Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Job Capítulo 1

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Job Capítulo 1

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Job 1 Introduction

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約伯記導論

在全部聖經中,沒有一卷書像約伯記那樣引發如此多的疑問。其寫作年代、作者、故事發生的地區、約伯是否為真實的歷史人物、這卷詩體作品的性質與宗旨等問題,歷來眾說紛紜,註釋家意見分歧,至今仍無定論。要正確理解這卷書,就必須盡可能把一切亮光都投在這些問題上;儘管在學問最卓越的學者之間意見如此紛紜,難以期望獲得絕對的確定性,但研究的進展已使我們在其中某些問題上,得以達到相當高的可能性。

第一節 約伯是否為真實人物的問題

檢視這卷書時首先出現的問題,是約伯是否真有其人。有人根據以下的理由對此提出質疑:

(一)有人認為這卷書處處顯出寓言的特色。據說,聖經中並不乏這類寓言與比喻:先假設一個案例,然後敘事便如同真實事件一般展開。主張此說的人認為,本書正是這樣一個例子:詩的作者有意闡明重要的真理,卻不採用抽象的陳述方式,而選擇以假設案例這種更生動、更有趣味的形式來呈現——使讀者被引導去同情一位受苦者,以比抽象方式更動人的角度,看清所討論問題的癥結所在,並使論證帶有真實事件發生時那種扣人心弦的力量。

(二)有人主張,書中某些情節必然屬於這種性質,或根本不可能實際發生。特別是關於撒但與 Yahweh 會面的記載(Job 1:6-12;Job 2:1-7),有人說這只能視為一個假設的案例,因為這樣的會面與這樣的對話實在極不可能發生。

(三)有人又從書中關於約伯財產(無論受試煉之前或之後)的記述之工整特性,推出同樣的結論——這些記述看似純屬虛擬,現實中不太可能出現。例如,列舉他的財產時只提到整數:七千隻羊、三千駱駝、五百對牛、五百母驢。又如,聖數字「七」與「三」的使用也帶有刻意安排的痕跡:他受試煉前後都有七千隻羊、七個兒子;他的三個朋友前來,與他同坐七天七夜,一句安慰的話也沒有說(Job 2:13);他受試煉之前與之後都有三個女兒。還有人說,他康復之後財產恰好加倍,晚年又再次擁有與受苦之前數目恰好相同的七子三女,這同樣顯出人工雕琢與比喻式的面貌。

(四)有人又從約伯朋友們的行為,進一步論證整個敘述是寓言式或比喻式的。他們專程前來安慰約伯,卻與他同坐七天七夜一言不發,據說這是完全難以置信的情節,看起來整件事就像一個假設的案例。

(五)有人又從本書的寫作方式推論出同樣的結論。這是最高級的詩歌。書中的演說極為精雕細琢,充滿準確而經過仔細準備的論證,編排嚴謹,以極精練的方式表達,凝聚了長期仔細觀察的成果,與未經準備、即席而發的辯論全然不同。據說,沒有人會這樣說話;也很難設想本書中比比皆是的美妙詩句與宏偉論證,會在激烈的辯論中從人的口中脫口而出。參見 Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Alte Tes. V. Band. 129-131。基於這類考慮,本書的歷史性受到質疑,全書被視為一個假設的案例,旨在闡明詩作者所要探討的重大問題。

因此,探究有什麼理由相信約伯這樣的人確實存在過,以及書中所載事件在多大程度上應視為歷史真實,就十分重要了。

(一)約伯的存在是明確宣告的事實,而且這段敘述具有真實事件簡樸記錄的一切外觀。本書頭兩章及末章的一部分是簡單的歷史記錄。書的其餘