy with that people, and could not but have referred to their rites in an argument so intimately pertaining to the government of yahweh. The representation of Job, and the allusions in the book, are in all respects such as would occur on the supposition that he lived before the special Jewish polity was instituted.

(5) the same thing is manifest from another circumstance. The religion of Job is of the same kind which we find prevailing in the time of Abraham, and before the institution of the Jewish system. It is a religion of sacrifices, but without any officiating priest. Job himself presents the offering, as the head of the family, in behalf of his children and his friends; Job 1:5; Job 42:8. There is no priest appointed for this office; no temple, tabernacle, or sacred place of any kind; no consecrated altar. Now this is just the kind of religion which we find prevailing among the patriarchs, until the giving of the law on Mount Sinai; and hence, it is natural to infer that Job 54ed anterior to that event. Thus, we find Noah building an altar to the Lord, and offering sacrifices, Genesis 8:20; Abraham offering a sacrifice himself in the same manner, Genesis 15:9-11; compare Genesis 12:1-13; and this was undoubtedly the earliest form of religion. Sacrifices were offered to God, and the father of a family was the officiating priest.

These circumstances combined leave little doubt as to the time when Job 54ed. They concur in fixing the period as not remote from the age of Abraham, and there is no other period of history in which they will be found to unite. No question of great importance, however, depends on settling this question; and these circumstances determine the time with sufficient accuracy for all that is necessary, in an exposition of the book.

Section 4. The Author of the Book

A question of more vital importance than those which have been already considered, relates to the authorship of the book. As the name of the author is nowhere mentioned, either in the book itself or elsewhere in the Bible, it is of course impossible to arrive at absolute certainty; and after all that has been written on it, it is still and must be a point of mere conjecture. Still the question, as it is commonly discussed, opens a wide range of inquiry, and claims an investigation. If the name of the author cannot be discovered with certainty, it may be possible at least to decide with some degree of probability at what period of the world it was committed to writing, and perhaps with a degree of probability that may be sufficiently satisfactory, by whom it was done.

The first inquiry that meets us in the investigation of this point is, whether the whole book was composed by the same author, or whether the historical parts were added by a later hand. The slightest acquaintance with the book is sufficient to show, that there are in it two essentially different kinds of style - the poetic and prosaic. The body of the work, Job 3-42:6, is poetry; the other portion, Job 1; Job 2:1-13 and Job 42:7-17, is prose. The genuineness of the latter has been denied by many eminent critics, and particularly by DeWette, who regard it as the addition of some later hand. Against the prologue and the epilogue DeWette urges, "that the perfection of the work requires their rejection, because they solve the problem which is the subject of the discussion, by the idea of trial and compensation; whereas it was the design of the author to solve the question through the idea of entire submission on the part of man to the wisdom and power of God;" see Noyes, Intro. pp. xxi., xxii.

To this objection it may be replied:

(1) That we are to learn the view of the author only by all that he has presented to us. It may have been a part of his plan to exhibit just this view - not to present an abstract argument, but such an argument in connection with a real case, and to make it more vivid by showing an actual instance of calamity falling upon a pious man, and by a state of remarkable prosperity succeeding it. The presumption is, that the author of the poem designed to throw all the light possible on a very obscure and dark subject; and in order to that, a statement of the facts which preceded and followed the argument seems indispensable.

(2) without the statement in the conclusion of the prosperity of Job after his trials, the argument of the book is incomplete. The main question is not solved. God is introduced in the latter chapters, not as solving by explicit statements the questions that had given so much perplexity, but as showing the duty of unqualified submission. But when this is followed by the historical statement of the return of Job to a state of prosperity, of the long life which he afterward enjoyed, and of the wealth and happiness which attended him for nearly a century and a half, the objections of his friends and his own difficulties are abundantly met, and the conclusion of the whole shows that God is not regardless of his people, but that, though they pass through severe trials, still they are the objects of his tender care.

(3) besides, the prologue is necessary in order to understand the character, the language, and the arguments of Job. In the harsh and irreverent speeches which he sometimes makes, in his fearful imprecations in Job 3 on the day of his birth, and in the outbreaks of impatience which we meet with, it would be impossible for us to have the sympathy for the sufferer which the author evidently desired we should have, or to understand the depth of his woes, unless we had a view of his previous prosperity, and of the causes of his trials, and unless we had the assurance that he had been an eminently pious and upright man. As it is, we are prepared to sympathize with a sufferer of eminent rank, a man of previous wealth and prosperity, and one who had been brought into these circumstances or the very purpose of trial. We become at once interested to know how human nature will act in such circumstances, nor does the interest ever flag.

Under these sudden and accumulated trials, we admire, at first, the patience and resignation of the sufferer; then, under the protracted and intolerable pressure, we are not surprised to witness the outbreak of his feelings in Job 3; and then we watch with great interest and without weariness the manner in which he meets the ingenious arguments of his "friends" to prove that he had always been a hypocrite, and their cutting taunts and reproaches. It would be impossible to keep up this interest in the argument unless we were prepared for it by the historical statement in the introductory chapters. It should be added, that any supposition that these chapters are by a later hand, is entirely conjectural - no authority for any such belief being furnished by the ancient versions, manuscripts, or traditions. These remarks, however, do not forbid us to suppose, that, if the book were composed by Job himself, the last two verses in Job 42, containing an account of his age and death, were added by a later hand - as the account of the death of Moses Deuteronomy 34:1-12 must be supposed not to be the work of Moses himself, but of some later inspired writer.

If there is, therefore, reason to believe that the whole work, substantially as we have it now, was committed to writing by the same hand, the question arises, whether there are any circumstances by which it can be determined with probability who the author was. On no question, almost, pertaining to sacred criticism, have there been so many contradictory opinions as on this. Lowth, Magee, Prof. Lee, and many others, regard it as the work of Job himself. Lightfoot and others ascribe it to Elihu; some of the rabbinical writers, as also Kennicott, Michaelis, Dathe, and Good, to Moses; Luther, Grotius, and Doederlin, to Solomon; Umbreit and Noyes to some writer who lived not far from the period of the Jewish captivity; Rosenmuller, Spanheim, Reimar, Stauedlin, and C. F. Richter, suppose that it was composed by some Hebrew writer about the time of Solomon; Warburton regards it as the production of Ezra; Herder (Hebrew Poetry, i. 110) supposes that it was written by some ancient Idumean, probably Job himself, and was obtained by David in his conquests over Idumea. He supposes that in the later writings of David he finds traces of his having imitated the style of this ancient book.

It would be uninteresting and profitless to go into an examination of the reasons suggested by these respective authors for their various opinions. Instead of this, I propose to state the leading considerations which have occurred in the examination of the book itself, and of the reasons which have been suggested by these various authors, which may enable us to form a probable opinion. If the investigation shall result only in adding one more conjecture to those already formed, still it will have the merit of stating about all that seems to be of importance in enabling us to form an opinion in the case.

I. The first circumstance that would occur to one in estimating the question about the authorship of the book, is the foreign cast of the whole work - the fact that it differs from the usual style of the Hebrew compositions. The customs, allusions, figures of speech, and modes of thought, to one who is familiar with the writings of the Hebrews, have a foreign air, and are such as evidently show that the speakers lived in some other country than Judea. There is, indeed, a common Oriental cast diffused over the whole work, enough to distinguish it from all the modes of composition in the Occidental world; but there is, also, scarcely less to distinguish it from the compositions which we know had their origin among the Hebrews. The style of thought, and the general cast of the book, is Arabian. The allusions; the metaphors; the illustrations; the reference to historical events and to prevailing customs, are not such as an Hebrew would make; certainly not, unless in the very earliest periods of history, and before the character of the nation became so formed as to distinguish it characteristically from their brethren in the great family of the East. Arabian deserts; streams failing from drought; wadys filled in the winter and dry in the summer; moving hordes and caravans that come regularly to the same place for water; dwellings of tents easily plucked up and removed; the dry and stinted shrubbery of the desert; the roaring of lions and other wild beasts; periodical rains; trees planted on the verge of running streams; robbers and plunderers that rise before day, and make their attack in the early morning; the rights, authority, and obligation of the גאל gô'el, or avenger of blood; the claims of hospitality; the formalities of an Arabic court of justice, are the images which are kept constantly before the mind.

Here the respect due to an Emir; the courtesy of manners which prevails among the more elevated ranks in the Arabic tribes; the profound attention which listens to the close while one is speaking, and which never interrupts him (Herder i. 81), so remarkable among well-bred Orientals at the present day, appear everywhere. It is true, that many of these things may find a resemblance in the undoubted Hebrew writings - for some of them are the common characteristics of the Oriental people - but still, no one can doubt that they abound in this book more than in any other in the Bible, and that, as we shall see more particularly soon, they are unmixed as they are elsewhere, with what is indubitably of Hebrew origin. In connection with this, it may be remarked that there are in the book an unusual number of words, whose root is found now only in the Arabic, and which are used in a sense not common in the Hebrew, but usual in the Arabic. Of this all will be convinced who, in interpreting the book, avail themselves of the light which Gesenius has thrown on numerous words from the Arabic, or who consult the Lexicon of Castell, or who examine the Commentaries of Schultens and Lee. That more importance has been attached to this by many critics than facts will warrant, no one can deny; but as little can it be denied that more aid can be derived from the Arabic language in interpreting this book, than in the exposition of any other part of the Bible. On this point Gesenius makes the following remarks "Altogether there is found in the book much resemblance to the Arabic, or which can be illustrated from the Arabic; but this is either Hebrew, and pertains to the poetic diction, or it is at the same time Aramaish, and was borrowed by the poet from the Aramaean language, and appears here not as Aramaean but as Arabic. Yet there is not here proportionably more than in other poetic books and portions of books. It would be unjust to infer from this that the author of this book had any immediate connection with Arabia, or with Arabic literature." Geschichte der hebr. Sprache und Schrift, S. 88. The fact of the Arabic cast of the work is conceded by Gesenius in the above extract; the inferences in regard to the connection of the book with Arabia and with Arabic literature which may be derived from this, is to be determined from other circumstances; compare Eichhorn, Einleitung, v. S. 163ff.

II. A second consideration that may enable us to determine the question respecting the authorship of the book is, the fact that there are in it numerous undoubted allusions to events which occurred before the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, and the establishment of the Jewish institutions. The point of this remark is, that if we shall find such allusions, and also that there are no allusions to events occurring after that period, this is a circumstance which may throw some light on the authorship. It will at least enable us to fix, with some degree of accuracy, the time when the book was committed to writing. Now that there are manifest allusions to events occurring before that period, the following references will show; Job 10:9, "Remember, I beseech thee, that thou hast made me as the clay, and wilt thou bring me to dust again?" Here there is an allusion in almost so many words to the statements in Genesis 2:7; Genesis 3:19, respecting the manner in which man was formed - showing that Job was familiar with the account of the creation of man, Job 27:3, "All the while my breath is in me, and the spirit of God is in my nostrils;" Job 33:4, "The Spirit of God hath made me, and the breath of the Almighty hath given me life;" Job 32:8, "But there is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding."

Here there are undoubted allusions, also, to the manner in which man was formed - (compare Genesis 2:7) - allusions which show that the fact must have been made known to the speakers by tradition, since it is not such a fact as man would readily arrive at by reasoning. The imbecility and weakness of man also, are described in terms which imply an acquaintance with the manner in which he was created. "How much less in them that dwell in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust, which are crushed before the moth;" Job 4:19. In Job 31:33, there is probably an allusion to the fact that Adam attempted to hide himself from God when he had eaten the forbidden fruit. "If I covered my transgressions as Adam." For the reasons for supposing that this refers to Adam, see the notes at the verse. In Job 22:15-16, there is a manifest reference to the deluge. "Hast thou marked the old way which wicked men have trodden? which were cut down out of time, whose foundation was overflown with a flood?"

See the notes on that passage. In connection with this we may refer also to the fact that the description of the modes of worship, and the views of religion, found in this book, show an acquaintance with the form in which worship was offered to God before the exode from Egypt. They are of precisely such a character as we find in the time of Abel, Noah, and Abraham. These events are not such as would occur to one who was not familiar with the historical facts recorded in the first part of the book of Genesis. They are not such as would result from a train of reasoning, but could only be derived from the knowledge of those events which would be spread over the East at that early period of the world. They demonstrate that the work was composed by one who had had an opportunity to become acquainted with what is now recorded as the Mosaic history of the creation, and of the early events of the world.

III. There are no such allusions to events occurring after the exode from Egypt, and the establishment of the Jewish institutions. As this is a point of great importance in determining the question respecting the authorship of the book, and as it as been confidently asserted that there are such allusions, and as they have been made the basis of an argument to prove that the book had an origin as late as Solomon or even as Ezra, it is of importance to examine this point with attention. The point is, that there are no such allusions as a Hebrew would make after the exode; or in other words, there is nothing in the book itself which would lead us to conclude that it was composed after the departure from Egypt. A few remarks will show the truth and the bearing of this observation.

The Hebrew writers were remarkable above most others for allusions to the events of their own history. The dealings of God with their nation had been so special, and they were so much imbued with the conviction that the events of their own history furnished proofs of the divine favor toward their nation, that we find in their writings a constant reference to what had happened to them as a people. Particularly the deliverance from Egypt, the passage of the Red Sea, the giving of the law on Sinai, the journey in the wilderness, the conquest of the land of Canaan, and the destruction of their enemies, constituted an unfailing depository of argument and illustration for their writers in all ages. All their poetry written subsequent to these events, abounds with allusions to them. Their prophets refer to them for topics of solemn appeal to the nation; and the remembrance of these things warms the heart of piety, and animates the song of praise in the temple-service. Under the sufferings of the "captivity," they are cheered by the fact that God delivered them once from much more galling oppression; and in the times of freedom, their liberty is made sweet by the memory of what their fathers suffered in the "house of bondage."

Now it is as undeniable as it is remarkable, that in the book of Job there are no such allusions to these events as a Hebrew would make. There is no allusion to Moses; no indisputable reference to their bondage in Egypt, to the oppressive acts of Pharaoh, to the destruction of his army in the Red Sea, to the rescue of the children of Israel, to the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, to the perils of the wilderness, to their final settlement in the promised land. There is no reference to the tabernacle, to the ark, to the tables of the law, to the institution and the functions of the priesthood, to the cities of refuge, or to the special religious rites of the Hebrew people. There is none to the theocracy, to the days of solemn convocation, to the great national festivals, or to the names of the Jewish tribes. There is none to the special judicial laws of the Hebrews, and none to the administration of justice but such as we should find in the early patriarchal times.

These omissions are the more remarkable, as has been already observed, because many of these events would have furnished the most apposite illustrations of the points maintained by the different speakers of any which had ever occurred in history. Nothing could have been more in point, on numerous occasions in conducting the argument, than the destruction of Pharaoh, the deliverance and protection of the people of God, the care evinced for them in the wilderness, and the overthrow of their enemies in the promised land. So obvious do these considerations appear, that they seem to settle the question on one point in regard to the authorship of the book, and to show that it could not have been composed by a Hebrew after the exode. For several additional arguments to prove that the book was written before the exode, see Eichhorn, Einleit, section 641. As, however, notwithstanding these facts, it has been held by some respectable critics - as Rosenmuller, Umbreit, Warburton, and others - that it was composed as late as the time of Solomon, or even the captivity, it is important to inquire in what way it is proposed to set this argument aside, and by what considerations they propose to defend its composition at a later date than the exode. They are, briefly, the following:

(1) One is, that the very design of the poem, whenever it was composed, required that there should be no such allusion. The scene, it is said is laid, not in Palestine, but in a foreign country; the time supposed is that of the patriarchs, and before the exode; the characters are not Hebrew, but are Arabian or Idumean, and the very purpose of the author required that there should be no allusion to the unique history or customs of the Hebrews. The same thing, it is said, occurred which would in the composition of poem or romance now in which the scene is laid in a foreign land, or in the time of the Crusades or the Caesars. We should expect that the characters, the costume, the habits of that foreign country or those distant times, would be carefully observed. "As they (the characters and the author of the work) were Arabians who had nothing to do with the institutions of Moses, it is plain that a writer of genius would not have been guilty of the absurdity of putting the sentiments, eats of a Jew into the mouth of an Arabian, at least so far as relates to such tangible matters as institutions, positive laws, ceremonies, and history. The author has manifested abundant evidence of genius and skill in the structure and execution of the work, to account for his not having given to Arabians the obvious peculiarities of Hebrews who lived under the institutions of Moses, at whatever period it may have been written.

Even if the characters of the book had been Hebrews, the argument under consideration would not have been perfectly conclusive, for, from the nature of the subject, we might have expected as little in it that was Levitical or grossly Jewish, as in the Book of Proverbs or Ecclesiastes." Noyes, Introduction p. 28. This supposition assumes that the work was written in a later age than that of Moses. It furnishes no evidence, however, that it was so written. It can only furnish evidence that the author had genius and skill so to throw himself back into a distant age and into a foreign land, as completely to conceal his own uniqueness of country or time, and to represent characters as living and acting in the supposed country and period, without betraying his own. So far as the question about the author, and the time when the work was composed, is concerned, the fact here admitted, that there are no allusions to events after the exode, is quite as strong certainly in favor of the supposition that it was composed before as after that event.

There are still some difficulties on the supposition that it was written by a Hebrew of a later age, who designedly meant to give it an Arabic dress, and to make no allusion to anything in the institutions and history of his own country that would betray its authorship, One is, the intrinsic difficulty of doing this. It requires rare genius for an author so to throw himself into past ages, as leave nothing that shall betray his own times and country. We are never so betrayed as to imagine that Shakespeare lived in the time of Coriolanus or of Caesar; that Johnson lived in the time and the country of Rasselas; or that Scott lived in the times of the Crusaders. Instances have been found, it is admitted, where the concealment has been effectual, but they have been exceedingly rare. Another objection to this view is, that such a work would have been especially impracticable for a Hebrew, who of all men would have been most likely to betray his time and country.

The cast of the poem is highly philosophical. The argument is in many places exceedingly abstruse. The appeal is to close and long observation; to the recorded experience of their ancestors; to the observed effects of devine judgments on the world. A Hebrew in such circumstances would have appealed to the authority of God; he would have referred to the terrible sanctions of the law rather than to cold and abstract reasoning; and he could hardly have refrained from some allusion to the events of his own history that bore so palpably on the case, It may be doubted, also, whether any Hebrew ever had such versatility of genius and character as to divest himself wholly of the proper costume of his country, and to appear throughout as an Arabic Emir, and so as never in a long argument to express anything but such as became the assumed character of the foreigner. It should be remembered, also, that the language which is used in this poem is different from that which prevailed in the time of Solomon and the captivity.

It has an antique cast. It abounds in words which do not elsewhere occur, and whose roots are now to be found only in the Arabic. It has much of the peculiarities of a strongly marked dialect - and would require all the art necessary to keep up the spirit of an ancient dialect. Yet in the whole range of literature there are not probably half a dozen instances where such an expedient as this has been resorted to - where a writer has made use of a foreign or an antique dialect for the purpose of giving to the production of his pen an air of antiquity. Aristophanes and the tragedians, indeed, sometimes introduce persons speaking the dialects of parts of Greece different from that in which they had been brought up (Lee), and the same is occasionally true of Shakespeare; but except in the case of Chatterton, scarcely one has occurred where the device has been continued through a production of any considerable length. There is a moral certainty that a Hebrew would not attempt it.

(2) a second objection to the supposition that the work was composed before the exode, or argument that it was composed by a Hebrew who lived at a much later period of the world, is derived from the supposed allusions to the historical events connected with the Jewish people, and to the unique institutions of Moses. It is not maintained that there is any direct mention of those events or those institutions, but that the author has undesignedly "betrayed" himself by the use of certain words and phrases such as no one would employ but a Hebrew. This argument may be seen at length in Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, vol. v. pp. 306-319, and a full examination of it may be seen in Peters' Critical Dissertation on the Book of Job, pp. 22-36. All that can be done here is to make a very brief reference to the argument. Even the advocates for the opinion that the book was composed after the exode, have generally admitted that the passages referred to contribute but little to the support of the opinion. The passages referred to by Warburton are the following:

(a) The allusion to the calamities which the wickedness of parents brings upon their children. "He that speaketh flattery to his friends, even the eyes of his children shall fail;" Job 17:5. "God layeth up his iniquity for his children; he rewardeth him, and they shall know it;" Job 21:19. Here it is supposed there is a reference to the principle laid down in the Hebrew Scriptures as a part of the divine administration, that the iniquities of the fathers should be visited upon their children. But it is not necessary to suppose that there was any particular acquaintance with the laws of Moses, to understand this. Observation of the actual course of events would have suggested all that is alleged in the Book of Job on this point. The poverty, disease, and disgrace which the vicious entail on their offspring in every land, would have furnished to a careful observer all the facts necessary to suggest this remark. The opinion that children suffer as a consequence of the sins of wicked parents was common all over the world. Thus, in a verse of Theocritus, delivered as a sort of oracle from Jupiter, Idyll. xxvi.

Εὐσεβέων παίδεσσι τὰ λώια, δυσσεβέων δ ̓ οὐ Eusebeōn paidessi ta lōia dussebeōn d' ou.

"Good things happen to children of the pious, but not to those of the irreligious."

(b) Allusion to the fact that idolatry is an offence against the state, and is to be punished by the civil magistrate. "This also (idolatry) were an iniquity to be punished by the judge, for I should have denied the God that is above;" Job 31:28. This is supposed to be such a sentiment as a Hebrew only would have employed, as derived from his special institutions, where idolatry was an offence against the state, and was made a capital crime. But there is not the least evidence that in the patriarchal times, and in the country where Job 54ed, idolatrous worship might not be regarded as a civil offence; and whether it were so or not, there is no reason for surprise that a man who had a profound veneration for God, and for the honor due to his name, such as Job had, should express the sentiment, that the worship of the sun and moon was a heinous offence, and that pure religion was of so much importance that a violation of its principles ought to be regarded as a crime against society.

(c) Allusions to certain PHRASES such as only a Hebrew would use, and which would be employed only at a later period of the world than the exode. Such phrases are referred to as the following: "He shall not see the rivers, the floods, the brooks of honey and butter;" Job 20:17. "Receive, I pray thee, the law from his mouth, and lay up his words in thine heart;" Job 22:22. "O that I were in the days of my youth, when the secret of God was upon my tabernacle;" Job 29:4. It is maintained that these are manifest allusions to facts referred to in the books of Moses: that the first refers to the common description of the holy land; the second, to the giving of the law on Sinai; and the third, to the dwelling of the Shekinah, or visible symbol of God, on the tabernacle. To this we may reply, that the first is such common language as was used in the East to denote plenty or abundance, and is manifestly a proverbial expression. It is used by Pindar, Nem. εἰδ. γ; and is common in the Arabic writers. The second is only such general language as anyone would use who should exhort another to be attentive to the law of God, and has in it manifestly no particular allusion to the method in which the law was given on Sinai. And the third can be shown to have no special reference to the Shekinah or cloud of glory as resting on the tabernacle, nor is it such language as a Hebrew would employ in speaking of it. That cloud is nowhere in the Scripture called "the secret of God," and the fair meaning of the phrase is, that God came into his dwelling as a friend and counselor, and admitted him familiarly to communion with him; see the notes at Job 29:4. It was one of the privileges, Job says, of his earlier life that he could regard himself as the friend of God, and that he had clear views of his plans and purposes. Now, those views were withheld, and he was left to darkness and solitude.

(d) Supposed allusions to the miraculous history of the Jewish people. "Which commandeth the sun, and it riseth not, and sealeth up the stars;" Job 9:7. Here it is supposed there is allusion to the miracle performed by Joshua in commanding the sun and moon to stand still. But assuredly there is no necessity for supposing that there is a reference to anything miraculous. The idea is, that God has power to cause the sun, the moon, and the stars to shine or not, as he pleases. He can obscure them by clouds, or He can blot them out altogether. Besides, in the account of the miracle performed at the command of Joshua, there is no allusion to the stars. "He divideth the sea with his power, and by his understanding he smiteth through the proud;" Job 26:12. Here it is supposed there is an allusion to the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea. But the language does not necessarily demand this interpretation, nor will it admit of it.

The word improperly rendered "divideth," means to awe, to cause to cower, or tremble, and then to be calm or still, and is descriptive of the power which God has over a tempest. See the notes at the verse. There is not the slightest evidence that there is any allusion to the passage through the Red Sea. "He taketh away the heart of the chief of the people of the earth, and causeth them to wander in the wilderness where there is no way;" Job 12:24. "Who can doubt," says Warburton, "but that these words alluded to the wandering of the Israelites 40 years in the wilderness, as a punishment for their cowardice and diffidence in God's promises?" But there is no necessary reference to this. Job is speaking of the control which God has over the nations. He has power to frustrate all their counsels, and to defeat all their plans. He can found all the purposes of their princes, and throw their affairs into inextricable confusion.

In the original, moreover, the word does not necessarily imply a "wilderness" or desert. The word is תהוּ tôhû a word used in Genesis 1:2, to denote "emptiness," or "chaos," and may here refer to the "confusion" of their counsels and plans; or if it refer to a desert, the allusion is of a general character, meaning that God had power to drive the people from their fixed habitations, and to make them wanderers on the face of the earth. "I will show thee; hear me; and what I have seen will I declare; which wise men have told from their fathers, and have not hid it;" Job 15:17-18. "The very way," says Warburton, "in which Moses directs the Israelites to preserve the memory of the miraculous works of God." And the very way, also, it may be replied, in which all ancient history, and all the ancient wisdom from the beginning of the world, was transmitted to posterity. There was no other method of preserving the record of past transactions, but by transmitting the memory of them from father to son; and this was and is, in fact, the method of doing it all over the East. It was by no means confined to the Israelites. "Unto whom alone the earth was given, AND NO STRANGER PASSED AMONGST THEM;" Job 15:19. "A circumstance," says Warburton, "agreeing to no people whatever but to the Israelites settled in Canaan." But there is no necessary allusion here to the Israelites. Eliphaz is speaking of the golden age of his country; of the happy and pure times when his ancestors dwelt in the land without being corrupted by the intermingling of foreigners.

He says that he will state the result of their wisdom and observation in those pure and happy days, before it could be pretended that their views were corrupted by any foreign admixture; see the notes on the passage. These passages are the strongest instances of what has been adduced to show that in the Book of Job there are allusions to the customs and opinions of the Jews after the exode from Egypt. It would be tedious and unprofitable to go into a particular examination of all those which are referred to by Dr. Warburton. The remark may be made of them all, that they are of so general a character, and that they apply so much to the prevailing manners and customs of the East, that there is no reason for supposing that there is a special reference to the Hebrews. The remaining passages referred to, are Job 22:6; Job 24:7, Job 24:9-10; Job 33:17 ff; Job 34:20; Job 36:7-12; and Job 37:13. A fu l examination of these may be seen in Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 32-36.

(3) A third objection to the supposition that the book was composed before the time of the exode, is derived from the use of the word yahweh. This word occurs several times in the historical part of the book Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12, Job 1:21; Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6; Job 42:1, Job 42:10, Job 42:12, and a few times in the body of the poem. The objection is founded on what God says to Moses, Exodus 6:3; "And I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, by the name of God Almighty; but by my name yahweh was I not known to them." At the burning bush, when he appeared to Moses, he solemnly assumed this name, and directed him to announce him as "I am that I am," or as yahweh. From this it is inferred that, as the name occurs in the book of Job, that book must have been composed subsequently to the time when God appeared to Moses. But this conclusion does not follow, for the following reasons:

(a) It might be true that God was not known to "Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob," by this name, and still the name might have been used by others to designate him.

(b) The name yahweh was actually used before this by God himself and by others; Genesis 2:7-9, Genesis 2:15-16, Genesis 2:18-19, Genesis 2:21; Genesis 3:9, et al; Genesis 12:1, Genesis 12:4,Genesis 12:7-8, Genesis 12:17; Genesis 13:10, Genesis 13:13-14; Genesis 15:6, Genesis 15:18; Genesis 16:9-10, Genesis 16:13, et saepe al. If the argument from this, therefore, be valid to prove that the book of Job was not composed before the exode, it will demonstrate that the book of Genesis was also a subsequent production.

(c) But the whole argument is based on a misapprehension of Exodus 6:3. The meaning of that passage, since the name yahweh was known to the patriarchs, must be

(1) that it was not by this name that he had promulgated his existence, or was publicly and solemnly known. It was a name used in common with other names by them, but which He had in no special way appropriated to Himself, or to which He had affixed no special sacredness. The name which He had Himself more commonly employed was another. Thus when He appeared to Abraham and made Himself known, he said, "I am the ALMIGHTY GOD; walk before me, and be thou perfect;" Genesis 17:1. So He appeared to Jacob: "I am GOD be fruitful and multiply;" Genesis 35:11; compare Genesis 28:3; Genesis 43:14.

(2) at the bush Exodus 3; Exodus 4:3, God publicly and solemnly assumed the name yahweh. He affixed to it a special sacredness. He explained its meaning, Exodus 3:14. He said it was the name by which He intended especially to be known as the God of His people. He invested it with a solemn sacredness, as that by which He chose ever afterward to be known among His people as their God. Other nations had their divinities with different names; the God of the children of Israel was to be known by the special and sacred name yahweh. But this solemn assumption of the name is by no means inconsistent with the supposition that He might have used it before, or that it might have been used before in the composition of the Book of Job.

(4) a fourth objection to the supposition that the book was composed before the time of the exode, is, that the name Satan, which occurs in this book, was not known to the Hebrews at so early a date, and that in fact it occurs as a proper name only at a late period of their history. See Warburton's Divine Legation, vol. v. 353ff. In reply to this it may be observed,

(a) that the doctrine of the existence of an evil spirit of the character ascribed in this book to Satan, was early known to the Hebrews. It was known in the time of Ahab, when, it is said, the Lord had put a lying spirit in the mouth of the prophets, 1 Kings 22:22-23, and the belief of such an evil spirit must have been early prevalent to explain in any tolerable way the history of the fall. On the meaning of the word, see the notes at Job 1:6.

(b) The word "Satan" early occurs in history in the sense of an adversary or accuser, and it was natural to transfer this word to the great adversary. See Numbers 22:22. In Zechariah 3:1-2, it is used in the same sense as in Job, to denote the great adversary of God appearing before him; see the notes at Job 1:6. Here Satan is introduced as a being whose name and character were well known.

(c) It is admitted by Warburton himself (p. 355), that the notion of "an evil demon," or a "fury," was a common opinion among the pagan, even in early ages, though he says it was not admitted among the Hebrews until a late period of their history. But if it prevailed among the pagan, it is possible that the same sentiment might have been understood in Arabia, and that this might at a very early period have been incorporated into the Book of Job. See this whole subject examined in Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 80-92. I confess, however, that the answers which Peters and Magee (pp. 322, 323) give to this objection, are not perfectly satisfactory; and that the objection here urged against the composition of the book before the exode, is the most forcible of all those which I have seen. A more thorough investigation of the history of opinions respecting a presiding evil being than I have had access to, seems to be necessary to a full removal of the difficulty.

The real difficulty is, not that no such being is elsewhere referred to in the Scriptures; not that his existence is improbable or absurd - for the existence of Satan is no more improbable in itself than that of Nero, Tiberius, Richard III, Alexander VI, or Caesar Borgia, than either of whom he is not much worse; and not that there are no traces of him in the early account in the Bible; - but it is, that while in the Scriptures we have, up to the time of the exode, and indeed long after, only obscure intimations of his existence and character - without any particular designation of his attributes, and without any name being given to him, in the Book of Job he appears with a name apparently in common use; with a definitely formed character; in the full maturity of his plans - a being evidently as well defined as the Satan in the latest periods of the Jewish history. I confess myself unable to account for this, but still do not perceive that there is any impossibility in supposing that this maturity of view in regard to the evil principle might have prevailed in the country of Job at this early period, though no occasion occurred for its statement in the corresponding part of the Jewish history. There may have been such a prevalent belief among the patriarchs, though in the brief records of their opinions and lives no occasion occurred for a record of their belief.

(5) a fifth objection has been derived from the fact that in the Book of Job there is a strong resemblance to many passages in the Psalms, and in the Book of Proverbs, from which it is inferred that it was composed subsequently to those books. Rosenmuller, who has particularly urged this objection, appeals to the following instances of resemblance; Psalm 107:40; compare with 16:18; Psalm 18:12; Psalm 29:1-11 :23; Job 22:29; Proverbs 8:26-29; Proverbs 30:4; Job 38:4-8; Proverbs 10:7; Job 20:7. It is unnecessary to go into an examination of these passages, or to attempt to disprove their similarity. There can be no doubt of their very strong resemblance, but still the question is fairly open, which of these books was first composed, and which, if one has borrowed from another, was the original fountain. Warburton has himself well remarked, that "if the sacred writers must needs have borrowed trite moral sentences from one another, it may be as fairly said that the authors of the Psalms borrowed from the book of Job, as that the author of Job borrowed from the book of Psalms." Works, vol. v. 320. The supposition that the Book of Job was first composed will meet the whole difficulty, so far as one was derived from the other. It should be added, also, that many of these sentiments consist of the common maxims that must have prevailed among a people accustomed to close observation, and habituated to expressing their views in a proverbial form.

I have now noticed at length all the objections which have been urged, which seem to me to have any force, against the supposition that the Book of Job was composed before the exode from Egypt, and have stated the arguments which lead to the supposition that it had so early an origin. The considerations suggested are such as seem to me to leave no rational doubt that the work was composed before the departure from Egypt. The train of thought pursued, therefore, if conclusive, will remove the necessity of all further inquiry into the opinion of Luther, Grotius, and Doederlin, that Solomon was the author; of Umbreit and Noyes, that it was composed by some unknown writer about the period of the captivity; of Warburton, that it was the production of Ezra; and of Rosenmuller, Spanheim, Reimer, Staeudlin, and Richter, that it was composed by some Hebrew writer about the time of Solomon. It remains then to inquire whether there are any circumstances which can lead us to determine with any degree of probability who was the author. This inquiry leads us,

IV. In the fourth place, to remark that there are no sufficient indications that the work was composed by Elihu. The opinion that he was the author was held, among others, by Lightfoot. But, independently of the want of any positive evidence which would lead to such a conclusion, there are objections to this opinion which render it in the highest degree improbable. They are found in the argument of Elihu himself. He advances, indeed, with great modesty, but still with extraordinary pretensions to wisdom. He lays claim to direct inspiration, and professes to be able to throw such light on the whole of the perplexed subject as to end the debate. But in the course of his addresses, he introduces but one single idea on the point under discussion which had not been dwelt on at length by the speakers before. That idea is, that afflictions are designed, not to demonstrate that the sufferer was eminently guilty, as the friends of Job held, but that intended for the benefit of the sufferer himself, and might, therefore, be consistent with true piety.

This idea he places in a variety of attitudes; illustrates it with great beauty, and enforces it with great power on the attention of Job; compare Job 33:14-30, notes; Job 34:31-32, notes; Job 35:10-15, notes; Job 36:7-16, notes. But in his speeches Elihu shows no such extraordinary ability as to lead us to suppose that he was the author of the work. He does not appear to have understood the design of the trials that came upon Job; he gives no satisfactory solution of the causes of affliction; he abounds in repetition; his observation of the course of events had been evidently much less profound than that of Eliphaz, and his knowledge of nature was much less extensive than that of Job and the other speakers; and he was evidently as much in the dark in the great question which is discussed throughout the book as the other speakers were. Besides, as Prof. Lee has remarked (p. 44), the belief that Elihu wrote the book is inconsistent with the supposition that the first two chapters and the last chapter were written by the same author who composed the body of the work. He who wrote these chapters manifestly "saw through the whole affair," and understood the reasons why these trials came upon the patriarch. Those reasons would have been suggested by Elihu in his speech, if he had known them.

V. The supposition that Job himself was the author of the book, though it may have been slightly modified by some one subsequently, will meet all the circumstances of the case. This will agree with its foreign cast and character; with the use of the Arabic words now unknown in Hebrew; with the allusions to the nomadic habits of the times, and to the modes of living, and to the illustrations drawn from sandy plains and deserts; with the statements about the simple modes of worship prevailing, and the notice of the sciences and the arts (see the introduction, Section 5), and with the absence of all allusion to the exode, the giving of the law, and the special customs and institutions of the Hebrews. In addition to these general considerations for supposing that Job was the author of the work, the following suggestions may serve to show that this opinion is attended with the highest degree of probability.

(1) Job 54ed after his calamities 140 years, affording ample leisure to make the record of his trials.

(2) the art of making books was known in his time, and by the patriarch himself, Job 19:23-24; Job 31:35. In whatever way it was done, whether by engraving on stone or lead, or by the use of more perishable materials, he was not ignorant of the art of making a record of thoughts to be preserved and transmitted to future times. Understanding this art, and having abundant leisure, it is scarcely to be conceived, that he would have failed to make a record of what had occurred during his own remarkable trials.

(3) the whole account was one that would furnish important lessons to mankind, and it is hardly probable that a man who had passed through so unusual a scene would be willing that the recollection of it should be entrusted to uncertain tradition. The strongest arguments which human ingenuity could invent, had been urged on both sides of a great question pertaining to the divine administration; a case of a strongly marked character had happened, similar to what is constantly occurring in the world, in which similar perplexing and embarrassing questions would arise; God had come forth to inculcate the duty of man in this case, and had furnished instruction that would be invaluable in all similar instances; and the result of the whole trial had been such as to furnish the strongest proof that however the righteous are afflicted, their sufferings are not proof that they are deceivers or hypocrites.

(4) the record of his own imperfections and failures is just such as we should expect from Job, on the supposition that he was the author of the book. Nothing is concealed. There is the most fair and full statement of his impatience, his murmuring, his irreverence, and of the rebuke which he received of the Almighty. Thus Moses, too, records his own failings, and, throughout the Scriptures, the sacred writers never attempt to conceal their own infirmities and faults.

(5) Job has shown in his own speeches that he was abundantly able to compose the book. In everything he goes immeasurably beyond all the other speakers, except God; and he who was competent, in trials so severe as his were, to give utterance to the lofty eloquence, the argument, and the poetry now found in his speeches, was not incompetent to make record of them in the long period of health and prosperity which he subsequently enjoyed. Every circumstance, therefore, seems to me to render it probable that Job was the compiler, or perhaps we should rather say, the editor of this remarkable book, with the exception of the record which is made of his own age and death. The speeches were undoubtedly made substantially as they are recorded, and the work of the author was to collect and edit those speeches, to record his own and that of the Almighty, and to furnish to the whole the proper historical notices, that the argument might be properly understood.

VI. But one other supposition seems necessary to meet all the questions which have been raised in regard to the origin of the work. It is, that Moses adopted it and published it among the Hebrews as a part of divine revelation, and entrusted it to them, with his own writings, to be transmitted to future times. Several circumstances contribute to render this probable.

(1) Moses spent forty years in various parts of Arabia, mostly in the neighborhood of Horeb; and in a country where, if such a work had been in existence, it would be likely to be known.

(2) his talents and previous training at the court of Pharaoh were such as would make him likely to look with interest on any literary document; on any work expressive of the customs, arts, sciences, and religion of another land: and especially on anything having the stamp of uncommon genius.

(3) the work was eminently adapted to be useful to his own countrymen, and could be employed to great advantage in the enterprise which he undertook of delivering them from bondage. It contained an extended examination of the great question which could not but come before their minds - why the people of God were subjected to calamities; it inculcated the necessity of submission without murmuring, under the severest trials; and it showed that God was the friend of his people, though they were long afflicted, and would ultimately bestow upon them abundant prosperity. There is every probability, therefore, that if Moses found such a book in existence, he would have adopted it as an important auxiliary in accomplishing the great work to which he was called. It may be added

(4) that there is every reason to think that Moses was not himself the author of it. This opinion rests on such considerations as these:

(a) The style is not that of Moses. It has more allusion to proverbs, and maxims, and prevailing views of science, than occur in his poetic writings; see Lowth, Prae. Hebr. xxxii.; Michaelis, Nat. et Epim. p 186, as quoted by Magee, p. 328, and Herder, Hebrew Poetry, vol. i. pp. 108, 109.

(b) Moses in his poetry almost invariably used the word yahweh as the name of God, rarely that of the Almighty (שׁדי shadday); in Job, the word yahweh rarely occurs in the body of the poem, some other name for the Deity being almost uniformly employed.

(c) In the book of Job there are numerous instances of words, the roots of which are now obsolete, or which are found only in the Arabic or Chaldee. See Prof. Lee, Intro. p. 50.

(d) The allusions to Arabic customs, opinions, and manners, are not such as would have been likely to be familiar to the mind of Moses. All that he could have learned of them would have been what he acquired, when over forty years of age, in keeping the flocks of his father-in-law Jethro; and though it might be said with plausibility that the forty years which he spent with him might have made him familiar with the habits of Arabia, still, in a poem of this length, we should have expected that these would not have been the only allusions. The most vivid and permanent impressions on the mind are those made in youth; and on the mind of Moses, those impressions had been received in Egypt. the work had been composed by him we should, therefore, bare expected that there would have been frequent allusions that would have betrayed Egyptian origin. But of these there are none, or if there are any which have such an origin, they are such as might have been readily learned from the common reports of travelers. But with all that pertained to the desert, to the keeping of flocks and herds, to the nomadic mode of life, to the poor and needy wanderers there, to the methods of plunder and robbery, the author of the poem shows himself to be perfectly familiar. It seems to me, therefore, that by this train of remarks, we are conducted to a conclusion tended with as much certainty as can be hoped for in the nature of the case, that the work was composed by Job himself in the period of rest and prosperity which succeeded his trials, and came to the knowledge of Moses during his residence in Arabia, and was adopted by him to represent to the Hebrews, in their trials, the duty of submission to the will of God, and to furnish the assurance that he would yet appear to crown with abundant blessings his own people, however much they might be afflicted.

Section 5. The State of the Arts and Sciences in the Time of Job

There is one important aspect still in which the book of Job may be contemplated. It is as an illustration of the state of the acts and sciences of the period of the world when it was composed. We are not indeed, in a poem of this nature, to look for formal treatises on any of the arts or sciences as then understood, but all that we can expect to find must be incidental allusions, or hints, that may enable us to determine with some degree of accuracy what advances society had then made. Such allusions are also of much more value in determining the progress of society, than extended descriptions of conquests and sieges would be. The latter merely change the boundaries of empire; the former indicate progress in the condition of man. Inventions in the arts and discoveries in science are fixed points, from which society does not go backward. I propose, then, as an illustration of the progress which society had made in the time of Job, as well as to prepare the mind to read the book in the most intelligent manner, to bring together the scattered notices of the state of the arts and sciences contained in this poem. No exact order can be observed in this; nor is there anything in the poem to indicate which of the things specified had the priority in point of time, or when the invention or discovery was made. The order of the arrangement chosen will have some reference to the importance of the subjects, and also some to what may be supposed to have first attracted attention. For a more full view of the various points that will be referred to, reference may be made to the notes on the various passages adduced.

I.Astronomy

The stars were early observed in Chaldea, where the science of astronomy had its origin. A pastoral people always have some knowledge of the heavenly bodies. The tending of flocks by night, under a clear Oriental sky, gave abundant opportunity for observing the motions of the heavenly bodies, and names would soon be given to the most important of the stars; the difference between the planets and the fixed stars would be observed, and the imagination would be employed in grouping the stars into fanciful resemblances to animals and other objects. In like manner, as caravans traveled much at night through the deserts, on account of the comparative coolness then, they would have an opportunity of observing the stars, and some knowledge of the heavenly bodies became necessary to guide their way. The notices of the heavenly bodies in this poem show chiefly that names were given to some of the stars; that they were grouped together in constellations; and that the times of the appearance of certain stars had been carefully observed, and their relation to certain aspects of the weather had been marked. There is no express mention of the planets as distinguished from the fixed stars; and nothing to lead us to suppose that they were acquainted with the true system of astronomy.

He commandeth the sun, and it riseth not,

And he sealeth up the stars.

He alone stretcheth out the heavens

And walketh upon the high waves of the sea.

He maketh Arcturus, Orion,

The Pleiades, and the secret chambers of the south.

简体中文

有一个人 - 这段记载具有真实历史的一切外观。许多人把全书视为虚构,认为从未有过约伯这样的人。但本书开卷便带着真实的面貌;书中明确宣告确有这样一个人,又提到他的名字和他所住之地,表明作者有意断言事实上确有此人。关于这一问题,见引言第一节。

在乌斯地 - 关于约伯住在何处的问题,另见引言第二节。

名叫约伯 - 约伯这名字(希伯来文 איוב 'ı̂yôb,希腊文 Ἰώβ Iōb)按照 Gesenius 的说法,本义是"受迫害的人",来自一个词根(איב 'âyab),意为与人为敌、迫害、恨恶。按照 Gesenius 的看法,其最初的概念当在呼吸、吹气或向人喷气以表达怒气或恨恶这一动作中去寻找,德文作 Anschnauben。Eichhorn(Einleit. section 638. 1)认为这名字指一个因痛悔而转向神的人,其依据是阿拉伯语中至今仍存的一个动词词义"悔改"。按这假设,这名字之所以加给他,是因为在全书末尾,他被描绘为为他受苦期间所发的不当言语表示悔改。这动词在希伯来圣经中只出现一次,即 Exodus 23:22:你若实在听从他的话,照着我一切所说的去行,我就"向你的仇敌"אויב 'ôyêb"作仇敌"אויב את 'êth 'ôyêb。

分词 איב 'oyēb 是旧约中指仇敌的常用词,见 Exodus 15:6、Exodus 15:9;Leviticus 26:25;Numbers 35:23;Deuteronomy 32:27、Deuteronomy 32:42;Psalm 7:5;Psalm 8:2;Psalm 31:8;Lamentations 2:4-5;Job 13:24;Job 27:7;Job 33:10 等,屡见不鲜。这若真是"约伯"这名字的恰当含义,那么这名字似乎是由于预料、或是出于众人的公认而加给他的,指一个备受迫害的人。含义深远的名字在希伯来人中十分常见——或出于预料而给(见 Isaiah 8:18 的注释),或在事后给出,以标示其生平中某个重大事件;比较 Genesis 4:1-2、Genesis 4:25;Genesis 5:29;1 Samuel 1:20。罗马人中也是如此,这样赐下的"绰号"(agnomen)往往成为一个人最为人知的称呼。Cicero 便是这样因脸上有一颗状似"野豌豆"的疣而得名的,拉丁人称野豌豆为 cicer。同样,Marcus 得名 Ancus,出于希腊文 ανκὼν ankōn,因为他手臂弯曲;而 Africanus、Germanicus 等名字,则赐给在某些地区立下赫赫战功的将军;见 Univer. Hist. Anc.(《古代史》),Part ix.,第619页,8vo 版,Lond. 1779。同样可能的是,"约伯"这名字是出于众人的公认而加给这位乌斯之埃米尔的,指那备受迫害与试炼的人,而且后来这成为他最为人知的称呼。这名字有一次用于指以萨迦的一个儿子(Genesis 46:13),除本书外,在圣经中只出现于另外两处:Ezekiel 14:14;James 5:11。

这人完全 - (תמם tâmam)。七十士译本把这句话大大扩充,以意译代替了翻译:"他是一个真实(ἀληθινός alēthinos)、无可指摘(ἄμεμπτος amemptos)、公正(δίκαιος dikaios)、敬虔(θεοσεβής theosebēs)的人,远离一切的恶事。"Jerome 译作 simplex,即"单纯"或"真诚"。迦勒底文作 שׁלם shālam,"完全、完成、完美"。这里的意思似乎是:他的敬虔或道德品格是"匀称相称"的,是"各部分俱全"的。他在人生的一切关系中都是正直的人——作为埃米尔、作为父亲、作为丈夫、作为敬拜神的人。这正是 תם tâm 一词的恰当含义,它源于 תמם tâmam,"完成、充满、使完全或完整、作成"。这词表示一样事物没有任何部分缺失、不足以构成整体——正如一只表没有任何一个齿轮缺失。这样,他作为埃米尔不仅正直,而且敬虔向神;他不仅善待家人,而且对邻舍公正、对穷人仁慈。这词用来指存心的正直,见 Genesis 20:5:לבבי בתם betām lebābı̂y,"我存着心里的诚实、单纯或正直作了这事"(见该节边注)。又如 1 Kings 22:34:"有人开弓לתמוּ letumô,是出于心里的单纯(或无邪)";就是说,没有任何恶意;比较 2 Samuel 15:11;Proverbs 10:9。因此,这词的本义就是单纯、真诚、没有诡诈或恶意,以及宗教各部分的完全。至于他是一个绝对无罪、毫无犯罪倾向的人,则既被他常常显露的抱怨之灵所否定,也被他自己的认罪所否定,见 Job 9:20:

我虽有义,自己的口要定我为有罪;

我虽完全,我口必显我为弯曲。

又见 Job 42:5-6:

我从前风闻有你,

如今亲眼看见你;

因此我厌恶自己,

在尘土和炉灰中懊悔。

比较 Ecclesiastes 7:20。

正直 - ישׁר yâshâr 一词源于 ישׁר yâshar(直),常用于指一条直的路,或一条平坦的路。用在此处,意思是正直或公义;比较 Psalm 11:7;Psalm 37:14;Deuteronomy 32:4;Psalm 33:4。

敬畏神 - 在圣经中,宗教常被描述为对神的敬畏;见 Proverbs 1:7、Proverbs 1:29;Proverbs 2:5;Proverbs 8:13;Proverbs 14:26-27;Isaiah 11:2;Acts 9:31 等,屡见不鲜。

远离恶事 - "离开(סוּר sûr)恶事"。七十士译本作"远离一切的恶事"。这便是约伯敬虔的四个特征——他真诚;正直;敬拜神;远离一切的不义。这些是真正的宗教在各处都不可少的要素;约伯记全书的陈述表明,约伯虽非绝对没有缠累我们本性之诸罪,却在这每一样上都卓然出众。

Original em inglês

There was a man - This has all the appearance of being a true history. Many have regarded the whole book as a fiction, and have supposed that no such person as Job ever lived. But the book opens with the appearance of reality; and the express declaration that there was such a man, the mention of his name and of the place where he lived, show that the writer meant to affirm that there was in fact such a man. On this question see the Introduction, Section 1.

In the land of Uz - On the question where Job 54ed, see also the Introduction, Section 2.

Whose name was Job - The name Job (Hebrew איוב 'ı̂yôb, Gr. Ἰώβ Iōb means properly, according to Gesenius, "one persecuted," from a root (איב 'âyab) meaning to be an enemy to anyone, to persecute, to hate. The primary idea, according to Gesenius, is to be sought in breathing, blowing, or puffing at, or upon anyone, as expressive of anger or hatred, Germ. "Anschnauben." Eichhorn (Einleit. section 638. 1,) supposes that the name denotes a man who turns himself penitently to God, from a sense of the verb still found in Arabic "to repent." On this supposition, the name was given to him, because, at the close of the book, he is represented as exercising repentance for the improper expressions in which he had indulged during his sufferings. The verb occurs only once in the Hebrew Scriptures, Exodus 23:22 : But if thou shalt indeed obey his voice, and do all that I speak, then "I will be an enemy" אויב 'ôyêb "unto thine enemies" אויב את 'êth 'ôyêb.

The participle איב 'oyēb is the common word to denote an enemy in the Old Testament, Exodus 15:6, Exodus 15:9; Leviticus 26:25; Numbers 35:23; Deuteronomy 32:27, Deuteronomy 32:42; Psalm 7:5; Psalm 8:2; Psalm 31:8; Lamentations 2:4-5; Job 13:24; Job 27:7; Job 33:10, "et soepe al." If this be the proper meaning of the word "Job," then the name would seem to have been given him by anticipation, or by common consent, as a much persecuted man. Significant names were very common among the Hebrews - given either by anticipation (see the notes at Isaiah 8:18), or subsequently, to denote some leading or important event in the life; compare Genesis 4:1-2, Genesis 4:25; Genesis 5:29; 1 Samuel 1:20. Such, too, was the case among the Romans, where the "agnomen" thus bestowed became the appellation by which the individual was best known. Cicero thus received his name from a wart which he had on his face, resembling a "vetch," and which was called by the Latins, "cicer." Thus also Marcus had the name "Ancus," from the Greek word ανκὼν ankōn, because he had a crooked arm; and thus the names Africanus, Germanicus, etc., were given to generals who had distinguished themselves in particular countries; see Univer. Hist. Anc. Part ix. 619, ed. 8vo, Lond. 1779. In like manner it is possible that the name "Job" was given to the Emir of Uz by common consent, as the man much persecuted or tried, and that this became afterward the appellation by which he was best known. The name occurs once as applied to a son of Issachar, Genesis 46:13, and in only two other places in the Bible except in this book; Ezekiel 14:14; James 5:11.

And that man was perfect - (תמם tâmam). The Septuagint have greatly expanded this statement, by giving a paraphrase instead of a translation. "He was a man who was true (ἀληθινός alēthinos), blameless (ἄμεμπτος amemptos), just (δίκαιος dikaios), pious (θεοσεβής theosebēs), abstaining from every evil deed." Jerome renders it, "simplex - simple," or "sincere." The Chaldee, שׁלם shālam, "complete, finished, perfect." The idea seems to be that his piety, or moral character, was "proportionate" and was "complete in all its parts." He was a man of integrity in all the relations of life - as an Emir, a father, a husband, a worshipper of God. Such is properly the meaning of the word תם tâm as derived from תמם tâmam, "to complete, to make full, perfect" or "entire," or "to finish." It denotes that in which there is no part lacking to complete the whole - as in a watch in which no wheel is missing. Thus, he was not merely upright as an Emir, but he was pious toward God; he was not merely kind to his family, but he was just to his neighbors and benevolent to the poor. The word is used to denote integrity as applied to the heart, Genesis 20:5 : לבבי בתם betām lebābı̂y, "In the honesty, simplicity, or sincerity of my heart (see the margin) have I done this." So 1 Kings 22:34, "One drew a bow לתמוּ letumô in the simplicity (or perfection) of his heart;" that is, without any evil intention; compare 2 Samuel 15:11; Proverbs 10:9. The proper notion, therefore, is that of simplicity. sincerity, absence from guile or evil intention, and completeness of parts in his religion. That he was a man absolutely sinless, or without any propensity to evil, is disproved alike by the spirit of complaining which he often evinces, and by his own confession, Job 9:20 :

If I justify myself, mine own mouth shall condemn me;

If I say I am perfect, it shall prove me perverse.

So also Job 42:5-6 :

I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear,

But now mine eye seeth thee;

Wherefore I abhor myself,

And repent in dust and ashes.

Compare Ecclesiastes 7:20.

And upright - The word ישׁר yâshâr, from ישׁר yâshar, to be straight, is applied often to a road which is straight, or to a path which is level or even. As used here it means upright or righteous; compare Psalm 11:7; Psalm 37:14,; Deuteronomy 32:4; Psalm 33:4.

And one that feared God - Religion in the Scriptures is often represented as the fear of God; Proverbs 1:7, Proverbs 1:29; Proverbs 2:5; Proverbs 8:13; Proverbs 14:26-27; Isaiah 11:2; Acts 9:31, "et soepe al."

And eschewed evil - "And departed from (סוּר sûr) evil." Septuagint, "Abstaining from every evil thing." These then are the four characteristics of Job's piety - he was sincere; upright; a worshipper of God; and one who abstained from all wrong. These are the essential elements of true religion everywhere; and the whole statement in the book of Job shows Job was, though not absolutely free from the sins which cleave to our nature, eminent in each of these things.

简体中文

他生了七个儿子,三个女儿 - 在这些儿女失去、他受完严峻试炼之后,神又赐给他同样数目的儿女;见 Job 42:13。至于他第二个家庭,女儿们的名字有记载(Job 42:14)。至于第一个家庭,值得注意的是,他妻子、儿子和女儿的名字均未记录。然而迦勒底文译本——依据何在不得而知——说他妻子的名字是 דינה dı̂ynâh(Job 2:9)。

Original em inglês

And there were born unto him seven sons and three daughters - The same number was given to him again after these were lost, and his severe trials had been endured; see Job 42:13. Of his second family the names of the daughters are mentioned, Job 42:14. Of his first, it is remarkable that neither the names of his wife, his sons nor his daughters are recorded. The Chaldee, however, on what authority is unknown, says that the name of his wife was דינה dı̂ynâh, Job 2:9.

简体中文

「他的家产」——边注作「或作:牲畜」。此处所用的字 מקנה mı̂qneh 源于 קנה qânâh,即获得、取得,买、购置,本义指任何获得或购得之物——财产、产业、财富。然而游牧部落的财富主要在于牛羊畜群,因此这个字在圣经中几乎专指牲畜方面的财产。Gesenius 说,此字“严格地”用于指羊、山羊与牛,不包括驮兽(比较希腊文 κτῆνος ktēnos,意为畜群,七十士译本在此即用此字),不过有时这个字也包括驴与骆驼,如本处。

「七千羊」——本节所描述的,是一位阿拉伯统治者或首领的财富,与今日被称为“埃米尔”(Emirs)的人相似。其实全书的描述都适用于一位部落首领。本节所述的财产在任何地方都算得上可观的财富,在东方的游牧部落中尤其如此。这份财富中没有提到土地;因为在以放牧为生的游牧部落中,个人并不主张对土地的完全所有权,所需要的只是放牧权或暂时占用。基于同样的原因,也由于他们的境况要求他们住可移动的帐棚,房屋也未被列为这位埃米尔财富的一部分。要明白本书,正如要明白旧约大部分书卷一样,我们必须放下自己的生活习惯,在想象中把自己带到迥然不同的东方风俗之中。迦勒底译本对本节作了一个非常奇特的解释,必须视为出于幻想,却显示出那个译本的特征:“他的家产有七千羊——他的每个儿子一千;三千骆驼——他的每个女儿一千;五百对牛——归他自己;五百母驴——归他的妻子。”

「三千骆驼」——骆驼是广为人知的驮兽,至今在阿拉伯仍被广泛使用。古时阿拉伯人用这些动物作战、组成商队,并作食物。它们常被称为“沙漠之舟”,在干旱的平原上尤其宝贵,因为它们能多日不喝水。按所需行走路程的远近,它们可驮载三百至五百磅。护理以奇妙的智慧使骆驼适应沙质荒漠,在各世代中,骆驼在那里都必然是极宝贵的产业。最干的蓟草和最光秃的荆棘就是它所需的全部食物,而且它在行进途中边走边吃,无需停留,不误片刻。由于它的命分就是穿越无水又无露水降下的浩瀚荒漠,它被赋予储水的能力,足以供应数日之需——Bruce 说可达三十天。

为作到这一点,自然在它体内预备了巨大的储水器或多个胃,水在其中保持纯净,它可以随意从中取用,如同从泉源汲取一般。没有别的动物被赋予这种能力;若非如此,要横渡那些一望无际的沙原是完全行不通的。阿拉伯人、波斯人等都吃骆驼的肉,在国内最上等的餐桌上也有这道菜肴。据传有一位古阿拉伯诗人,他的好客成了谚语,每年在某个特定的月份,每天宰十头骆驼宴请他的朋友。关于骆驼的耐苦,以及靠最粗劣食物生存的能力,Burckhardt 述说了一件可以提供说明的事实。在他从死海以南之地前往埃及的一次旅行中,他说:“在整个旅程中,骆驼除沙漠中枯萎的灌木外没有别的饲料,只有我的单峰驼例外,我每晚给它几把大麦。”出处:Trav. in Syria, p. 451;参 Bruce's Travels, vol. iv. p. 596; Niebuhr, Reise-beschreibung nach Arabien, 1 Band, s. 215; Sandys, p. 138; Harmer's Obs. 4:415, ed. Lond. 1808, 8vo; and Rob. Cal.

「五百对牛」——约伯有这么多牛,表明他既放牧牛羊,也致力于耕种土地;参 Job 1:14。如此大量的牛在任何地方都构成财富。

「五百母驴」——Bryant 指出(Observations, p. 61),东方居民的财富有很大一部分常由母驴构成,公驴数目少,也不受同等的重视。母驴早在古时就被提到普遍用以骑行;见 Numbers 22:25; Judges 5:10; 2 Kings 4:24(希伯来文)。选驴而不用马的一个原因,是驴比马所需的食料少得多;除骆驼外,没有别的动物像驴那样容易饲养。母驴也被视为最贵重的,因为在穿越当地的荒漠时,它们能为旅人提供奶。值得注意的是,在列举约伯财富的这份清单中,没有明确提到“奶牛”,尽管约伯后来提到“奶”在他家中丰富(Job 29:6)。然而,“奶牛”可能已包括在“五百对 בקר bâqâr”之内;此字在此译作“牛”,但译作“牲畜”也同样恰当。这个字是通性,源自 בקר bâqar,在阿拉伯语中意为劈开、分开、开垦,故指耕地、破土。它本指用于耕作的牲畜;众所周知,在东方,母牛与公牛一样用于耕作;见 Judges 14:18; Hosea 4:10;参 Deuteronomy 32:14,那里用 בקר bâqâr 一字指母牛——“牛的奶”;见 Genesis 33:13(希伯来文)。

「并有许多仆婢」——边注作「耕作」。此处的希伯来字(עבדה ‛ăbûddâh)含义有歧义:既可指所提供的事奉,即工作,也可指从事这工作的仆人;参 Genesis 26:14 及边注。七十士译本译作 ὑπηρεσία hupēresia,Aquila 译作 δουλεία douleia,Symmachus 译作 οἰκετία oiketia;这些字都表示“服事”或“为奴”,或指属于家庭家务之事。此字无疑指那些管理他的骆驼、他的牲畜和他的耕作的人;见 Job 1:15。无论此处所用的字,还是 Job 1:15 的那个字,都不含有他们是“奴隶”之意。他们可能是奴隶,但叙事中没有任何迹象表明这一点。七十士译本在此添加了一句,仿佛是解释性的:“他的作为在地上甚为大。”

「这人就为至大」——即拥有最多的财富,并享有最高的尊荣。

「在东方人中」——边注与希伯来文同,作「之子」。“东方之子”指住在东方的人。“东方”(קדם qedem)一字在圣经中通常指位于巴勒斯坦以东的地区。关于此处所指的地点,见导论第 2 节(3)。当然,无法准确估算约伯财产的确切价值。与今日的许多人相比,他的产业确实不会被算为巨富。《图解圣经》(Pictorial Bible)的编者估计,按公允的估值,他的财产约值三万至四万英镑——约合 200,000 美元(约当 1880 年代)。在这个估算中,骆驼按每峰约 45.00 美元计,牛按每头约五美元计,羊按每只略高于一美元计,据说这大约是现今西亚的平均价格。然而,价格随时代波动很大;但在今日,这样的产业在阿拉伯仍会被视为巨富。约伯财产的价值可以从这个事实来估量:他拥有的骆驼几乎达到较晚近时代一位波斯国王财富中骆驼数的一半。Chardin 说:“1676 年波斯王在 Mesandera 时,鞑靼人袭击了王的骆驼,夺走三千峰,这对他是重大损失,因为他总共只有七千峰。”——Rosenmuller, Morgenland, in loc.我们应当把约伯的境况看作一位富有的阿拉伯埃米尔的境况,其生活方式介于游牧的放牧生活与像我们这样聚居定居的生活方式之间。他是君王般的牧人,然而又致力于耕种土地。不过,看不出他主张对土地的“完全所有权”,他的境况也不与这样的设想矛盾:他在任何地方的居住都被视为暂时性的,他全部的产业都易于迁移。“他所属的生活状态,介于流浪的牧人与定居城镇的民众之间,摇摆于两者之间。他住在城里,或在城中有居所,这是显而易见的;但他的羊群牛群显然放牧在旷野之中,他自己的时间大概也就分于旷野与城邑之间。他与希伯来列祖的主要不同在于:他并不那么‘居无定所’地四处漂泊。”——《图解圣经》(Pict. Bib.)

“这种混合的生活状态,至今仍常见于西亚;我们认为,它足以说明本书所含引喻与图景何以如此多样——既涉及牧放生活与旷野的景象和出产,也涉及农耕的场景与情境,还涉及定居生活及不断进展之文明的艺术与科学。”——《图解圣经》(Pict. Bib.)把这段关于约伯的记述,与维吉尔《埃涅阿斯纪》中论到古意大利一位居民的话相比较,或可在某种程度上说明不同国家对于何为财富的不同观念;维吉尔称他为奥索尼亚(Ausonian)农夫中最富有的一位:

Seniorque Galaesua.

Dum paci medium se offert; justissimus unus

Qui fuit, Ausoniisque olim ditissimus arvis:

Quinque greges illi balantum. quina redibant

Armenta, et terram centurn vertebat aratris.

Aeneid 7:535-539.

其余的人中,富有的加拉厄苏斯安息之地就在此处; 这位善良的老人,徒然劝人和好, 置身于狂乱不羁之人的喧嚷中间: 五群牛、五群咩咩鸣叫的羊充满了他的草场, 他的土地由百对牛耕翻。 ——德莱顿(Dryden)译

Original em inglês

His substance - Margin, or "cattle." The word used here מקנה mı̂qneh is derived from קנה qânâh, to gain or acquire, to buy or purchase, and properly means anything acquired or purchased - property, possessions, riches. The wealth of nomadic tribes, however, consisted mostly in flocks and herds, and hence the word in the Scripture signifies, almost exclusively, property in cattle. The word, says Gesenius, is used "strictly" to denote sheep, goats, and neat cattle, excluding beasts of burden (compare Greek κτῆνος ktēnos, herd, used here by the Septuagint), though sometimes the word includes asses and camels, as in this place.

Seven thousand sheep - In this verse we have a description of the wealth of an Arab ruler or chief, similar to that of those who are at this day called "Emirs." Indeed the whole description in the book is that which is applicable to the chief of a tribe. The possessions referred to in this verse would constitute no inconsiderable wealth anywhere, and particularly in the nomadic tribes of the East. Land is not mentioned as a part of this wealth; for among nomadic tribes living by pasturage, the right to the soil in fee simple is not claimed by individuals, the right of pasturage or a temporary possession being all that is needed. For the same reason, and from the fact that their circumstances require them to live in movable tents, houses are not mentioned as a part; of the wealth of this Emir. To understand this book, as well as most of the books of the Old Testament, it is necessary for us to lay aside our notions of living, and transfer ourselves in imagination to the very dissimilar customs of the East. The Chaldee has made a very singular explanation of this verse, which must be regarded as the work of fancy, but which shows the character of that version: "And his possessions were seven thousand sheep - a thousand for each of his sons; and three thousand camels - a thousand for each of his daughters; and five hundred yoke of oxen - for himself; and five hundred she-asses - for his wife."

And three thousand camels - Camels are well-known beasts of burden, extensively used still in Arabia. The Arabs employed these animals anciently in war, in their caravans, and for food. They are not unfrequently called "ships of the desert," particularly valuable in arid plains because they go many days without water. They carry from three to five hundred pounds, in proportion to the distance which they have to travel. Providence has adapted the camel with wonderful wisdom to sandy deserts, and in all ages the camel must be an invaluable possession there. The driest thistle and the barest thorn is all the food that he requires, and this he eats while advancing on his journey without stopping or causing a moment's delay. As it is his lot to cross immense deserts where no water is found, and where no dews fall, he is endowed with the power of laying in a store of water that will suffice him for days - Bruce says for thirty days.

To effect this, nature has provided large reservoirs or stomachs within him, where the water is kept pure, and from which he draws at pleasure as from a fountain. No other animal is endowed with this power, and were it not for this, it would be wholly impracticable to cross those immense plains of sand. The Arabians, the Persians, and others, eat the flesh of camels, and it is served up at the best tables in the country. One of the ancient Arab poets, whose hospitality grew into a proverb, is reported to have killed yearly, in a certain month, ten camels every day for the entertainment of his friends. In regard to the hardihood of camels, and their ability to live on the coarsest fare, Burckhardt has stated a fact which may furnish an illustration. In a journey which he made from the country south of the Dead Sea to Egypt, he says, "During the whole of this journey, the camels had no other provender than the withered shrubs of the desert, my dromedary excepted, to which I gave a few handfuls of barley each evening." Trav. in Syria, p. 451; compare Bruce's Travels, vol. iv. p. 596; Niebuhr, Reise-beschreibung nach Arabien, 1 Band, s. 215; Sandys, p. 138; Harmer's Obs. 4:415, ed. Lond. 1808, 8vo; and Rob. Cal.

And five hundred yoke of oxen - The fact that Job had so many oxen implies that he devoted himself to the cultivation of the soil as well as to keeping flocks and herds; compare Job 1:14. So large a number of oxen would constitute wealth anywhere.

And five hundred she-asses - Bryant remarks (Observations, p. 61) that a great part of the wealth of the inhabitants of the East often consisted of she-asses, the males being few and not held in equal estimation. She-asses are early mentioned as having been in common use to ride on; Numbers 22:25; Judges 5:10. 2 Kings 4:24 (Hebrew). One reason why the ass was chosen in preference to the horse, was that it subsisted on so much less than that animal, there being no animal except the camel that could be so easily kept as the ass. She-asses were also regarded as the most valuable, because, in traversing the deserts of the country they would furnish travelers with milk. It is remarkable that "cows" are not mentioned expressly in this enumeration of the articles of Job's wealth, though "butter" is referred to by him subsequently as having been abundant in his family, Job 29:6. It is possible, however, that "cows" were included as a part of the "five hundred yoke of בקר bâqâr." here rendered "oxen;" but which would be quite as appropriately rendered "cattle." The word is in the common gender, and is derived from בקר bâqar, in Arabic to cleave, to divide, to lay open, and hence, to plow, to cleave the soil. It denotes properly the animals used in plowing; and it is well known that cows are employed as well as oxen for this purpose in the East; see Judges 14:18; Hosea 4:10; compare Deuteronomy 32:14, where the word בקר bâqâr is used to denote a cow - "milk of kine," Genesis 33:13 (Hebrew).

And a very great household - Margin, "husbandry." The Hebrew word here (עבדה ‛ăbûddâh)ambiguous. - It may denote service rendered, that is, work, or the servants who performed it; compare Genesis 26:14, margin. The Septuagint renders it ὑπηρεσία hupēresia, Aquila δουλεία douleia, and Symmachus, οἰκετία oiketia; all denoting "service," or "servitude," or that which pertained to the domestic service of a family. The word refers doubtless to those who had charge of his camels, his cattle, and of his husbandry; see Job 1:15. It is not implied by the word here used, nor by that in Job 1:15, that they were "slaves." They may have been, but there is nothing to indicate this in the narrative. The Septuagint adds to this, as if explanatory of it, "and his works were great in the land."

So that this man was the greatest - Was possessed of the most wealth, and was held in the highest honor.

Of all the men of the East - Margin as in Hebrew "sons." The sons of the East denote those who lived in the East. The word "East" קדם qedem is commonly employed in the Scriptures to denote the country which lies east of Palestine. For the places intended here, see the Introduction, Section 2, (3). It is of course impossible to estimate with accuracy the exact amount of the value of the property of Job. Compared with many persons in modern times, indeed, his possessions would not be regarded as constituting very great riches. The Editor of the Pictorial Bible supposes that on a fair estimate his property might be considered as worth from thirty to forty thousand pounds sterling - equivalent to some 200,000 (circa 1880's). In this estimate the camel is reckoned as worth about 45.00 dollars, the oxen as worth about five dollars, and the sheep at a little more than one dollar, which it is said are about the average prices now in Western Asia. Prices, however, fluctuate much from one age to another; but at the present day such possessions would be regarded as constituting great wealth in Arabia. The value of the property of Job may be estimated from this fact, that he had almost half as many camels as constituted the wealth of a Persian king in more modern times.

Chardin says, "as the king of Persia in the year 1676 was in Mesandera, the Tartars fell upon the camels of the king and took away three thousand of them which was to him a great loss, for he had only seven thousand." - Rosenmuller, Morgenland, "in loc." The condition of Job we are to regard as that of a rich Arabic Emir, and his mode of life as between the nomadic pastoral life, and the settled manner of living in communities like ours. He was a princely shepherd, and yet he was devoted to the cultivation of the soil. It does not appear, however, that he claimed the right of the soil in "fee simple," nor is his condition inconsistent with the supposition that his residence in any place was regarded as temporary, and that all his property might be easily removed. "He belonged to that condition of life which fluctuated between that of the wandering shepherd, and that of a people settled in towns. That he resided, or had a residence, in a town is obvious; but his flocks and herds evidently pastured in the deserts, between which and the town his own time was probably divided. He differed from the Hebrew patriarchs chiefly in this, that he did not so much wander about "without any certain dwelling place."

This mixed condition of life, which is still frequently exhibited in Western Asia, will, we apprehend, account sufficiently for the diversified character of the allusions and pictures which the book contains - to the pastoral life and the scenes and products of the wilderness; to the scenes and circumstances of agriculture; to the arts and sciences of settled life and of advancing civilization." - Pict. Bib. It may serve somewhat to illustrate the different ideas in regard to what constituted wealth in different countries, to compare this statement respecting Job with a remark of Virgil respecting an inhabitant of ancient Italy, whom he calls the most wealthy among the Ausonian farmers:

Seniorque Galaesua.

Dum paci medium se offert; justissimus unus

Qui fuit, Ausoniisque olim ditissimus arvis:

Quinque greges illi balantum. quina redibant

Armenta, et terram centurn vertebat aratris.

Aeneid 7:535-539.

Among the rest, the rich Galaesus lies;

A good old man, while peace he preached in vain,

Amid the madness of the unruly train:

Five herds, five bleating flocks his pasture filled,

His lands a hundred yoke of oxen tilted.

Dryden

简体中文

「他的儿子按着日子各在自己家里设摆筵宴」——Good 博士将此译作“他的儿子们前去赴家宴”;Tindal 译作“设摆筵席”(原译作 made bankertea,系早期英语拼法之讹)。希伯来文的意思是,他们去举行一次“家宴”;其观念是:他们在自己的住处设摆款待,按此类宴席惯常的方式举行。这里所用的字(משׁתה mı̂shteh)源出于 שׁתה shâthâh,意为“喝”,继而指同饮、设宴。Schultens 认为,这不过是旨在保持家族各支之间当有的亲睦,并非为纵酒作乐;这似乎也与约伯的看法相符。他虽是敬虔人,却并不反对这事;他只是担心他们可能在心里犯了罪(Job 1:5)。他知道这危险,因此更加殷切地为他们恳求神的护佑。

「各按自己的日子」——即在轮到自己的日子,或他的日子来到之时。这或许只是指他们的生日;见 Job 3:1,那里“日子”一词用于指生日。古时,生日的庆祝十分隆重欢喜。或许《约伯记》的作者在这句话里有意暗示他的全家和睦相处,并描绘一幅家庭幸福的图景,与后来临到他家的灾祸形成强烈的对照。一个如此安宁和睦的家庭完全破裂,正是他苦难的一大加重之处。——迦勒底译本附加说“直到满了七日”,推测这样的筵席每场持续七天;倘若各家彼此相距颇远,这推测绝非不可能。

「就打发人去,请了他们的三个姊妹来」——这一点也可以视为一个表明这些场合并非为纵乐而设的情况。年轻人聚在一起纵乐时,通常不会邀请他们的“姊妹”在场,通常也根本不希望有贞德的女子在场。因此,这很可能是一种亲情友爱的家庭欢聚。这事本身并没有什么不对,也不一定有什么危险;然而约伯觉得他们“可能”已经犯了错、忘记了神,因此他为他们更加恳切火热地献上祷告(Job 1:5)。

Original em inglês

And his sons went and feasted in their houses - Dr. Good renders this, "and his sons went to hold a banquet house." Tindal renders it, "made bankertea." The Hebrew means, they went and made a "house-feast;" and the idea is, that they gave an entertainment in their dwellings, in the ordinary way in which such entertainments were made. The word used here (משׁתה mı̂shteh) is derived from שׁתה shâthâh, "to drink;" and then to drink together, to banquet. Schultens supposes that this was merely designed to keep up the proper familiarity between the different branches of the family, and not for purposes of revelry and dissipation; and this seems to accord with the view of Job. He, though a pious man, was not opposed to it, but he apprehended merely that they might have sinned in their hearts, Job 1:5. He knew the danger, and hence, he was more assiduous in imploring for them the divine guardianship.

Every one his day - In his proper turn, or when his day came round. Perhaps it refers only to their birthdays; see Job 3:1, where the word "day" is used to denote a birthday. In early times the birthday was observed with great solemnity and rejoicing. Perhaps in this statement the author of the Book of Job means to intimate that his family lived in entire harmony, and to give a picture of his domestic happiness strongly contrasted with the calamities which came upon his household. It was a great aggravation of his sufferings that a family thus peaceful and harmonious was wholly broken up. - The Chaldee adds, "until seven days were completed," supposing that each one of these feasts lasted seven days, a supposition by no means improbable, if the families were in any considerable degree remote from each other.

And sent and called for their three sisters - This also may be regarded as a circumstance showing that these occasions were not designed for revelry. Young men, when they congregate for dissipation, do not usually invite their "sisters" to be with them; nor do they usually desire the presence of virtuous females at all. The probability, therefore, is, that this was designed as affectionate and friendly family conversation. In itself there was nothing wrong in it, nor was there necessarily any danger; yet Job felt it "possible" that they might have erred and forgotten God, and hence, he was engaged in more intense and ardent devotion on their account; Job 1:5.

简体中文

筵宴的日子过了——Good 博士把它译作「每逢这样宴席的日子循环再来时」。但这并非原文的意思。乃是:当宴席像循着圆圈那样轮遍了各家之后,约伯「那时」才打发人去叫他们自洁。这不是出于预感他们「将会」犯罪,而是出于担心他们「可能」已经犯了罪。译作「轮遍了」(נקף nâqaph)的词,本义是连接在一起,继而指绕圈转动、循环,正如节期的循环;见Isaiah 29:1注释:「让节期轮转」。这里的意思是,他们宴乐的日子已经轮遍了一圈,即轮过了各个家庭。七十士译本作「宴席(或作饮酒,πότου potou)完结的日子」。中国也有与此相似的宴乐习俗。「他们有一些会社,自称『月份兄弟会』;按每月日数分成各月组,轮流循环,彼此到各家用餐。若有人家中不方便接待会社,可以在别处为他们备办;也有许多为这目的而设备齐全的公共酒楼。」参Semedo《中国史》卷一第13章,转引自Burder在Rosenmuller的《Morgenland》中的引录,"in loc."

约伯打发人去——打发人叫他们来,让他们聚集在自己身边。他担心他们可能已经犯错,便采取一切措施保守他们纯洁,并维护宗教在自己家中的影响力。

叫他们自洁——Schultens 说,这个说法可以有两种解释:或是指他借各种除秽、洗濯及其他礼仪「预备」他们献祭;或是指他献祭,为要为他们可能实际犯了的罪取得赦免。他指出,前一种意思有出埃及记Exodus 19:10、撒母耳记上1 Samuel 16:5的用法支持,那里这个词的意思是借洗濯预备自己迎见神、敬拜神;而后一种意思则是上下文所要求的。约伯在这样的处境中,像每一位父亲所当感受的那样,感到有理由惧怕神没有受到当有的记念,因此他更加恳切地献上祷告,并叫儿女们聚到身边,好叫他们自己的心也因他敬虔的挂虑而受感动。凡爱神、又渴望儿女也同样爱神的父亲,若见儿女处在连日宴乐嬉笑的境况中,有谁不格外挂虑呢?这里译作「叫他们自洁」(קדשׁ qâdash)的词,本义是纯净、洁净、圣洁;在 piel 干(此处所用的形式)中,意为使成圣、使之自洁、分别为圣,如祭司的分别为圣;这里的意思是,他因担心儿女犯了罪,便采取措施使他们成圣;也就是说,他采取惯常的方法为他们求得赦免。七十士译本把它译作 ἐκάθαριζεν ekatharizen——他洁净了他们。

他清早起来——为要献上他的祷告,并为他们取得赎罪。在族长时代,清早献祭是惯例;见Genesis 22:3;Exodus 32:6。

献燔祭——希伯来文作「使上升」;即借焚烧使烟升上天去。译作「燔祭」(עולה ‛ôlâh)的词来自 עלה ‛âlâh(「上升」,即此处译作「献上」的词),指那被使之上升的东西,也就是借焚烧而升上的。在圣经中,它指全然烧在坛上的祭,相当于希腊文的 ὁλόκαυστον holokauston(全燔祭,Holocaust);见Isaiah 1:11注释。在族长时代,这样的祭由一家之父担任祭司、代表全家献上。挪亚就是这样献祭的(Genesis 8:20);亚伯拉罕也是这样亲自作祭司献祭(Genesis 12:7-8;Genesis 13:18;Genesis 22:13)。在最古的时代,并在外邦人中,人们相信借献祭可以为罪求得赦免。荷马《伊利亚特》9:493中有一段话,与我们现在所见约伯的观念极为吻合:

「众神明(伟大而独一的智者), 会被祭物、许愿和献祭打动; 获罪之人赢得他们至高的怜悯, 日日的祷告赎尽日日的罪愆。」——蒲柏(Pope)

按着他们众人的数目——众儿女。或许还为他们每一个人另献一祭。七十士译本把它译作「按他们的数目,καί μόσχον ἕνα περὶ ἁμαπτίας περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτῶν kai moschon hena(一只)peri hamartias(为罪的)peri(为着)tōn psuchōn autōn(那些灵魂,他们自己的)——一只小公牛为罪,即为他们的灵魂献上的赎罪祭」。

恐怕我儿子犯了罪——他并没有确凿的证据。他只感到每个敬虔父亲都必有的那种自然的担忧:儿子们可能被试探胜过,或许在酒力的影响之下,说了亵渎神、藐视真宗教与美德所必需之约束的话。

心中弃掉神——这里译作「弃掉」的词,正是通常译作「赐福」的 ברך bārak。同一个词竟用于「赐福」和「咒诅」这样直接相反的意义,实在令人瞩目。Good 博士力主这个词总当译作「赐福」,并在此处如此翻译:「恐怕我儿子犯了罪,心中『并未』赐福给神」,把希伯来文的前缀 ו (v) 理解为转折或否定的小品词。同样,在Job 2:9(我们通行的译本作「你弃掉神,死了吧」),他译作「一边赐福神,一边死去」。但上下文所要求的解释显然是咒诅、背弃或忘记;Job 2:9也是如此。这层意思在1 Kings 21:10显得更为明显:「你曾『咒诅』(ברך bārak)神和王」。同一章的1 Kings 21:13也是如此——尽管 Good 博士在此处坚持该词应译作「赐福」,认为控告的是拿伯「赐福」或敬拜了诸神,甚至摩洛——他猜想 מלך melek 一词应当标作 מלך môlek,读作「摩洛」。但这并不能除去难处;归根结底,这里的词像Job 2:9一样,意思多半还是「咒诅」。几乎所有解经家都这样理解。武加大译本的翻译确实颇为奇特:「惟恐我的儿子们犯了罪,在心里『赐福』了神(et benedixerint Deo)。」七十士译本作「惟恐我的儿子们在心里对神怀了恶念」——κακὰ ἐνεόησαν πρὸς Θεόν kaka enenoēsan pros Theon。迦勒底意译本作「惟恐我的儿子们犯了罪,在心里触怒了耶和华(יהוה וארגיזדקדם)」。假定这就是此词在此的意思,那么同一个词竟有如此相反的两种意义,可以从三方面来解释。

(1) 第一种是 Taylor(Concor.)所提出的:古时的敬虔之人视亵渎为如此可憎,以致不愿用恰当的名称来表达,因此借一种「婉曲说法」,用「赐福」一词代替「咒诅」。但必须指出,圣经中表示咒诅和亵渎的词并不罕见。אלה 'âlâh 一词在咒诅或咒逐的意义上经常出现。גדף gâdaph 一词意为亵渎,也屡见使用(2 Kings 19:6, 2 Kings 19:22;Isaiah 37:6, Isaiah 37:23;Psalm 44:16)。还有别的词也用于同样的意义,因此这里并无必要使用一种纯粹的「婉曲语」。

(2) 解释这种双重用法的第二种方式,是认为这是朋友见面和分别时通用的问候语。于是它被设想为按英语短语「道别」的意义使用,继而像那个短语一样,意为「弃绝、离弃、置之脑后、不顾」。希腊文的 χαίρειν chairein 和拉丁文的 valere 就是如此使用的。这个解释由 Schultens 提出,并为 Rosenmuller 和 Noyes 所采纳,他们引以下各处为该词用法的平行实例。Virg. Ecclesiastes 8, 58. Vivite Sylvoe——据维吉尔(Delphin 版)的评注者说,这是一种道别的格式,如同希腊文的 χαίρετε chairete——「一种施于我们所恨恶、愿其离去之人的说法」。又如 Catull. 11. 17: Cum suis vivat, valeatque moechis. 又如 Aesch. Agam. 574: Καὶ πολλὰ χαίρειν ξυμφοραῖς καταξιῶ / Kai polla chairein cumforais kataciō. 又如 Plutarch, Dion. p. 975。西塞罗在致 Atticus 的一封信(Psalm 8:8)中抱怨庞培可耻的逃跑,并对他引用了阿里斯托芬的一句话:πολλὰ χαίρειν εἰπὼν τῷ καλῷ polla(多多地)chairein(道别吧)eipōn tō kalō(向那荣耀说)——「向荣誉道了别,便逃往布林迪西」;参Ter. And. 4:2. 14;Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1. 44。按这种解释,这话的意思是:约伯担心他们在心里弃绝了神,即忘记了神,没有把当归于神的敬重归给他。——这个说法貌似有理:但难处在于要在希伯来文里证立该词的这种用法。希伯来人用这个词作为「分别时的问候」,这是无可置疑的;它是朋友分离时庄严地求神赐福的形式(参Genesis 28:3;Genesis 47:10)。但我找不到这个词有用于分离、而在「贬义」上指「弃绝」或「道别」的用法;除非能举出这类实例,否则这个解释是站不住的,而且希腊文、拉丁文和其他语言中虽有相似的说法,并不能证明希伯来文里也有这种用法。

(3) 第三种、也是更简单的解释,是假定这个词的原始意义为「跪下」。据 Gesenius,这正是该词在阿拉伯文中的意思。Castell 也是这样给出这个词的意思——「为表尊敬而屈膝」,即作为一种敬意的举动。叙利亚文亦然:Genua flexit̂ procubuit(屈膝俯伏);Genu 即「膝」。继而它指为祈求神或敬拜而屈膝。在 piel 干(此处所用的形式)中,它的意思是:

(1) 赐福神,颂赞,敬拜;

(2) 赐福人——即为那人「祈求」福气;问候或致意——指见面时为他们祈求福气(1 Samuel 15:13;Genesis 47:7;2 Samuel 6:20),或分别时(Genesis 47:10;1 Kings 8:66;Genesis 24:60);

(3) 「求降祸」,即咒诅别人。其中的观念是:刑罚或毁灭出于神,因此被「求降」在别人身上。一言以蔽之,这个词既出于「跪下」这一基本意义,就用于「祈求」福气或咒诅的意义,继而泛用于赐福或咒诅。这个解释由 Selden(《de jure Nat. et Gent.》Lib. II.:100:11:p. 255)和 Gesenius(《Lexicon》)所维护。这里的意思是:约伯担心他的儿子们在欢庆、或许纵酒之中,有了不敬的行为,或许在内心因美德与敬虔的约束而埋怨神。在这样的场面中,还有什么比这更常见呢?还有什么比这更当担忧的呢?

约伯常常这样行——每逢这样的场合,这都是他一贯的习惯。他敬虔的眷顾从不间断,惟恐儿子们犯罪的挂虑永不止息——这是敬虔父亲对儿子们当有情感的美丽写照。希伯来文作「终日」;即无时不如此的意思。

Original em inglês

And it was so, when the days of their feasting were gone about - Dr. Good renders this, "as the days of such banquets returned." But this is not the idea intended. It is, when the banquets had gone round as in a circle through all the families, "then" Job sent and sanctified them. It was not from an anticipation that they "would" do wrong, but it was from the apprehension that they "might" have sinned. The word rendered "were gone about" (נקף nâqaph) means properly to join together, and then to move round in a circle, to revolve, as festivals do; see the notes at Isaiah 29:1 : "Let the festivals go round." Here it means that the days of their banqueting had gone round the circle, or had gone round the several families. Septuagint "When the days of the entertainment (or drinking, πότου potou) were finished." A custom of feasting similar to this prevails in China. "They have their fraternities which they call the brotherhood of the months; this consists of months according to the number of the days therein, and in a circle they go abroad to eat at one another's houses by turns. If one man has not conveniences to receive the fraternity in his own house, he may provide for them in another; and there are many public houses well furnished for this purpose." See Semedo's History of China, i chapter 13, as quoted by Burder in Rosenmuller's Morgenland. "in loc."

That Job sent - Sent for them, and called them around him. He was apprehensive that they might have erred, and he took every measure to keep them pure, and to maintain the influence of religion in his family.

And sanctified them - This expression, says Schultens, is capable of two interpretations. It may either mean that he "prepared" them by various lustrations, ablutions, and other ceremonies to offer sacrifice; or that he offered sacrifices for the purpose of procuring expiation for sins which they might actually have committed. The former sense, he remarks, is favored by the use of the word in Exodus 19:10; 1 Samuel 16:5, where the word means to prepare themselves by ablutions to meet God and to worship him. The latter sense is demanded by the connection. Job felt as every father should feel in such circumstances, that there was reason to fear that God had not been remembered as he ought to have been, and he was therefore more fervent in his devotions, and called them around him, that their own minds might be affected in view of his pious solicitude. What father is there who loves God, and who feels anxious that his children should also, who does not feel special solicitude if his sons and his daughters are in a situation where successive days are devoted to feasting and mirth? The word here rendered "sanctified" (קדשׁ qâdash) means properly to be pure, clean, holy; in Pihel, the form used here, to make holy, to sanctify, to consecrate, as a priest; and here it means, that he took measures to make them holy on the apprehension that they had sinned; that is, he took the usual means to procure for them forgiveness. The Septuagint renders it ἐκάθαριζεν ekatharizen, he purified them.

And rose up early in the morning - For the purpose of offering his devotions, and procuring for them expiation. It was customary in the patriarchal times to offer sacrifice early in the morning. See Genesis 22:3; Exodus 32:6.

And offered burnt-offerings - Hebrew "and caused to ascend;" that is, by burning them so that the smoke ascended toward heaven. The word rendered "burnt-offerings" (עולה ‛ôlâh) is from עלה ‛âlâh, "to ascend" (the word used here and rendered "offered"), and means that which was made to ascend, to wit, by burning. It is applied in the Scriptures to a sacrifice that was wholly consumed on the altar, and answers to the Greek word ὁλόκαυστον holokauston, "Holocaust." See the notes at Isaiah 1:11. Such offerings in the patriarchal times were made by the father of a family, officiating as priest in behalf of his household. Thus, Noah officiated, Genesis 8:20; and thus also Abraham acted as the priest to offer sacrifice, Genesis 12:7-8; Genesis 13:18; Genesis 22:13. In the earliest times, and among pagan nations, it was supposed that pardon might be procured for sin by offering sacrifice. In Homer there is a passage which remarkably corresponds with the view of Job before us; Iliad 9:493:

The gods (the great and only wise)

Are moved by offerings, vows, and sacrifice;

Offending man their high compassion wins,

And daily prayers atone for daily sins.

Pope

According to the number of them all - Sons and daughters. Perhaps an additional sacrifice for each one of them. The Septuagint renders this, "according to their numbers, καί μόσχον ἕνα περὶ ἁμαπτίας περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτῶν kai moschon hena peri hamartias peri tōn psuchōn autōn - a young bullock for sin or a sin-offering for their souls."

It may be that my sons have sinned - He had no positive or certain proof of it. He felt only the natural apprehension which every pious father must, that his sons might have been overtaken by temptation, and perhaps, under the influence of wine, might have been led to speak reproachfully of God, and of the necessary restraints of true religion and virtue.

And cursed God in their hearts - The word here rendered curse is that which is usually rendered "bless" ברך bārak. It is not a little remarkable that the same word is used in senses so directly opposite as to "bless" and "to curse." Dr. Good contends that the word should be always rendered "bless," and so translates it in this place, "peradventure my sons may have sinned, "nor" blessed God in their hearts," understanding the Hebrew prefix ו (v) as a disjunctive or negative participle. So too in Job 2:9, rendered in our common translation, "curse God and die," he translates it, "blessing God and dying." But the interpretation which the connection demands is evidently that of cursing, renouncing, or forgetting; and so also it is in Job 2:9. This sense is still more obvious in 1 Kings 21:10 : "Thou didst "blaspheme" ברך bārak God and the king." So also 1 Kings 21:13 of the same chapter - though here Dr. Good contends that the word should be rendered "bless," and that the accusation was that Naboth "blessed" or worshipped the gods, even Moloch - where he supposes the word מלך melek, should be pointed מלך môlek and read "Molech." But the difficulty is not removed by this, and after all it is probable that the word here, as in Job 2:9, means to "curse." So it is understood by nearly all interpreters. The Vulgate indeed renders it singularly enough, "Lest perhaps my sons have sinned, and have blessed God (et benedixerint Deo) in their hearts." The Septuagint, "Lest perhaps my sons in their mind have thought evil toward God" - κακὰ ἐνεόησαν πρὸς Θεόν kaka enenoēsan pros Theon. The Chaldee, "Lest my sons have sinned and provoked yahweh (יהוה וארגיזדקדם) in their hearts." Assuming that this is the sense of the word here, there are three ways of accounting for the fact that the same word should have such opposite significations.

(1) One is that proposed by Taylor (Concor.), that pious persons of old regarded blasphemy as so abominable that they abhorred to express it by the proper name, and that therefore by an "euphemism" they used the term "bless" instead of "curse." But it should be said that nothing is more common in the Scriptures than words denoting cursing and blasphemy. The word אלה 'âlâh, in the sense of cursing or execrating, occurs frequently. So the word גדף gâdaph, means to blaspheme, and is often used; 2 Kings 19:6, 2 Kings 19:22; Isaiah 37:6, Isaiah 37:23; Psalm 44:16. Other words also were used in the same sense, and there was no necessity of using a mere "euphemism" here.

(2) A second mode of accounting for this double use of the word is. that this was the common term of salutation between friends at meeting and parting. It is then supposed to have been used in the sense of the English phrase "to bid farewell to." And then, like that phrase, to mean "to renounce, to abandon, to dismiss from the mind, to disregard." The words χαίρειν chairein, in Greek, and "valere" in Latin, are used in this way. This explanation is suggested by Schultens, and is adopted by Rosenmuller and Noyes, who refer to the following places as parallel instances of the use of the word. Virg. Ecclesiastes 8, 58. "Vivite Sylvoe" - a form, says the Annotator on Virgil (Delphin), of bidding farewell to, like the Greek χαίρετε chairete - "a form used against those whom we reject with hatred, and wish to depart." Thus, Catull. 11. 17: Cum suis vivat, valeatque moechis. So Aesch. Agam. 574:

Καὶ πολλὰ χαίρειν ξυμφοραῖς καταξιῶ

Kai polla chairein cumforais kataciō.

Thus, Plutarch, Dion. p. 975. So Cicero in a letter to Atticus (Psalm 8:8), in which he complains of the disgraceful flight of Pompey, applies to him a quotation from Aristophanes; πολλὰ χαίρειν εἰπὼν τῷ καλῷ polla chairein eipōn tō kalō - "bidding farewell to honour he fled to Brundusium;" compare Ter. And. 4:2. 14. Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1. 44. According to this interpretation, it means that Job apprehended they had renounced God in their hearts. that is, had been unmindful of him, and had withheld from him the homage which was due. - This is plausible: but the difficulty is in making out the use of this sense of the word in Hebrew. That the word was used as a mode of "parting salutation" among the Hebrews is undoubted. It was a solemn form of invoking the divine blessing when friends separated; compare Genesis 28:3; Genesis 47:10. But I find no use of the word where it is applied to separation in the sense of "renouncing," or bidding farewell to "in a bad sense;" and unless some instances of this kind can be adduced, the interpretation is unsound, and though similar phrases are used in Greek, Latin, and other languages, it does not demonstrate that this use of the word obtained in the Hebrew.

(3) A third, and more simple explanation is that which supposes that the original sense of the word was "to kneel." This, according to Gesenius, is the meaning of the word in Arabic. So Castell gives the meaning of the word - "to bend the knees for the sake of honour;" that is, as an act of respect. So in Syriac, "Genua flexit̂ procubuit." So "Genu." the "knee." Then it means to bend the knee for the purpose of invoking God, or worshipping. In the Piel, the form used here, it means

(1) to bless God, to celebrate, to adore;

(2) to bless men - that is, to "invoke" blessings on them; to greet or salute them - in the sense of invoking blessings on them when we meet them; 1 Samuel 15:13; Genesis 47:7; 2 Samuel 6:20; or when we part from them; Genesis 47:10; 1 Kings 8:66; Genesis 24:60;

(3) to "invoke evil," in the sense of "cursing others." The idea is, that punishment or destruction is from God, and hence, it is "imprecated" on others. In one word, the term is used, as derived from the general sense of kneeling, in the sense of "invoking" either blessings or curses; and then in the general sense of blessing or cursing. This interpretation is defended by Selden, de jure Nat. et Gent. Lib. II.:100:11:p. 255, and by Gesenius, Lexicon. The idea here is, that Job apprehended that his sons, in the midst of mirth, and perhaps revelry, had been guilty of irreverence, and perhaps of reproaching God inwardly for the restraints of virtue and piety. What is more common in such scenes? What was more to be apprehended?

Thus did Job continually - It was his regular habit whenever such an occasion occurred. He was unremitted in his pious care; and his solicitude lest his sons should have sinned never ceased - a beautiful illustration of the appropriate feelings of a pious father in regard to his sons. The Hebrew is, "all day;" that is, at all times.

简体中文

「有一天」——Good博士译作“And the day came.(日子来到了。)”Tindal译作“Now(如今) upon a time.(有一次)”迦勒底意译学者却胆敢指明时间,译作:“如今事情发生在审判(或查考,דדינא ביומא)之日、‘一年之初’,众天使军来到耶和华面前侍立受审,撒但也来了。”按这说法,这审判一年举行一次,连天使的行为也受到郑重的查究。希伯来原文并没有暗示这事发生的频率,也没有暗示它发生在一年中的什么时候。唯一的意思是:“神的众子”在定规或指定的日子来到神面前站立,汇报他们所行的事,并接受关于他们当行之事的进一步指示。——这显然是为引出随后关于约伯的诸事件而设的。这是取自君主行事程序的语言:这位君主曾差遣使者或大使带着重要使命前往帝国的各省,如今他们回来汇报所见所察和王国的一般状况。这样的返抵当然要在固定的日子进行;用法律的术语说,他们的报告在那日“呈报”,他们也要在那日交待王国的状况。若有人说,设想这样的诗意虚构,与本书系默示之作的假定不相合,我回答:

(1) 这并不比救主的比喻更有损于默示;救主常设想一些情形,并把它们作为真实发生的事陈述出来,以阐明某些重要真理。然而从没有人因此被引入错误。

(2) 这与圣经各处的语言一致:圣经处处把神描述为坐在宝座上的君主、被他的臣仆环绕、差遣他们出去在他广大的帝国境内成就重要的旨意。

因此,并非绝对必须把这段看作要描述一件实际发生的事。这是诗歌可容许的修饰之一——与其他任何诗体修饰同样可容许。把神描述为王并无不当;若如此,那么以王权通常的伴随物来描述他——被臣仆环绕、在他的国中为重大目的使用天使和使者——也并无不当。既承认这一设想,随后的一切便都只是与之“相称”,为要保全这构思的逼真。——然而这一观念绝不抵触以下的看法:天使在事实上确实被神用来成就他治理国度的重要旨意;撒但也确实存在,并蒙神许可在他对待自己子民的旨意中担任重要的角色。关于本节,另见导论第1节(4)。

「神的众子」——即天使;参较Job 38:7。整个叙述都假定他们是天上的存在者。

「来侍立」——如同完成了使命归来,要汇报他们所观察、所行的事。

「在耶和华面前」——即在יהוה yehovâh面前。关于这词的意思,参见Isaiah 1:2的注释。一个与此极为相似的场景见于1 Kings 22:19-23。那里耶和华被描绘为“坐在宝座上,天上的万军侍立在他左右”。他询问谁去引诱亚哈上基列的拉末去阵亡。“随后有一个神灵出来,站在耶和华面前,说:我去引诱他。”他应许要藉着在众先知口中作“谎言的灵”来成这事。

「撒但也来在其中」——边注作「那仇敌」来「在他们中间」。关于本段的大意、撒但在此被引入的原因、以及由此推出的关于约伯记年代与作者身份的论证,见导论第4节(4)。武加大译本(Vulgate)以专名“撒但”(Satan)翻译。七十士译本作ὁ διάβολος ho diabolos——魔鬼,或控告者。迦勒底文作סטנא saṭenā'——“撒但”。叙利亚文也是如此。狄奥多提翁(Theodotion)作ὁ ἀντικείμενος ho antikeimenos——“那敌对者”。译作“撒但”的这个词שׂטן śâṭân,源于שׂטן śâṭan(“撒但”)一词,意为埋伏、作仇敌,故其本义即仇敌、控告者。它用来指“敌对”者,如在战争中,1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25;1 Samuel 29:4;也指在法庭上作仇敌或控告者的人,Psalm 109:6;以及拦阻他人去路者,Numbers 22:22:“神的使者就站在路上敌挡他”,לה לשׂטן leśâṭân lôh(敌挡他)。

后来这词用于卓异的含义,指“那仇敌”,取得了专名的形式,应用于神和人共同的大敌——那引诱人作恶、又在神面前控告他们的恶灵。例如Zechariah 3:1-2:「他又指给我看:大祭司约书亚站在耶和华的使者面前,撒但也站在约书亚的右边与他作对。耶和华向撒但说:撒但啊,耶和华责备你」;参较Revelation 12:10:「救恩现在来到了——因为那控告我们弟兄的(ὁ κατηγορῶν ho katēgorōn——即撒但,见Revelation 12:9)已经被摔下去了,他在我们神面前昼夜控告他们。」——这词在旧约中并不常见。以动词和名词的各种形式,它仅见于以下各处。作动词、取作仇敌之义的,见Psalm 71:13;Psalm 109:4, Psalm 109:20, Psalm 109:29;Zechariah 3:1;Psalm 38:20;作名词、译作“仇敌”与“众仇敌”的,见1 Kings 5:4;1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25;Numbers 22:22, Numbers 22:32;1 Samuel 29:4;2 Samuel 19:22;译作“撒但”的,见1 Chronicles 21:1;Psalm 109:6;Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12;Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6-7;Zechariah 3:2;还有一次译作“控告”,Ezra 4:6。

因此,这是一个早被用来表示仇敌或控告者的词,应用于任何担当这角色的人,直到最后它成为专名,以卓异的含义指众恶灵之首,即人的仇敌和控告者。近代以来,赫尔德(Herder)、艾希霍恩(Eichhorn)、达特(Dathe)、伊尔根(Ilgen)等人采纳了一种见解:这里以撒但之名所指的存在者,并不是那恶灵、神的仇敌、魔鬼,而是神的众子之一,“一位忠实、却过分多疑的耶和华之仆”。按这说法,神被描绘为召开御前会议,以查明他疆域的状况。在这会议中,撒但是耶和华一位热心的仆人,被指派了巡视大地各处的尊贵职分,为要观察耶和华臣民的行为;他与别人一同回来,就此露面。

约伯的敬虔如此出众,以致引起了耶和华特别的注意;他问撒但,在他巡视的旅程中可曾注意到这杰出的德行榜样。撒但因在地上所观察到的,被认为已对人所可能表现之德行的真实与诚挚失去了全部信心;他提出怀疑,连约伯事奉神是否出于无私的动机;他说神用福气四面围护他,他的德行不过是环境的产物;若他的安逸被挪去,他必被发现像任何别人一样毫无原则。按这说法,撒但是耶和华一位多疑的臣仆,而非恶灵;他加于约伯的,只是神所吩咐的,并非出于他自己的恶意。对于这见解,Gesenius(词典)评述道,它“如今已被普遍抛弃”。

这看法有一个无法回避的反对理由:它与圣经中通常归于撒但的品格不相合;尤其我们面前这段叙述归于他的心性,与这看法全然不符。他是一个恶毒的存在者;一个控告者;以有机会指控圣洁之人为伪善为乐,以获准向他施加酷刑为乐,并且在容许的范围内尽量制造痛苦——惟独因神明确的命令才被拦阻不加杀害。——在阿拉伯文中,撒但一词常用于指蛇。如Gjauhari(经Schultens引用)所说:“阿拉伯人称蛇为撒但,尤其是那些因冠、头和可憎外形而显著的蛇。”这词也用于任何邪恶的物件或存在者。如哈里里的注释家(经Schultens同样引用)所说:“凡顽梗悖逆、敌对、远离善的——无论出于精灵、人类或兽类——都称为撒但。”——仇敌与对手的一般观念,在这词的意义中随处可见。——Good博士对本节评述道:“我们在此另有一个证据,表明在族长神学的体系里,恶灵与善灵同样服于全能者的权下,同样在确定的时期被传唤,到他的审判台前为他们的行为交账。”

Rosenmuller对本节有很好的评述:“应当留意,撒但与其余的天使并无二致,同样服在神的治理之下,倚赖他的命令(参较Job 2:1——那里说撒但与神的众子(אלהים בן bên 'ĕlohı̂ym)同样来到神面前(לחהיצב lehı̂tyatsēb;即λειτουργεῖν leitourgein),以供职事奉)。耶和华使用这恶魔(hujus daemonis)的职事来施行刑罚,或因任何别的缘故,他看为好便将灾祸降于人。但那恶者虽然向必朽的族类发怒、意图加害,却被描绘为被锁链捆着,若非神放松缰绳,绝不敢触碰敬虔之人。撒但巡行大地之时,固然能仔细察看约伯,却不能加害于他,除非得了许可。”

Original em inglês

Now there was a day - Dr. Good renders this, "And the day came." Tindal." Now upon a time." The Chaldee paraphrasist has presumed to specify the time, and renders it, "Now it happened in the day of judgment (or scrutiny, דדינא ביומא), "in the beginning of the year," that hosts of angels came to stand in judgment before yahweh, and Satan came." According to this, the judgment occurred once a year, and a solemn investigation was had of the conduct even of the angels. In the Hebrew there is no intimation of the frequency with which this occurred, nor of the time of the year when it happened. The only idea is, that "the sons of God" on a set or appointed day came to stand before God to give an account of what they had done, and to receive further orders in regard to what they were to do. - This is evidently designed to introduce the subsequent events relating to Job. It is language taken from the proceedings of a monarch who had sent forth messengers or ambassadors on important errands through the different provinces of his empire, who now returned to give an account of what they had observed, and of the general state of the kingdom. Such a return would, of course, be made on a fixed day when, in the language of the law, their report would be "returnable," and when they would be required to give in an account of the state of the kingdom. If it be said that it is inconsistent with the supposition that this book was inspired to suppose such a poetic fiction, Ireply,

(1) That it is no more so than the parables of the Savior, who often supposes cases, and states them as real occurrences, in order to illustrate some important truth. Yet no one was ever led into error by this.

(2) It is in accordance with the language in the Scripture everywhere to describe God as a monarch seated on his throne, surrounded by his ministers, and sending them forth to accomplish important purposes in different parts of his vast empire.

It is not absolutely necessary, therefore, to regard this as designed to represent an actual occurrence. It is one of the admissible ornaments of poetry; - as admissible as any other poetic ornament. To represent God as a king is not improper; and if so, it is not improper to represent him with the usual accompaniments of royalty, - surrounded by ministers, and employing angels and messengers for important purposes in his kingdom. This supposition being admitted, all that follows is merely in "keeping," and is designed to preserve the verisimilitude of the conception. - This idea, however, by no means militates against the supposition that angels are in fact really employed by God in important purposes in the government of his kingdom, nor that Satan has a real existence, and is permitted by God to employ an important agency in the accomplishment of his purposes toward his people. On this verse, however, see the Introduction, Section 1, (4).

The sons of God - Angels; compare Job 38:7. The whole narrative supposes that they were celestial beings.

Came to present themselves - As having returned from their embassy, and to give an account of what they had observed and done.

Before the Lord - Before יהוה yehovâh. On the meaning of this word, see the notes at Isaiah 1:2. A scene remarkably similar to this is described in 1 Kings 22:19-23. Yahweh is there represented as "sitting on his throne, and all the host of heaven standing by him on his right hand and on his left." He inquires who would go and persuade Ahab that he might go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead? "And there came forth a spirit and stood before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him." This he promised to do by being "a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets."

And Satan came also among them - Margin, "The adversary" came "in the midst of them." On the general meaning of this passage, and the reasons why Satan is introduced here, and the argument thence derived respecting the age and authorship of the book of Job, see the Introduction, Section 4, (4). The Vulgate renders this by the name "Satan." The Septuagint: ὁ διάβολος ho diabolos - the devil, or the accuser. The Chaldee, סטנא saṭenā', "Satan." So the Syriac. Theodotion, ὁ ἀντικείμενος ho antikeimenos - "the adversary." The word rendered "Satan" שׂטן śâṭân is derived from שׂטן śâṭan "Satan," to lie in wait, to be an adversary, and hence, it means properly an adversary, an accuser. It is used to denote one who "opposes," as in war 1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; 1 Samuel 29:4; onc who is an adversary or an accuser in a court of justice Psalm 109:6, and one who stands in the way of another; Numbers 22:22, "And the angel of yahweh stood in the way for an adversary against him" לה לשׂטן leśâṭân lôh, "to oppose him."

It is then used by way of eminence, to denote the "adversary," and assumes the form of a proper name, and is applied to the great foe of God and man - the malignant spirit who seduces people to evil, and who accuses them before God. Thus, in Zechariah 3:1-2, "And he showed me Joshua the priest standing before the angel of the Lord, and Satan standing at his right hand to resist him. And the Loan said unto Satan, The Lord rebuke thee, O Satan;" compare Revelation 12:10, "Now is come salvation - for the accuser ὁ κατηγορῶν ho katēgorōn - that is, Satan, see Revelation 12:9) of our brethren is cast down, which accused them before our God day and night." - The word does not often occur in the Old Testament. It is found in the various forms of a verb and a noun in only the following places. As a verb, in the sense of being an adversary, Psalm 71:13; Psalm 109:4, Psalm 109:20, Psalm 109:29; Zechariah 3:1; Psalm 38:20; as a noun, rendered "adversary" and "adversaries," 1 Kings 5:4; 1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; Numbers 22:22, Numbers 22:32; 1 Samuel 29:4; 2 Samuel 19:22; rendered "Satan," 1 Chronicles 21:1; Psalm 109:6; Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12; Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6-7; Zechariah 3:2; and once rendered "an accusation," Ezra 4:6.

It was a word, therefore, early used in the sense of an adversary or accuser, and was applied to anyone who sustained this character, until it finally came to be used as a proper name, to denote, by way of eminence, the prince of evil spirits, as the adversary or accuser of people. An opinion has been adopted in modern times by Herder, Eichhorn, Dathe, Ilgen, and some others, that the being here referred to by the name of Satan is not the malignant spirit, the enemy of God, the Devil, but is one of the sons of God, "a faithful, but too suspicious servant of yahweh." According to this, God is represented as holding a council to determine the state of his dominions. In this council, Satan, a zealous servant of yahweh, to whom had been assigned the honorable office of visiting different parts of the earth, for the purpose of observing the conduct of the subjects of yahweh, makes his appearance on his return with others.

Such was the piety of Job, that it had attracted the special attention of yahweh, and he puts the question to Satan, whether in his journey be had remarked this illustrious example of virtue. Satan, who, from what he has observed on earth, is supposed to have lost all confidence in the reality and genuineness of the virtue which man may exhibit, suggests that he doubts whether even Job serves God from a disinterested motive; that God had encompassed him with blessings, and that his virtue is the mere result of circumstances; and that if his comforts were removed he would be found as destitute of principle as any other man. Satan, according to this, is a suspicious minister of yahweh, not a malignant spirit; he inflicts on Job only what he is ordered to by God, and nothing because he is himself malignant. Of this opinion Gesenius remarks (Lexicon), that it "is now universally exploded."

An insuperable objection to this view is, that it does not accord with the character usually ascribed to Satan in the Bible, and especially that the disposition attributed to him in the narrative before us is wholly inconsistent with this view. He is a malignant being; an accuser; one delighting in the opportunity of charging a holy man with hypocrisy, and in the permission to inflict tortures on him, and who goes as far in producing misery as he is allowed - restrained from destroying him only by the express command of God. - In Arabic the word Satan is often applied to a serpent. Thus, Gjauhari, as quoted by Schultens, says, "The Arabs call a serpent Satan, especially one that is conspicuous by its crest, head, and odious appearance." It is applied also to any object or being that is evil. Thus, the Scholiast on Hariri, as quoted by Schultens also, says, "Everything that is obstinately rebellious, opposed, and removed from good, of genii, human beings, and beasts, is called Satan." - The general notion of an adversary and an opponent is found everywhere in the meaning of the word. - Dr. Good remarks on this verse, "We have here another proof that, in the system of patriarchal theology, the evil spirits, as well as the good, were equally amenable to the Almighty, and were equally cited, at definite periods, to answer for their conduct at his bar."

Rosenmuller remarks well on this verse, "It is to be observed, that Satan, no less than the other celestial spirits, is subject to the government of God, and dependent on his commands (compare Job 2:1) where Satan equally with the sons of God (אלהים בן bên 'ĕlohı̂ym) is said to present himself before God (לחהיצב lehı̂tyatsēb; that is, λειτουργεῖν leitourgein), to minister. Yahweh uses the ministry of this demon (hujus daemonis) to execute punishment, or when from any other cause it seemed good to him to send evil upon men. But he, although incensed against the race of mortals, and desirous of injuring, is yet described as bound with a chain, and never dares to touch the pious unless God relaxes the reins. Satan, in walking round the earth, could certainly attentively consider Job, but to injure him he could not, unless permission had been given him."

简体中文

「耶和华问撒但说:你从哪里来?」——这一问似乎不是当作撒但不该出现在那里而发出的,因为他这样前来并未受到责备。他是作为一个受耶和华管辖的灵而来的;他与众使者同来,不是要混入他们的交往、分享他们的福乐,而是要报告他所作的事、他所观察到的情形。诗意的构想是:这种事定期进行,凡耶和华所使用来向世人施福、降罚或鉴察其行为的"一切"使者,都来站在他面前。为什么这问话特别指向"撒但",经文没有说明。或许并非真有向他发出的什么"特别"询问,只是因为他将要在随后的事迹中担任如此重要的角色,所以只记录了向他所作的问话;至于其他使者,没有发生与约伯有关的事,对他们的一一查问便略而不提。也可能是因为撒但素来为人所知,心存恶意、多疑,惯于臆想神仆人的恶,所以这问话的用意,是要把他特别引向约伯——一个杰出而无可置疑的美德与敬虔的典范。

「我从地上走来走去」——古德博士(Dr. Good)译作"四处巡行"。诺伊斯(Noyes)译作"游遍"。这里所用的词(שׁוּט shûṭ)本义是:

(一)鞭打、笞击、抽打;

(二)划船,即用桨拍打海水;

(三)跑上跑下、四处走动、来来往往——仿佛用双臂如桨一般拍打空气,因而引申为周游一地、穿行其间以观看之,2 Samuel 24:2、2 Samuel 24:8。

古德博士(Dr. Good)依照舒尔滕斯(Schultens)所提出的解释说:"这个词所表明的,与其说是前后往返的行动,不如说是绕行一圈或环行一周;是绕着圈行走。这个希伯来动词至今仍为阿拉伯作家所使用,在每一处都含有同样的旋转或环行的意思。"据卡斯特尔(Castell)所言,在阿拉伯文中,这个词意为"加热、燃烧、使沸腾、耗尽",继而指使疲于奔命——例如使马如此——再引申为绕行、全速奔走、殷勤而活跃地来往行动。因此,舒尔滕斯(Schultens)所引卡尔努索(Carnuso)的话说:"一鼓作气直抵目标的行程,称为שׁוט shôṭ。"在2 Samuel 24:2中,这个词用于走遍各处以数点人口的意思:"你去走遍以色列众支派。"在Numbers 11:8中,它用于以色列人四处奔走收取吗哪——在吗哪落下之处忙碌迅速地往来,为要收取它。在Zechariah 4:10中,它用于"耶和华的眼睛",说它们"遍察全地"——就是说,他鉴察万事,如同人的眼目迅速从一个对象移到另一个对象那样。同样的短语也见于2 Chronicles 16:9。在Jeremiah 5:1中,它用于人迅速穿过城市街巷的行动:"你们当在耶路撒冷的街上跑来跑去";参较Jeremiah 49:3。从这些经文可以看出,这里的观念不是"绕圈"而行,而是迅速穿行、敏捷而急切地移动;而且其"原初"的观念很可能就是阿拉伯文中的"烧热"之意——由此应用于鞭子或笞条,因为它产生如火烧般的感觉;也应用于急速的行程或动作,因为它产生热气或炽热。这个词表明,撒但曾活跃而殷勤地在地上往来穿行,为要察看全地。迦勒底文译本对此加上一句:"为要察看世人的作为。"

「往返而来」——即去察究人间的事务。关于本节,罗森米勒(Rosenmuller)指出:在琐罗亚斯德的生平中(见约翰·G·克洛伊克纳〔Kleukner〕编《赞德阿维斯塔》〔Zendavesta〕卷三第11页),邪恶鬼魔的首领、死亡天使,名叫"恩格雷梅尼奥施"(Engermeniosch)的,据说也在世界上远近奔走,为要伤害和敌挡良善之人。

Original em inglês

And the Lord said unto Satan, Whence comest thou? - This inquiry does not appear to have been made as if it was improper that Satan should have appeared there, for no blame seems to have been attached to him for this. He came as a spirit that was subject to the control of yahweh; he came with others, not to mingle in their society, and partake of their happiness, but to give an account of what he had done, and of what he had observed. The poetic idea is, that this was done periodically, and that "all" the spirits employed by yahweh to dispense blessings to mortals, to inflict punishment, or to observe their conduct, came and stood before him. Why the inquiry is directed particularly to "Satan," is not specified. Perhaps it is not meant that there was any "special" inquiry made of him, but that, as he was to have so important an agency in the transactions which follow, the inquiry that was made of him only is recorded In respect to the others, nothing occurred pertaining to Job, and their examination is not adverted to. Or it may be, that, as Satan was known to be malignant, suspicious, and disposed to think evil of the servants of God, the design was to direct his attention particularly to Job as an illustrious and indisputable example of virtue and piety.

From going to and fro in the earth - Dr. Good renders this, "from roaming round." Noyes, "from wandering over." The word which is here used (שׁוּט shûṭ) means properly,

(1.) to whip, to scourge, to lash;

(2.) to row, that is, to lash the sea with oars;

(3.) to run up and down, to go here and there, or to and fro, so as to lash the air with one's arms as with oars, and hence, to travel over a land, or to go through it in order to see it, 2 Samuel 24:2, 2 Samuel 24:8.

Dr. Good, in conformity with the interpretation proposed by Schultens, says that "the word imports, not so much the act of going forward and backward, as of making a circuit or circumference; of going round about. The Hebrew verb is still in use among the Arabic writers, and in every instance implies the same idea of gyration or circumambulation." In Arabic, according to Castell, the word means "to heat, to burn, to cause to boil, to consume:" then to propel to weariness, as e. g. a horse, and then to make a circuit, to go about at full speed, to go with diligence and activity. Thus, in Carnuso, as quoted by Schultens, "a course made at one impulse to the goal is called שׁוט shôṭ. In 2 Samuel 24:2, the word is used in the sense of passing around through different places for the purpose of taking a census. "Go now (Margin, "compass") through all the tribes of Israel." In Numbers 11:8, it is applied to the Israelites going about to collect manna, passing rapidly and busily in the places where it fell for the purpose of gathering it.

In Zechariah 4:10, it is applied to "the eyes of Yahweh," which are said to "run to and fro through the earth," that is, he surveys all things as one does whose eye passes rapidly from object to object. The same phrase occurs in 2 Chronicles 16:9. In Jeremiah 5:1, it is applied to the action of a man passing rapidly through the streets of a city. "Run ye to and fro through the streets of Jerusalem "compare Jeremiah 49:3. From these passages it is clear that the idea is not that of going "in a circuit" or circle, but it is that of passing rapidly; of moving with alacrity and in a hurry; and it is not improbable that the "original" idea is that suggested in the Arabic of "heat" - and thence applied to a whip or scourge because it produces a sensation like burning, and also to a rapid journey or motion, because it produces heat or a glow. It means that Satan had been active and diligent in passing from place to place in the earth to survey it. The Chaldee adds to this, "to examine into the works of the sons of men."

And from walking - That is, to investigate human affairs. On this verse it is observed by Rosenmullcr, that in the life of Zoroaster (see Zendavesta by John G. Kleukner, vol. 3: p. 11,) the prince of the evil demons, the angel of death, whose name is "Engremeniosch," is said to go far and near through the world for the purpose of injuring and opposing good people.

简体中文

你曾用心察看我的仆人约伯没有 - 边注作「将你的心放在他身上」。边注是希伯来文的直译。Schultens对此评论说,这话的意思不只是观察或观看——因为从以下几节可以充分看出,撒但「的确」仔细察看过约伯,并且一直想伤害他。按他的看法,这话的意思是:定意与约伯作对,存伤害他的意图把心盯在他身上;而耶和华的意思是问撒但有没有这样做。但这短语更可能意为「仔细察看」,神的意思是问他有没有仔细观察过约伯。撒但在这里的形象,是对人的德性毫无信心,坚称只要试探以足够诱人的形式出现,就没有什么德性能抵受得住。神在这里以约伯的例子作为对这看法的完全驳斥。随后的试炼正是要检验约伯的敬虔是否属于能抵受试探的那一种。

地上再没有人像他:8b - 意即他是地上德性与敬虔的最高典范。不过,这里的 כי(ki)一词岂不可以译作「因为」吗?——「因为地上再没有人像他」。这样,意思就不是他曾察看到「地上无人像他」,而是神「因为」他是世人中最杰出的,而把撒但的注意力引向他。

完全正直:8b - 参Job 1:1注。七十士译本翻译这节,与译Job 1:1时的译法相同。

Original em inglês

Hast thou considered my servant Job? - Margin, "Set thine heart on." The margin is a literal translation of the Hebrew. Schultens remarks on this, that it means more than merely to observe or to look at - since it is abundantly manifest from the following verses that Satan "had" attentively considered Job, and had been desirous of injuring him. It means, according to him, to set himself against Job, to fix the heart on him with an intention to injure him, and yahweh means to ask whether Satan had done this. But it seems more probable that the phrase means to consider "attentively," and that God means to ask him whether he had carefully observed him. Satan is represented as having no confidence in human virtue, and as maintaining that there was none which would resist temptation, if presented in a form sufficiently alluring. God here appeals to the case of Job as a full refutation of this opinion. The trial which follows is designed to test the question whether the piety of Job was of this order.

That there is none like him in the earth - That he is the very highest example of virtue and piety on earth. Or might not the word כי kı̂y here be rendered "for?" "For there is none like him in the earth." Then the idea would be, not that he had considered "that" there was none like him, but God directs his attention to him "because" he was the most eminent among mortals.

A perfect and an upright man - See the Notes at Job 1:1. The Septuagint translates this verse as they do Job 1:1.

简体中文

约伯敬畏神,岂是无故呢? - “他的信仰是无私的吗?在这样的境遇中,岂不是人人都愿意敬拜神吗?”这里的观念是:他的敬虔毫无真实之处;信仰无法在顺境中受试验;约伯事奉神已得了丰厚的报偿,而他若失去所领受的这些恩惠,就必与其余的世人一样。世上表面的美德与信仰,多半是环境的产物;此处所提出的问题,“恐怕”可以十分恰当地问在许多富足的自称信教之人身上;每一位自称至高者之友的人,“都应当”自问,自己的信仰是否出于自私与贪利。这是因为神赐给我们极大的属世好处吗?是仅仅出于感恩的结果吗?是因为他在危险中保守了我们,或使我们从疾病中复原吗?还是仅仅因为我们盼望天堂,并因相信他会在来世赏赐我们而事奉神?这一切都可能只是自私的结果;对这一切人,都可以恰当地问:“他们敬畏神,岂是无故呢?”真信仰不仅是感恩,也不是环境的产物。它乃是为信仰本身的缘故而爱信仰——不是为了报偿;是因为事奉神本身就是正当的,而不仅仅因为天堂满有荣耀;是因为神配得我们的爱慕与信靠,而不仅仅因为他要赐福我们——这样的信仰必能经过一切外在的变迁而长存,并在世界毁灭之后仍然存留。它在贫穷中必如在富足的环绕中一样繁茂;在病痛之榻上必如在强健的身体中一样兴旺;当我们因依恋这信仰而遭人诽谤藐视时,必如谄媚之香在四围焚烧、银铃般的赞美之声落入耳中时一样;在茅屋里必如在宫殿中一样;在草铺上必如在绒毛床上一样。

Original em inglês

Doth Job fear God for nought? - "Is his religion disinterested? Would not anyone be willing to worship God in such circumstances?" The idea is that there was nothing genuine about his piety; that religion could not be tried in prosperity; that Job had an abundant compensation for serving God, and that if the favors conferred on him were taken away, he would be like the rest of mankind. Much of the apparent virtue and religion of the world is the result of circumstances, and the question here proposed "may," it is to be feared, be asked with great propriety of many professors of religion who are rich; it "should" be asked by every professed friend of the Most High, whether his religion is not selfish and mercenary. Is it because God has blessed us with great earthly advantages? Is it the result of mere gratitude? Is it because he has preserved us in peril, or restored us from sickness? Or is it merely because we hope for heaven, and serve God because we trust he will reward us in a future world? All this may be the result of mere selfishness; and of all such persons it may be appropriately asked, "Do they fear God for nought?" True religion is not mere gratitude, nor is it the result of circumstances. It is the love of religion for its own sake - not for reward; it is because the service of God is right in itself, and not merely because heaven is full of glory; it is because God is worthy of our affections and confidence, and not merely because he will bless us - and this religion will live through all external changes, and survive the destruction of the world. It will flourish in poverty as well as when surrounded by affluence; on a bed of pain as well as in vigorous health; when we are calumniated and despised for our attachment to it, as well as when the incense of flattery is burned around us, and the silvery tones of praise fall on our ear; in the cottage as well as the palace; on the pallet of straw as well as on the bed of down.

10

Job 1:10

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你岂不是四面圈上篱笆围护他吗? - 古德博士(Dr. Good)指出,要使这里的原文充分发挥其力量,这词应取自工程学的用语,译作“你岂不是在他四围竖起了一道栅栏吗?”此处所用的希伯来文(שׂוּך śûk)本义是“围篱”;围起来或围在四周;引申为保护,正如人的房屋或田场被荆棘篱笆、或木桩栅栏围住而受保护一样。这词以各种形式用作名词时,表示“刺眼之物”(Numbers 33:55),即如同荆棘的东西;“倒钩铁器”(Job 41:7),即用作捕鱼之叉的倒钩铁器;以及篱笆、荆棘篱(Micah 7:4;Proverbs 15:19;Isaiah 5:5)。此处的观念是:在约伯和他所有之物的四围造一道围栏,保守它们免遭危险。七十士译本译作 περιέφραξας(periephracas),即在四围设防,像战争中营盘被围栅一样。叙利亚文和阿拉伯文译作“你岂不是用手保护了他吗?”迦勒底文作“你岂不是用你的话保护了他吗?”七十士译本把整节译作“你岂不是圈住了他外面的一切东西”(τὰ ἔξω ἀτοῦ,ta exō autou),即他在外属于他的东西,“以及他家中之内的东西”。整节的意思是:他显著地处于神的保护之下,神保守了他本人、他的家和财产免受抢掠者之害,因此他事奉神、敬畏神。

他手所做的都蒙你赐福 - 即你大大使他昌盛。

他的家产也在地上增多 - 即他的财产,见 Job 1:3。旁注作“牲畜”。此处译作“增多”的词,远不能表达原文的力量。פרץ pârats 一词本义为打破、撕裂,继而指像被拦蓄的水那样冲破、迸出;见 2 Samuel 5:20;比较 Proverbs 3:10:“这样,你的仓房必充满有余,你的酒醡有新酒盈溢”(פרץ pârats,即迸出);就是说,你的酒醡必满得溢出,或“冲破”拦阻,酒便丰盛地流出。据舒尔腾斯(Schultens)说,阿拉伯人至今仍用这词表示河口,即河流最湍急的部分。戈利乌斯(Golius)为证明这一点,从阿拉伯作家 Gjanhari 引了一联诗,其中这词用于表示幼发拉底河的口:

“他的浮财成堆,将他漫过;

正如狂暴的幼发拉底河在河口奔泻。”

据舒尔腾斯(Sehultens)说,这个词表示河流迸发之处,即撕开山岩、开出新道的地方。照样,约伯的牛群羊群仿佛冲破了一切拦阻,像洪水泛滥一样遍布全地;比较 Genesis 30:43;2 Chronicles 31:5;Exodus 1:7;Job 16:14。

Original em inglês

Hast thou not made an hedge about him? - Dr. Good remarks, that to give the original word here its full force, it should be derived from the science of engineering, and be rendered, "Hast thou not raised a "palisado" about him?" The Hebrew word used here (שׂוּך śûk) properly means "to hedge"; to hedge in or about; and hence, to protect, as one is defended whose house or farm is hedged in either with a fence of thorns, or with an enclosure of stakes or palisades. The word in its various forms is used to denote, as a noun, "pricks in the eyes" Numbers 33:55; that is, that which would be like thorns; "barbed irons" Job 41:7, that is, the barbed iron used as a spear to take fish; and a hedge, and thorn hedge, Micah 7:4; Proverbs 15:19; Isaiah 5:5. The idea here is, that of making an enclosure around Job and his possessions to guard them from danger. The Septuagint renders it περιέφραξας periephracas, to make a defense around," to "circumvallate" or inclose, as a camp is in war. In the Syriac and Arabic it is rendered, "Hast thou not protected him with thy hand? The Chaldee, "Hast thou protected him with thy word? The Septuagint renders the whole passage, "Hast thou not encircled the things which are without him" (τὰ ἔξω αὐτοῦ ta exō autou) that is, the things abroad which belong to him, "and the things within his house." The sense of the whole passage is, that he was eminently under the divine protection, and that God had kept himself, his family, and property from plunderers, and that therefore he served and feared him.

Thou hast blessed the work of his hands - Thou hast greatly prospered him.

And his substance is increased in the land - His property, Job 1:3. Margin, "cattle." The word "increased" here by no means expresses the force of the original. The word פרץ pârats means properly to break, to rend, then to break or burst forth as waters do that have been pent up; 2 Samuel 5:20, compare Proverbs 3:10, "So shall thy barns be filled with plenty, and thy presses "shall burst out" פרץ pârats with new wine;" that is, thy wine-fats shall be so full that they shall overflow, or "burst" the barriers, and the wine shall flow out in abundance. The Arabians, according to Schultens, employ this word still to denote the mouth or "embouchure" - the most; rapid part of a stream. So Golius, in proof of this, quotes from the Arabic writer Gjanhari, a couplet where the word is used to denote the mouth of the Euphrates:

"His rushing wealth o'er flowed him with its heaps;

So at its mouth the mad Euphrates sweeps."

According to Sehultens, the word denotes a place where a river bursts forth, and makes a new way by rending the hills and rocks asunder. In like manner the flocks and herds of Job had burst, as it were, every barrier, and had spread like an inundation over the land; compare Genesis 30:43; 2 Chronicles 31:5; Exodus 1:7; Job 16:14.

11

Job 1:11

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你且伸手 - 就是为要伤害他,夺去他的财产。

毁他一切所有的 - Good 博士(Dr. Good)将此译作"击打"。武加大译本和七十士译本作"摸"。这里所用的希伯来词 נגע nâga‛ 本意为"摸";转指以暴力加害于人(Genesis 26:11;Joshua 9:19),再转为击打、伤害、击打;见 Genesis 32:26, 33;1 Samuel 6:9;Job 19:21;比较 Isaiah 53:4 的注释。这里显然意为击打或击伤;其观念是:神若夺去约伯的财产,必连同夺去他的敬虔——而这试验就是要看这个结果是否会随之发生。

他必当面弃掉你 - 他会公开地、当众这样做。这里译作"弃掉"的词 ברך bārak 与 Job 1:5 所用的是同一个词,通常译作"祝福";见 Job 1:5 的注释。Good 博士力主此处应译作"祝福",并把它译成问句:"那么他果真会当面祝福你吗?"但在这一点上,他大概是孤立的一人。明显的意思是:约伯会公开否认神,当面咒诅那坐在宝座上的他;他一切的敬虔仅仅起因于他丰盛的昌盛,不过是感激和自私而已;他的财产若被夺去,他就会公然成为那如今作他恩主者的公开仇敌。

Original em inglês

But put forth thine hand now - That is, for the purpose of injuring him, and taking away his property.

And touch all that he hath - Dr. Good renders this, "and smite." The Vulgate and the Septuagint, "touch." The Hebrew word used here נגע nâga‛ means properly to "touch;" then to touch anyone with violence Genesis 26:11; Joshua 9:19, and then to smite, to injure, to strike; see Genesis 32:26, 33; 1 Samuel 6:9; Job 19:21; compare the notes at Isaiah 53:4. Here it means evidently to smite or strike; and the idea is, that if God should take away the property of Job, he would take away his religion with it - and the trial was to see whether this effect would follow.

And he will curse thee to thy face - He will do it openly and publicly. The word rendered "curse" here ברך bārak is the same as that used in Job 1:5, and which is usually rendered "bless;" see the notes at Job 1:5. Dr. Good contends that; it should be rendered here "bless," and translates it as a question: "Will he then, indeed, bless thee to thy face?" But in this he probably stands alone. The evident sense is, that Job would openly renounce God, and curse him on his throne; that all his religion was caused merely by his abundant prosperity, and was mere gratitude and selfishness; and that if his property were taken away, he would become the open and avowed enemy of him who was now his benefactor.

12

Job 1:12

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凡他所有的都在你手中 - 边注按希伯来文作“手”。就是说,这一切如今都交在你手中,因为显然,撒但此前连他的财产也无权伤害。他抱怨神在约伯所有的一切四围围上了篱笆。如今这一切都交托给他,为要使他能充分试验约伯的信心。这许可不仅及于他的财产,也及于他的儿女。

只是不可伸手加害于他 - 约伯本人不得遭受疾病的打击,他的性命也不得被取去。撒但主要的指控是:约伯有德,只因神用这么多福分环绕他,尤其因神赐给他这么多财产。因此,这试验只需要看出他的敬虔是否仅仅是这些福分的产物。

于是撒但从耶和华面前退去 - 即从那被召集的会议中退出;见 Job 1:6 的注释。

Original em inglês

All that he hath is in thy power - Margin, as in Hebrew "hand." That is, all this is now committed to thee, for it is manifest that hitherto Satan had no power to injure even his property. He complained that God had made a hedge around all that Job possessed. Now it was all entrusted to him in order that he might make full trim of the faith of Job. The grant extended to his sons and daughters as well as to his property.

Only upon himself put not forth thine hand - Job himself was not to be visited with sickness nor was his life to be taken. The main accusation of Satan was, that Job was virtuous only because God encompassed him with so many blessings, and especially because he had endowed him with so much property. The trial, therefore, only required that it should be seen whether his piety was the mere result of these blessings.

So Satan went forth from the presence of the Lord - That is from the council which had been convened; see the notes at Job 1:6.

13

Job 1:13

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有一天 - 意即轮到在长兄家中设宴的那一日;参见 Job 1:4 的注释。

喝酒 - 这一情节在 Job 1:4 中被省略了。它表明酒被视为宴席必不可少的组成部分,而约伯所担忧的、Job 1:5 中提到的那些不幸后果,正是因饮酒之故。

Original em inglês

And there was a day - That is, on the day on which the regular turn came for the banquet to be held in the house of the older brother; compare the notes at Job 1:4.

And drinking wine - This circumstance is omitted in Job 1:4. It shows that wine was regarded as an essential part of the banquet, and it was from its use that Job apprehended the unhappy results referred to in Job 1:5.

14

Job 1:14

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有报信的来见约伯 - 希伯来文是 מלאך mal'âk;这字通常译作"天使",在这里译作"报信的"(使者)是恰当的。这字的本义是"被差遣的人"。

牛正耕地 - 希伯来文是"牲畜"(בקר bâqâr),不仅包括"牛",大概也包括"母牛";参见 Job 1:3 的注释。

驴 - 希伯来文 אתון 'âthôn,"母驴"。这里特别提到"性别",Good 博士主张在译文中也应把它表达出来。七十士译本也是如此:αἱ θήλειαι ὄνοι hai thēleiai onoi。耶柔米也译作"asinoe"。之所以指明性别,是因为母驴因出奶的缘故,比公驴贵重得多。因此人们旅行时也喜用母驴;参见 Job 1:3 的注释。

在旁边 - 希伯来文作"在它们手旁",即在它们旁边,因为希伯来文 יד yâd 常用于这个意义;比较 Isaiah 33:21 的注释。

Original em inglês

And there came a messenger unto Job - Hebrew מלאך mal'âk; the word usually rendered "angel," appropriately rendered "messenger" here. The word properly means "one who is sent."

The oxen were plowing - Hebrew "the cattle" (בקר bâqâr) including not merely "oxen," but probably also "cows;" see the notes at Job 1:3.

And the asses - Hebrew אתון 'âthôn "she-asses." The "sex" is here expressly mentioned and Dr. Good maintains that it should be in the translation. So it is in the Septuagint αἱ θήλειαι ὄνοι hai thēleiai onoi. So Jerome, "asinoe." The reason why the sex is specified is, that female asses, on account of their milk, were much more valuable than males. On this account they were preferred also for traveling; see the notes at Job 1:3.

Beside them - Hebrew "By their hands," that is, by their sides, for the Hebrew יד yâd is often used in this sense; compare the notes at Isaiah 33:21.

15

Job 1:15

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示巴人——希伯来文 שׁבא shebâ',武加大译本作“Suboei”。七十士译本此处为意译:καὶ ἐλθόντες οἱ αἰχμαλωτεύοντες ἠχμαλώτευσαν,“即掠夺者前来,掠夺了他们”,或将他们掳去。关于示巴(Sheba)与西巴(Seba)的位置,见 Isaiah 43:3 注、Isaiah 45:14 注、Isaiah 9:6 注。这里所指的人,无疑是幸福阿拉伯(Arabia Felix)某一地区的居民。圣经中共提到三个名叫示巴的人。

(1)古实之孙(Genesis 10:7);

(2)约坍之子(Genesis 10:28);

(3)亚伯拉罕由基土拉所生之子约珊的儿子。

“卡尔梅特(Calmet)。”这里所说的示巴大概位于阿拉伯南部,而从叙事来看,此处提到的示巴人显然是一个以掠夺为生的部落。这些部落惯于为劫掠而游荡全境,从幼发拉底河岸直到埃及的边陲,这并非没有可能。今日的贝都因(Bedawin)阿拉伯人与古时阿拉伯的居民惊人地相似;多个世纪以来,阿拉伯居民的习俗一直没有改变,因为东方人的习性代代相传、始终如一。叙利亚语译本将此句简单地译作“有一群人冲向他们”,而略去了“示巴”一词。

“忽然闯来”——以强力,即出其不意地扑向他们。今日阿拉伯部落袭击商队、行人或村庄以行劫掠,正是采用这种方式。

“掳去”——当作掠物带走。如今这种突袭并掳走大量战利品的事仍屡见不鲜。

“杀了仆人”——希伯来文 נערים na‛arı̂ym,即“年轻人们”。נער na‛ar 一词本义为“男孩”,可用于指刚出生的婴孩(Exodus 2:6;Judges 13:5, Judges 13:7),也可用于指少年人(Genesis 34:19;Genesis 41:12)。后来它像希腊文 παῖς pais 一样,被用来指仆人或奴隶(Genesis 24:2;2 Kings 5:20;比较 Acts 5:6)。同样,在北美南部各州,“boy”一词也常用来指奴隶。这里显然是指在约伯的田地上耕作、看守他牲畜的仆人们,并没有任何暗示表明他们是奴隶。耶柔米(Jerome)译作“pueros(男孩们)”,七十士译本也同样译作 τοῦς παὶδας(tous paidas)。

“我还独自一人逃脱来报信”——独自一人,希伯来文 בד bad,即没有别人与我在一起。值得注意的是,每个逃脱的仆人所报的都是同样的口信(Job 1:16-17, Job 1:19)。迦勒底语译本对此给出一个非常奇特的译法——显然是出于要解释一切、并指明所有相关人物“名字”的愿望:“牛正耕地,扎马尔加德(Zamargad)的女王莱拉特(Lelath)突然冲向它们,把它们掳去了。”

Original em inglês

And the Sabeans - Hebrew שׁבא shebâ', Vulgate, "Suboei." The Septuagint gives a paraphrase, καὶ ἐλθόντες οἱ αἰχμαλωτεύοντες ἠχμαλώτευσαν kai elthonia hoi aichmalōteuontes ēchmalōteusan, "And the plunderers coming, plundered them," or made them captive. On the situation of Sheba and Seba, see Isaiah 43:3, note; Isaiah 45:14, note; Isaiah 9:6, note. The people here referred to were, undoubtedly, inhabitants of some part of Arabia Felix. There are three persons of the name of Sheba mentioned in the Scriptures.

(1) A grandson of Cush; Genesis 10:7.

(2) A son of Joktan; Genesis 10:28.

(3) A son of Jokshan, the son of Abraham by Keturah.

"Calmet." The Sheba here referred to was probably in the southern part of Arabia, and from the narrative it is evident that the Sabeans here mentioned were a predatory tribe. It is not improbable that these tribes were in the habit of wandering for purposes of plunder over the whole country, from the banks of the Euphrates to the outskirts of Egypt. The Bedawin Arabs of the present day resemble in a remarkable manner the ancient inhabitants of Arabia, and for many centuries the manners of the inhabitants of Arabia have not changed, for the habits of the Orientals continue the same from age to age. The Syriac renders this simply, "a multitude rushed" upon them;" omitting the word "Sabean."

Fell upon them - With violence; or rushed unexpectedly upon them. This is the way in which the Arab tribes now attack the caravan, the traveler, or the village, for plunder.

And took them away - As plunder. It is common now to make such sudden incursions, and to carry off a large booty.

They have slain the servants - Hebrew נערים na‛arı̂ym, "the young men." The word נער na‛ar, properly means a "boy," and is applied to an infant just born, Exodus 2:6; Judges 13:5, Judges 13:7; or to a youth, Genesis 34:19; Genesis 41:12. It came then to denote a servant or slave, like the Greek παῖς pais; Genesis 24:2; 2 Kings 5:20; compare Acts 5:6. So the word "boy" is often used in the Southern States of North America to denote a slave. Here it evidently means the servants that were employed in cultivating the lands of Job, and keeping his cattle. There is no intimation that they were slaves. Jerome renders it "pueros, boys;" so the Septuagint τοῦς παὶδας tous paidas.

And I only am escaped alone - By myself, בד bad. There is no other one with me. It is remarkable that the same account is given by each one of the servants who escaped, Job 1:16-17, Job 1:19. The Chaldee has given a very singular version of this - apparently from the desire of accounting for everything, and of mentioning the "names" of all the persons intended. "The oxen were plowing, and Lelath, queen of Zamargad, suddenly rushed upon them, and carried them away."

16

Job 1:16

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简体中文

他还说话的时候——这一切都显出撒但行动的迅速,以及他要借灾祸的突袭与重大来“压倒”约伯的意图。其目的看来是要使他在从一种试炼的打击中恢复过来之前,另一试炼又临到他。倘若给他一点间隙,他也许能重振力量来承受自己的苦难;但苦难急速接踵而至时,就远更难以承受。然而,义人不但因苦难的沉重、也因苦难的急速与累积而受试炼,这并不是很罕见的事。“灾祸从不单来”已成了一句俗语。

神的火——旁注作“大火”;显然指一道闪电,或一个霹雳。希伯来原文是“神的火”;但这短语很可能是以类似于“神的香柏树”(意即高大的香柏树)或“神的山”(意即极高的山)这类说法的方式来使用的。所指的大概就是闪电;比较 Numbers 16:35;并见 Isaiah 29:6 的注释。

从天上——从天空,或空中。圣经中“天”一词常是这样使用的;见 Matthew 16:1 的注释。

烧灭了羊群——闪电能毁灭畜群和人,这是无人能怀疑的;不过它们实已被烧尽这一说法,可能是那大为惊惶的报信者的夸张。这段记述引导我们相信,这些事虽在神的许可之下,却是在撒但的控制之下;他对闪电和风(Job 1:19)的权势,可以帮助说明 Ephesians 2:2 中称他为“空中掌权者的首领”的那句话。

Original em inglês

While he was yet speaking - All this indicates the rapidity of the movement of Satan, and his desire to "overwhelm" Job with the suddenness and greatness of his calamities. The. object seems to have been to give him no time to recover from the shock of one form of trial before another came upon him. If an interval had been given him he might have rallied his strength to bear his trials; but afflictions are much more difficult to be borne when they come in rapid succession. - It is not a very uncommon occurrence, however, that the righteous are tried by the rapidity and accumulation as well as the severity of their afflictions. It has passed into a proverb that "afflictions do not come alone."

The fire of God. - Margin, "A great fire;" evidently meaning a flash of lightning, or a thunderbolt. The Hebrew is "fire of God;" but it is probable that the phrase is used in a sense similar to the expression, "cedars of God," meaning lofty cedars; I or "mountains of God," meaning very high mountains. The lightning is I probably intended; compare Numbers 16:35; see the note at Isaiah 29:6.

From heaven - From the sky, or the air. So the word heaven is often used in the Scriptures; see the notes at Matthew 16:1.

And hath burnt up the sheep - That lightning might destroy herds and men no one can doubt; though the fact of their being actually consumed or burned up may have been an exaggeration of the much affrighted messenger. - The narrative leads us to believe that these things were under the control of Satan, though by the permission of God; and his power over the lightnings and the winds Job 1:19 may serve to illustrate the declaration, that he is the "Prince of the power of the air," in Ephesians 2:2.

17

Job 1:17

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简体中文

迦勒底人——七十士译本将此译作 αἱ ἱππεῖς(hai hippeis),即“骑兵”。他们为何这样表达,不得而知。或许可能的是,迦勒底人素以骑兵著称,在其劫掠远征中主要以这一身份为人所知。但要解释七十士译本对经文所作的一切改动,是不可能的。叙利亚译本和迦勒底语译本则正确地译作“迦勒底人”。迦勒底人(希伯来文 כשׂדים kaśdīym)是巴比伦的古居民。据维特林加(Vitringa)(《以赛亚书注释》第1卷412页,13:19)、格泽纽斯(Gesenius)(《以赛亚书注释》Isaiah 23:13)和罗森穆勒(Rosenmuller)(《圣经地理》Bib. Geog. 第1卷第2部36页及以下)的说法,迦勒底人即卡斯丁人(Casdim),原是一个好战的民族,起初住在亚述以北的卡杜基亚(Carduchian)山区和美索不达米亚北部。据色诺芬(Xenophon)(《居鲁士的教育》Cyrop. 卷三2,7)记载,迦勒底人住在毗邻亚美尼亚的山区;在小居鲁士的远征和万人希腊军撤退之时,人们也在同一地区发现他们(色诺芬《远征记》Anaba. iv. 3, 4;v. 5, 9;viii. 8, 14)。

他们与希伯来人有亲缘,从 Genesis 22:22 可以看出:该民的先祖 כשׂד keśed(“卡斯丁人”之名即由此而来)在那里被列为拿鹤(Nahor)之子,因而是亚伯拉罕的侄子。再者,亚伯拉罕自己便是从迦勒底的吾珥(כשׂדים אוּר 'ûr kaśdīym,“卡斯丁人的吾珥”)迁往迦南的(Genesis 11:28);而在《犹滴传》(Judith 5:6)中,希伯来人自己据说就是出于迦勒底人。以西结称美索不达米亚北部哈博拉斯(Chaboras)河一带为“迦勒底人之地”(Ezekiel 1:3);耶利米称他们为“古时的国民”(Jeremiah 5:15);见 Isaiah 23:13 的注释。迦勒底人凶猛好战;当他们被亚述人征服之后,其中一部分似乎被安置在巴比伦,以抵御邻近阿拉伯人的侵扰。后来“他们”压倒了亚述主人,成长为强大的迦勒底即巴比伦帝国。然而他们中的一部分似乎留居故土,在波斯人治下享有某种程度的自由。格泽纽斯推测,至少自中世纪以来居住在那些地区的库尔德人(Kurds),可能就是那个民族的后裔。先知哈巴谷对迦勒底人有一段极为生动传神的描述,足以说明眼前的这段经文,并表明直到他的时代,他们仍保持着约伯时代那种劫掠凶悍的品性(Habakkuk 1:6-11):

“我必兴起迦勒底人,就是那残忍暴躁之民,通行遍地,占据那不属自己的住处。

他威武可畏,判断和势力都任意发出。

他的马比豹更快,比晚上的豺狼更猛。马兵踊跃争先,都从远方而来;飞跑如鹰抓食,

都为行强暴而来,定住脸面向前,将掳掠的人聚集,多如尘沙。

他们讥诮君王,笑话首领,嗤笑一切保障,筑垒攻取。”

这个好战的民族最终在亚述帝国中取得了优势。约于主前597年,巴比伦的副王尼波帕拉萨尔(Nabopolassar)脱离亚述独立,与玛代王库阿克萨雷斯(Cyaxares)结盟,在其援助下征服了尼尼微和整个亚述。从那时起,巴比伦帝国兴起,迦勒底人的历史便成为巴比伦的历史。——罗伯逊《卡尔梅特》(Rob. Calmet)。然而在约伯的时代,他们只是一个为劫掠而四处远行的游荡民族。他们从北方或东方而来,正如示巴人从南方而来。

分作三队——按字面是“三头”。就是说,他们为劫掠的缘故分为三队。也许约伯的三千骆驼(Job 1:3)分牧在三处彼此相隔很远的地方,而说话者的意思是要表明,全部都被掳去了。

扑向骆驼——旁注作“直闯”。这个词与 Job 1:15 中译作“闯来”的词不同。此处所用的词 פשׁט pâshaṭ,意为展开、扩散。它用于敌军(1 Chronicles 14:9, 14:13);用于布满一地的蝗虫(Nahum 3:15);也用于抢掠的军队或匪帮(Judges 9:33, 9:44;1 Samuel 27:8)。这里正是这个意思。

Original em inglês

The Chaldeans - The Septuagint translates this, αἱ ἱππεῖς hai hippeis), "the horsemen." Why they thus expressed it is unknown. It may be possible that the Chaldeans were supposed to be distinguished as horsemen, and were principally known as such in their predatory excursions. But it is impossible to account for all the changes made by the Septuagint in the text. Tho Syriac and the Chaldee render it correctly, "Chaldeans." The Chaldeans (Hebrew כשׂדים kaśdı̂ym) were the ancient inhabitants of Babylonia. According to Vitringa (Commentary in Isa. tom. i. p. 412, c. xiii. 19), Gesenius (Commentary zu Isaiah 23:13), and Rosenmailer (Bib. Geog. 1, 2, p. 36ff), the Chaldees or Casdim were a warlike people who orignally inhabited the Carduchian mountains, north of Assyria, and the northern part of Mesopotamia. According to Xenophon (Cyrop. iii. 2, 7) the Chaldees dwelt in the mountains adjacent to Armenia and they were found in the same region in the campaign of the younger Cyrus, and the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks. Xen. Anaba. iv. 3, 4; v. 5, 9; viii. 8, 14.

They were allied to the Hebrews, as appears from Genesis 22:22, where כשׂד keśed (whence "Kasdim") the ancestor of the people is mentioned as a son of Nabor, and was consequently the nephew of Abraham. And further, Abraham himself emigrated to Canaan from Ur of the Chaldees כשׂדים אוּר 'ûr kaśdı̂ym, "Ur of the Kasdim"), Genesis 11:28; and in Judith 5:6, the Hebrews themselves are said to be descended from the Chaldeans. The region around the river Chaboras, in the northern part of Mesopotamia, is called by Ezekiel EZechariah 1:3 "the land of the Chaldeans;" Jeremiah Jer 5:15 calls them "an ancient nation;" see the notes at Isaiah 23:13. The Chaldeans were a fierce and warlike people, and when they were subdued by the Assyrians, a portion of them appear to have been placed in Babylon to ward off the incursions of the neighboring Arabians. In time "they" gained the ascendency over their Assyrian masters, and grew into the mighty empire of Chaldea or Babylonia. A part of them, however, appear to have remained in their ancient country, and enjoyed under the Persians some degree of liberty. Gesenius supposes that the Kurds who have inhabited those regions, at least since the middle ages, are probably the descendants of that people. - A very vivid and graphic description of the Chaldeans is given by the prophet Habakkuk, which will serve to illustrate the passage before us, and show that they retained until his times the predatory and fierce character which they had in the days of Job; Job 1:6-11 :

For lo I raise up the Chaldeans,

A bitter and hasty nation,

Which marches far and wide in the earth.

To possess the dwellings which are not theirs.

They are terrible and dreadful,

Their judgments proceed only from themselves.

Swifter titan leopards are their horses,

And fiercer than the evening wolves.

Their horsemen prance proudly around;

And their horsemen shall come from afar and fly,

Like the eagle when he pounces on his prey.

They all shall come for violence,

In troops their glance is ever forward!

They gather captives like the sand!

And they scoff at kings,

And princes are a scorn unto them.

They deride every strong hold;

They cast up mounds of - earth and take it.

This warlike people ultimately obtained the ascendency in the Assyrian empire. About the year 597 B.C. Nabopolassar, a viceroy in Babylon, made himself independent of Assyria, contracted an alliance with Cyaxares, king of Media, and with his aid subdued Nineveh, and the whole of Assyria. From that time the Babylonian empire rose, and the history of the Chaldeans becomes the history of Babylon. - "Rob. Calmet." In the time of Job, however, they were a predatory race that seem to have wandered far for the sake of plunder. They came from the North, or the East, as the Sabeans came from the South.

Made out three bands - literally, "three heads." That is, they divided tbemselves, for the sake of plunder, into three parties. Perhaps the three thousand camels of Job JObadiah 1:3 occupied three places remote from each other, and the object of the speaker is to say that the whole were taken.

And fell upon the camels - Margin, "And rushed." The word is different from that which in Job 1:15 is rendered "fell." The word used here פשׁט pâshaṭ means to spread out, to expand. It is spoken of hostile troops, 1 Chronicles 14:9, 1 Chronicles 14:13; of locusts which spread over a country, Nahum 3:15; and of an army or company of marauders. Judges 9:33, Judges 9:44; 1 Samuel 27:8. This is its sense here.

18

Job 1:18

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简体中文

吃饭喝酒——见 Job 1:4、Job 1:13 的注释。

Original em inglês

Eating and drinking wine - ; the notes at Job 1:4, Job 1:13.

19

Job 1:19

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简体中文

不料有狂风从旷野刮来——这样的旋风在东方各国并不比美国少见。的确,它们在近赤道的地区多于远离赤道的地区;在炎热的国家多于高纬度的国家。

从旷野——边注作“从旁边”。即从旷野的旁边。边注中译作“从旁边”的词(מדבר mı̂dbâr)本义为“从对面”,古德博士(Dr. Good)也如此译。עבר ‛âbar 一词字面上指河或海对岸、彼方的地区或地域,即人须“经过”之处(Judges 11:18;Genesis 2:10-11;Deuteronomy 1:1;Deuteronomy 1:5);继而指在彼岸、在那边;见 Isaiah 18:1 的注释。这里的意思是:旋风横扫旷野而来。在阿拉伯广阔的平原上,它有机会蓄积摧枯拉朽之力,把挡在面前的一切扫荡净尽。这里译作“旷野”的希伯来词 מדבר mı̂dbâr,并不完全等同于我们所说的“旷野”。我们通常指全然未耕种、覆满森林、野兽栖居之地;希伯来词更恰当的所指是“荒漠”——无人居住的地区,贫瘠多沙的地带,虽然有时也宜于放牧。在许多地方,这词译作“空旷的田野”或“空旷的平原”反而更好;比较 Joel 2:22;Psalm 65:13(边注);Jeremiah 23:10;Isaiah 42:11;Genesis 14:6;Genesis 16:7;Exodus 3:1;Exodus 13:18;Deuteronomy 11:24;并比较 Isaiah 32:15;Isaiah 35:1-2。

击打房屋的四角——它来袭,如旋风通常的样式,或如龙卷风一般:仿佛从四面八方同时压来,把面前的一切刮倒。

房屋倒塌在少年人身上——这里译作“少年人”的词,与 Job 1:15、Job 1:17 中译作“仆人”的 הנערים hana‛arı̂ym 是同一个词。然而无可合理置疑,报信的人在此用这词是指约伯的儿女。值得注意的是,他的女儿们未特别提及,但她们可包含在此处的 נערים na‛arı̂ym 一词之内;这词的含义可与我们的“年轻人”一语相同,兼指两性。艾希霍恩(Eichhorn)也如此译:“Es sturtzo tiber den jungen Leuten zusammen”(房屋在年轻人身上一同倒塌)。

Original em inglês

There came a great wind - Such tornadoes are not less common in Oriental countries than in the United States. Indeed they abound more in regions near the equator than they do in those which are more remote; in hot countries than in those of higher latitude.

From the wilderness - Margin, "From aside." That is, from aside the wilderness. The word here rendered "from aside" in the margin (מדבר mı̂dbâr ) means properly "from across," and is so rendered by Dr. Good. The word עבר ‛âbar means literally a region or country beyond, or on the other side, sc. of a river or a sea, which one must "pass;" Judges 11:18; Genesis 2:10-11; Deuteronomy 1:1, Deuteronomy 1:5. Then it means on the other side, or beyond; see the notes at Isaiah 18:1. Here it means that the tornado came sweeping across the desert. On the ample plains of Arabia it would have the opportunity of accumulating its desolating power, and would sweep everything before it. The Hebrew word here rendered "wilderness," מדבר mı̂dbâr, does not express exactly what is denoted by our word. We mean by it usually, a region wholly uncultivated, covered with forests, and the habitation of wild beasts. The Hebrew word more properly denotes a "desert;" an uninhabited region, a sterile, sandy country, though sometimes adapted to pasture. In many places the word would be well translated by the phrases "open fields," or "open plains;" compare Joel 2:22; Psalm 65:13; Jeremiah 23:10; Isaiah 42:11; Genesis 14:6; Genesis 16:7; Exodus 3:1; Exodus 13:18; Deuteronomy 11:24; compare Isaiah 32:15; Isaiah 35:1-2.

And smote the four corners of the house - Came as a tornado usually does, or like a whirlwind. It seemed to come from all points of the compass, and prostrated everything before it.

And it fell upon the young men - The word here rendered" young men" is the same which is rendered in Job 1:15, Job 1:17, servants הנערים hana‛arı̂ym. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that the messenger by the word here refers to the children of Job. It is remarkable that his daughters are not particularly specified, but they may be included in the word used here נערים na‛arı̂ym, which may be the same in signification as our phrase "young people," including both sexes. So it is rendered by Etchhorn: Es sturtzo tiber den jungen Leuten zusammen.

20

Job 1:20

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简体中文

约伯便起来 - 在圣经中,"起来"一语常指开始做某事,并不一定表示那人先前坐着;见 2 Samuel 13:13。

撕裂外袍 - 这里译作"外袍"的词 מעיל me‛ı̂yl,指外面的长衣。东方人的衣着主要包括贴身的内衣或束腰长衣——与我们的"衬衫"没有太大分别,只是袖子较宽——内衣之下是宽大的裤(Niebuhr, Reisebescreib. 1. 157)。在这些衣服之外,他们常披一件宽大飘逸的外袍。这袍无袖,长及脚踝;行走或活动时,用腰带束在腰间;劳作时通常把它脱下。这里所说的袍,有时为妇女所穿(2 Samuel 13:18);为出身尊贵的人和君王所穿(1 Samuel 15:27;1 Samuel 18:4;1 Samuel 24:5、1 Samuel 24:11);为祭司所穿(1 Samuel 28:14),尤其是大祭司在以弗得之内所穿的那件(Exodus 28:31)。见 Braun, de vest. Sacerd. ii. 5;Schroeder, de vest. muller. Hebrew p. 267;Hartmann, "Ilcbraerin", iii. p. 512;以及 Ugolin《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》Tom. i. 509、iii. 74、iv. 504、viii. 90、1000、xii. 788、xiii. 306;参 Matthew 5:40 的注释,及上文所引的 Niebuhr。撕裂衣服以表达悲伤的习俗,不仅流行于犹太人中,也流行于希腊人和罗马人中(54y i. 13;Suetonius 于《尤利乌斯·恺撒传》第33章)。这习俗也流行于波斯人中(Curtius, B. x. c. 5, section 17)。见 Christian Boldich,载于《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》Tom. xii. p. 145;亦见同书 Tom. xiii. 551、552、560、xxx. 1105、1112。为证明这习俗也流行于异教徒中,另见 Diod. Sic. Lib. i. p. 3, c. 3(论埃及人);Lib. xvii.(论波斯人);Quin. Curt. iii. 11;Herod. Lib. iii.(Thalia 篇)、Lib. viii.(Urania 篇),那里他论到波斯人。Plutarch 在其《安东尼传》中论到 Cleopatra 的深悲时也说:περίεῤῥηξατο τοῦς πέπλους ἐπ ̓ αὐτῷ perierrēcato tous piplous ep' autō。同样,Herodian,Lib. i.:καῖ ῥηξαμένη εσθῆτα kai rēcamenē esthēta。Statius 在《Glaucum》中也是如此:

Tu mode fusus humi, lucem aversaris iniquam, Nunc torvus pariter vestes, et pectora rumpis.

维吉尔也是如此:

Tune pins Aeneas humeris abscindere vestem, Auxilioque vocare Deos, et tendere palmas. Aeneid v. 685.

Demittunt mentes; it scissa veste Latinus, Conjugis attonitus fatis, urbisque ruina, Aeneid 12:609.

Juvenal, Sat. x. 也是如此:

ut primos edere planctus Cassandra inciperet, scissaque Polyxena palla.

古典作家以及犹太著作中更多的引文,可见于 Ugolin 的 Sacerdotium Hebraicum, cap. vi.《Thesau. Antiq. Sacrar.》Tom. xiii. p. 550ff。

剃了头 - 这也是表达极大悲痛的常见方式。有时是正式剪去头发;有时是把头发连根拔去;有时连胡须也拔掉或剪掉。其观念似乎是:居丧者当除去平日视为最装饰之物;参 Jeremiah 7:29;Isaiah 7:20。Lucian 说,埃及人在他们的神 Apis 死时剪发以表达悲痛,叙利亚人在 Adonis 死时也是如此。Olympiodorus 对这段经文评论说:凡以长发为装饰的民族,在居丧时便把它剪去;而通常留短发的人,在这样的场合反倒任它长长。见 Rosenmuller, Morgenland, "in loc."。关于希伯来人丧俗的详尽描述,特别是拔发的习俗,可见于 Martin Geier, de Hebraeorum Luctu,尤其是第八章(《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》xxxiiil. p. 147ff)。这里的意思是:约伯充满极度的悲伤,并以他时代通用的方式表达这悲伤。人性要求悲伤当有"某种"外在的表达;宗教并不禁止它。在灾祸之中,凡以合宜的方式表达悲伤的,就是向神所赋予他的本性致敬;凡企图从自己的面容、言谈、衣着和居所中除去一切显示其灵魂忧伤之物的,就是与自己本性为敌。耶稣在拉撒路的坟墓前哭了;宗教并非要使人心麻木、不能悲伤。敬虔像一切美德一样,总是加增灵魂对痛苦的敏感。哲学与罪恶毁灭感受力,宗教却加深它。哲学是按原则如此行——因为它的大目标正是使心对一切感受麻木;罪恶则自然产生同样的果效。酒醉的人、放纵的人和贪财的人,不能被生活中温柔的情景打动。罪愆已使他们的感觉瘫痪,使它们如同死了。但宗教容许人感受,然后在支撑灵魂、把安慰浇灌入破碎忧伤之心的过程中,显出它的大能。它来,是要擦干居丧者的眼泪,不是要禁止眼泪流出;是要把安慰的香膏浇入心中,不是要教导心变得无动于衷。

伏在地上 - 约书亚在大灾祸之时也是这样俯伏在地、敬拜,Joshua 7:6。东方人当时惯于——如今仍是——以俯伏于地为敬礼之举。约伯此举似乎部分是悲伤的表达,部分是敬拜的行动——在大试炼之时庄严地向神俯伏。

下拜 - 敬拜神。他把自己降服于神的旨意。一个敬虔的人在试炼中别无去处;他也不愿去别处,只愿到那击打他的神那里去。

Original em inglês

Then Job arose - The phrase to arise, in the Scriptures is often used in the sense of beginning to do anything. It does not necessarily imply that the person had been previously sitting; see 2 Samuel 13:13.

And rent his mantle - The word here rendered "mantle" מעיל me‛ı̂yl means an upper or outer garment. The dress of Orientals consists principally of an under garment or tunic - not materially differing from the "shirt" with us - except that the sleeves are wider, and under this large and loose pantaloons. Niebuhr, Reisebescreib. 1. 157. Over these garments they often throw a full and flowing mantle or robe. This is made without sleeves; it reaches down to the ankles; and when they walk or exercise it is bound around the middle with a girdle or sash. When they labor it is usually laid aside. The robe here referred ire was worn sometimes by women, 2 Samuel 13:18; by men of birth and rank, and by kings, 1 Samuel 15:27; 1 Samuel 18:4; 1 Samuel 24:5, 1 Samuel 24:11; by priests, 1 Samuel 28:14, and especially by the high priest under the ephod, Exodus 28:31. See Braun de vest Sacerd. ii. 5. Schroeder de vest. muller.

Hebrew p. 267; Hartmann Ilcbraerin, iii. p. 512, and Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. by Ugolin, Tom. i. 509, iii. 74, iv. 504, viii. 90, 1000, xii. 788, xiii. 306; compare the notes at Matthew 5:40, and Niebuhr, as quoted above. The custom of rending the garment as an expression of grief prevailed not only among the Jews but also among the Greeks and Romans 54y i. 13. Suetonius, in "Jul. Caes." 33. It prevailed also among the Persians. Curtius, B. x. c. 5, section 17. See Christian Boldich, in Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. Tom. xii. p. 145; also Tom. xiii. 551, 552, 560, xxx. 1105, 1112. In proof also that the custom prevailed among the Pagan, see Diod. Sic. Lib. i. p. 3, c. 3, respecting the Egyptians; Lib. xvii. respecting the Persians; Quin. Curt. iii. 11; Herod. Lib. iii. in Thalia, Lib. viii. in Urania, where he speaks of the Persians. So Plutarch in his life of Antony, speaking of the deep grief of Cleopatra, says, περίεῤῥηξατο τοῦς πέπλους επ ̓ αὐτῷ perierrēcato tous piplous ep' autō. Thus, Herodian, Lib. i.: καῖ ῥηξαμένη εσθῆτα kai rēcamenē esthēta. So Statius in Glaucum:

Tu mode fusus humi, lucem aversaris iniquam,

Nunc torvus pariter vestes, et pectora rumpis.

So Virgil:

Tune pins Aeneas humeris abscindere vestem,

Auxilioque vocare Deos, et tendere palmas.

Aeneid v. 685.

Demittunt mentes; it scissa veste Latinus,

Conjugis attonitus fatis, urbisque ruina,

Aeneid 12:609.

So Juvenal, Sat. x.:

ut primos edere planctus

Cassandra inciperet, scissaque Polyxena palla.

Numerous other quotations from the Classical writers, as well as from the Jewish writings, may be seen in Ugolin's Sacerdotium Hebraicum, cap. vi. Thesau. Antiq. Sacrar. Tom. xiii. p. 550ff.

And shaved his head - This was also a common mode of expressing great sorrow. Sometimes it was done by formally cutting off the hair of the head; sometimes by plucking it violently out by the roots, and sometimes also the beard was plucked out, or cut off. The idea seems to have been that mourners should divest themselves of that which was usually deemed most ornamental; compare Jeremiah 7:29; Isaiah 7:20. Lucian says that the Egyptians expressed their grief by cutting off their hair on the death of their god Apis, and the Syrians in the same manner at the death of Adonis. Olympiodorus remarks on this passage, that the people among whom long hair was regarded as an ornament, cut it off in times of mourning; but those who commonly wore short hair, suffered it on such occasions to grow long. See Rosenmuller, Morgenland, "in loc." A full description of the customs of the Hebrews in times of mourning, and particularly of the custom of plucking out the hair, may be seen in Martin Geier, de Hebraeorum Luctu, especially in chapter viii.

Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. xxxiil. p. 147ff. The meaning here is that Job was filled with excessive grief, and that he expressed that grief in the manner that was common in his day. Nature demands that there should be "some" external expression of sorrow; and religion does not forbid it. He pays a tribute to the nature with which God has endowed him who gives an appropriate expression to sorrow; he wars against that nature who attempts to remove from his countenance, conversation, dress, and dwelling, everything that is indicative of the sorrows of his soul in a time of calamity. Jesus wept at the grave of Lazarus; and religion is not designed to make the heart insensible or incapable of grief. Piety, like every kind of virtue, always increases the susceptibility of the soul to suffering. Philosophy and sin destroy sensibility; but religion deepens it. Philosophy does it on principle - for its great object is to render the heart dead to all sensibility; sin produces the same effect naturally. The drunkard, the licentious man, and the man of avarice, are incapable of being affected by the tender scenes of life. Guilt has paralyzed their feelings and rendered tthem dead. But religion allows people to feel, and then shows its power in sustaining the soul, and in imparting its consolations to the heart that is broken and sad. It comes to dry up the tears of the mourner, not to forbid those tears to flow; to pour the balm of consolation into the heart, not to teach the heart to be unfeeling.

And fell down upon the ground - So Joshua in a time of great calamity prostrated himself upon the earth and worshipped, Joshua 7:6. - The Orientals were then in the habit, as they are now, of prostrating themselves on the ground as an act of homage. Job seems to have done this partly as an expression of grief, and partly as an act of devotion - solemnly bowing before God in the time of his great trial.

And worshipped - Worshipped God. He resigned himself to his will. A pious man has nowhere else to go in trial; and he will desire to go nowhere else than to the God who has afflicted him.

21

Job 1:21

Abrir passagem

简体中文

说,我赤身出来 - 意思是:一无所有而来,因为上下文正要求这样理解;参 1 Timothy 6:7:"因为我们没有带什么到世上来,也不能带什么去。"Pliny 也有类似的话:"Hominem natura tanturn nudism."(《博物志》序言,L. vii.)约伯觉得他被剥夺得一干二净,必须像来时一样赤贫地离开世界。

母胎 - 指大地——众生共同之母。他指的是大地,这一点很明显,因为他说到还要归回那里。迦勒底文译本加上 קבוּרתא לבית lebēyt qebûratā'——"归坟墓之家"。大地常被称为人类之母;见 Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 26;参 Psalm 139:15。Dr. Good 评论说:"万物源于大地这一观念,在世上很早的时期便引入了对大地的迷信崇拜,称之为 Dameter,即'母亲神'——一个迦勒底词语,大概在约伯在世之时也为以东所通用。希腊人由此得出他们的 Δημήτηρ Dēmētēr(Demeter),或如他们偶尔写作 Γημήτηρ Gēmētēr(Ge-meter),即'地母',并为她每年设立两个格外盛大隆重的宗教节期。"Lucretius 也说:

Linquitur, ut merito materhum nomen adepta Terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuneta creata. v. 793.

"因此,大地理所当然地得了 母亲这亲爱的名,因为眼前万物 皆独自从她而出。"

关于古人对"天"与"地"之"婚配"(ἱερός γάμος gamos hieros)——万有据说皆由这结合而出——的看法的详尽记述,见 Creuzer 的 "Symbolik und Mythologie der alt. Volk. Erst. Theil",26页以下。

也必赤身归回 - 我被剥夺净尽,仍要归到人类共同之母那里去。这言语极其优美;出自约伯之口,它表达了最顺服的敬虔。这不是抱怨的言语;在他心里,它与这深刻的意识相连:他财产的失去可追溯至神,而神有权随己意行事。

赏赐的是耶和华 - 希伯来文 יהוה yehovâh。他来到世上时一无所有,他所有的一切都是出于神美好的护理。既然是"他"赐下的,他就有权收回。这是约伯的心情,也是随处都当有的真正顺服之言。凡对自己所拥有的怀正确看法的人,必觉得这一切都可追溯至神,并且神有权随意收回。

收取的也是耶和华 - 这不是出于偶然,不是出于侥幸,不能归因于风暴、气流和人的恶欲。这是出于智慧的设计;无论经手的是谁、用的是何工具,都当归于神统管万事的护理。约伯为何不向示巴人发泄怒气?为何不怪罪迦勒底人?为何不咒诅狂风暴雨?为何不责怪儿子们不慎暴露自己?为何不怀疑撒但的恶意?为何不把这灾祸归于厄运、时乖命蹇,或归于人事的不良治理?这些念头没有一个临到约伯。他立时把他财产的被夺、儿女的失丧归于神,并在这样的信念中得着安慰:一位智慧而圣洁的君主掌管着他的事,他所收回的,不过是自己所赐的。

耶和华的名是应当称颂的 - 就是说,愿耶和华受称颂——在希伯来文中,人的"名"常用来指这人本身。叙利亚文译本、阿拉伯文译本以及七十士译本的一些抄本在这里加上"直到永远"。Schmid 说:"在这里可以看出对比:撒但的目的是引诱约伯弃绝神,而试炼的结果却是约伯称颂神。"到此为止,撒但失败了;约伯承受了灾祸的打击,显明他事奉神并不是因从神得了什么好处。

Original em inglês

And said, Naked came I out - That is, destitute of property, for so the connection demands; compare 1 Timothy 6:7; "For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." A similar expression also occurs in Pliny, "Hominem natura tanturn nudism." Nat. Hist. proem. L. vii. Job felt that he was stripped of all, and that he must leave the world as destitute as he entered it.

My mother's womb - The earth - the universal mother. That he refers to the earth is apparent, because he speaks of returning there again. The Chaldee adds קבוּרתא לבית lebēyt qebûratā' - "to the house of burial." The earth is often called the mother of mankind; see Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 26; compare Psalm 139:15. Dr. Good remarks, that "the origin of all things from the earth introduced, at a very early period of the world, the superstitious worship of the earth, under the title of Dameter, or the "Mother-goddess," a Chaldee term, probably common to Idumea at the time of the existence of Job himself. It is hence the Greeks derive their Δημήτνρ Dēmētēr (Demeter), or as they occasionally wrote it Γημήτηρ Gēmētēr (Ge-meter), or Mother Earth, to whom they appropriated annually two religious festivals of extraordinary pomp and solemnity. Thus, Lucretius says,

Linquitur, ut merito materhum nomen adepta

Terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuneta creata.

v. 793.

  • "Whence justly earth

Claims the dear name of mother, since alone

Flowed from herself whate'er the sight enjoys."

For a full account of the views of the ancients in regard to the "marriage" (ἱερός γάμος gamos hieros)of the "heaven" and the "earth," from which union all things were supposed to proceed, see Creuzer's Symbolik und Mythologie der alt. Volk. Erst. Theil, p. 26, fg.

And naked - Stripped of all, I shall go to the common mother of the race. This is exceedingly beautiful language; and in the mouth of Job it was expressive of the most submissive piety. It is not the language of complaint; but was in him connected with the deep feeling that the loss of his property was to be traced to God, and that he had a right to do as he had done.

The Lord gave - Hebrew יהוה yehovâh. He had nothing when he came into the world, and all that he had obtained had been by the good providence of God. As "he" gave it, he had a right to remove it. Such was the feeling of Job, and such is the true language of submission everywhere. He who has a proper view of what he possesses will feel that it is all to be traced to God, and that he has a right to remove it when he pleases.

And the Lord hath taken away - It is not by accident; it is not the result of haphazard; it is not to be traced to storms and winds and the bad passions of people. It is the result of intelligent design, and whoever has been the agent or instrument in it, it is to be referred to the overruling providence of God. Why did not Job vent his wrath on the Sabeans? Why did he not blame the Chaldeans? Why did he not curse the tempest and the storm? Why did he not blame his sons for exposing themselves? Why not suspect the malice of Satan? Why not suggest that the calamity was to be traced to bad fortune, to ill-luck, or or to an evil administration of human affairs? None of these things occurred to Job. He traced the removal of his property and his loss of children at once to God, and found consolation in the belief that an intelligent and holy Sovereign presided over his affairs, and that he had removed only what he gave.

Blessed be the name of the Lord - That is, blessed be yahweh - the "name" of anyone in Hebrew being often used to denote the person himself. The Syriac, Arabic, and some manuscripts of the Septuagint here adds "forever." - "Here," says Schmid, "the contrast is observable between the object of Satan, which was to induce Job to renounce God, and the result of the temptation which was to lead Job to bless God." Thus, far Satan had been foiled, and Job had sustained the shock of the calamity, and showed that he did not serve God on account of the benefits which be had received from him.

22

Job 1:22

Abrir passagem

简体中文

在这一切的事上 - 指他在这次事上的一切感受和言语。

约伯并不犯罪 - 他所表达的,正是他当有的感受;所显明的,正是他当有的顺服。

也不以神为愚妄 - 旁注作"归愚妄于神"。武加大译本:"他没有向神说任何愚妄的话。"七十士译本译作:"他没有把愚妄(ἀφροσύνην aphrosunēn;'不智',Thompson)归(或赐,ἐδωκεν edōken)给神。"Good 译作"也没有向神发怨言",并指出直译当是"没有向神吐沫"。Tindal 译作:"没有愚妄地向神发怨言。"希伯来文 תפלה tı̂phlâh 出自已废的词根 תפל tâphêl——"吐出";继指无味、淡而无盐。因此这名词本义是吐出之物;继指无味或淡而无味之物;再指愚妄。东方作家以辛辣有味比喻机智与智慧;可比希腊人的"阿提卡之盐"一语,意即机智或智慧。圣经中的"愚妄"常指邪恶,因为邪恶乃是至愚。它在此处正是此意,意思是:约伯没有说任何"错"话。撒但失望了,它在神面前作了假控告。约伯"没有"以神为愚妄,也"没有"当面咒诅神。

从这段关于约伯怎样接受苦难的教益深刻的叙述中,我们可以学到:

(1)真敬虔能在财产和朋友被夺去时毫无怨言。宗教并非建立在这些东西上,它们的失去不能摇动它。它扎根于灵魂更深处,单纯的外在变迁不能毁坏它。

(2)我们受苦时,不可把怒气发泄在风和浪上,发泄在同胞的欺诈背信上,发泄在商界的困顿变迁上,发泄在瘟疫和风暴上。这一切无论单独或全体,都可能被用作夺去我们财产或朋友的工具,但我们当把灾祸最终归于神。风暴、风浪、恶灵和我们的同胞,都不能越过神所许可的范围。它们都被约束、被限于正当的界限之内。它们不由机缘支配,而是受一位有智慧之存在的掌管,是一位圣洁之神明智的安排。

(3)神有权收回我们的安慰。是他赐下的——不是作为我们永远的产业,而是可随他喜悦收回的。我们得蒙许可在他的地上行走这么久——即使从此不得再走;呼吸他的空气这么久——即使从此不得再吸;瞻仰他的日月星辰这么久——即使从此不得再借它们的光行走;享受他所赐朋友相伴这么久——即使从此不再享受——这都是他恩待的明证。暂时的恩赐可随赐予者的意思收回;我们的一切安慰,都是凭神的美意持有的。

(4)我们看见真顺服的本相。它不在于我们总能看见受苦的"理由";它在于向一位圣洁而智慧之神的旨意俯首,在于感到他有"权利"收回他所赐的。那是他的;他可随己意取去。它可以、也应当毫无怨言地献上——而"因为"这是神的旨意就这样行,才是真顺服。

(5)我们看见试炼中"安慰"的真源头。它不在于相信万事由机缘和侥幸调节,甚至不在于相信它们受物理规律控制。对于风暴怎样扫去财产、瘟疫怎样夺去朋友,我们可能有最清楚的哲学认识;我们可能明白这一切所依循的规律,但这不能带来安慰。惟有当我们察觉有一位"有智慧的存在"掌管这些事件,看见它们是他计划与旨意的结果,我们才能在试炼中找到安慰。当我的财产被扫空时,我明白火怎样燃烧的规律,于我何补?当我的孩子死去时,我知道疾病"如何"作用于人体,于我何益?当朋友接连躺卧墓中时,我知道瘟疫怎样在身上产生效应,于我何慰?这是"哲学";这是世界所能提供的安慰。我所要的,是比无意识规律之知识更高的安慰。我要确信这是智慧设计的结果,而这设计连着一个仁慈的目的——这惟有在宗教里才能找到。

(6)我们看见宗教在试炼之时"扶持"人的"大能"。这位圣徒何等平静顺服!何等安然听命!除敬虔之外,没有什么能成就这事。哲学使感觉迟钝、麻痹感性、冷却心灵,却不能给予安慰。惟有对神的信靠,感到他是公义的,并对他旨意深刻而圣洁的顺服,才能在这样的试炼中产生支撑。这样的恩典,我们可以像约伯一样得着;在这样一个充满灾祸忧伤的世界上,这是不可或缺的。

Original em inglês

In all this - In all his feelings and expressions on this occasion.

Job sinned not - He expressed just the feelings and manifested just the submission which he ought to do.

Nor charged God foolishly - Margin, "Attributed folly to God." Vulgate, "Neither did he speak any foolish thing against God." The Septuagint renders it, "and he did not impute (or give, ἐδωκεν edōken) folly (ἀφροσύνην aphrosunēn) (indiscretion, 'Thompson') to God." Good renders this, "nor vented a murmur against God;" and remarks that the literal rendering would be, "nor vented froth against God. Tindal renders it, "nor murmured foolishly against God." The Hebrew word תפלה tı̂phlâh is derived from the obsolete root תפל tâphêl, "to spit out;" and hence, to be insipid, tasteless, not seasoned. The noun, therefore, means properly that which is spit out; then that which is insipid or tasteless; and then folly. Wit and wisdom are represented by Oriental writers as pungent and seasoned; compare the expression among the Greeks of "Attic salt," meaning wit or wisdom. The word "folly" in the Scriptures often means wickedness, for this is supreme folly. Here it has this sense, and means that Job did not say anything "wrong." Satan was disappointed and had borne a false accusation before God. He did "not" charge God foolishly, and he did "not" curse him to his face.

From this instructive narrative of the manner in which Job received afflictions, we may learn

(1) That true piety will bear the removal of property and friends without murmuring. Religion is not based on such things, and their removal cannot shake it. It is founded deeper in the soul, and mere external changes cannot destroy it.

(2) When we are afflicted, we should not vent our wrath on winds and waves; on the fraud and perfidy of our fellow-men; on embarrassments and changes in the commercial world; on the pestilence and the storm. Any or all of these may be employed as instruments in taking away our property or our friends, but we should trace the calamity ultimately to God. Storms and winds and waves, malignant spirits and our fellow-men, do no more than God permits. They are all restrained and kept within proper limits. They are not directed by chance, but they are under the control of an intelligent Being, and are the wise appointment of a holy God.

(3) God has a right to remove our comforts. He gave them - not to be our permanent inheritance, but to be withdrawn when he pleases. It is a proof of goodness that we have been permitted to tread his earth so long - though we should be allowed to walk it no more; to breathe his air so long - though we should be permitted to inhale it no more; to look upon his sun and moon and stars so long - though we should be permitted to walk by their light no more; to enjoy the society of the friends whom he has given us so long - though we should enjoy that society no longer. A temporary gift may be removed at the pleasure of the giver, and we hold all our comforts at the mere good pleasure of God.

(4) We see the nature of true resignation. It is not because we can always see the "reason" why we are afflicted; it consists in bowing to the will of a holy and intelligent God, and in the feeling that he has a "right" to remove what he has given us. It is his; and may be taken away when he pleases. It may be, and should be yielded, without a complaint - and to do this "because" God wills it, is true resignation.

(5) We see the true source of "comfort" in trials. It is not in the belief that things are regulated by chance and hap-hazard; or even that they are controlled by physical laws. We may have the clearest philosophical view of the mode in which tempests sweep away property, or the pestilence our friends; we may understand the laws by which all this is done, but this affords no consolation. It is only when we perceive an "intelligent Being" presiding over these events, and see that they are the result of plan and intention on his part, that we can find comfort in trial. What satisfaction is it for me to understand the law by which fire burns when my property is swept away; or to know "how" disease acts on the human frame when my child dies; or how the plague produces its effects on the body when friend after friend is laid in the grave? This is "philosophy;" and this is the consolation which this world furnishes. I want some higher consolation than that which results from the knowledge of unconscious laws. I want to have the assurance that it is the result of intelligent design, and that this design is connected with a benevolent end - and that I find only in religion.

(6) We see the "power" of religion in sustaining in the time of trial. How calm and submissive was this holy man! How peaceful and resigned! Nothing else but piety could have done this. Philosophy blunts the feelings, paralyses the sensibilities, and chills the soul; but it does not give consolation. It is only confidence in God; a feeling that he is right; and a profound and holy acquiescence in his will, that can produce support in trials like these. This we may have as well so Job; and this is indispensable in a world so full of calamity and sorrow as this is.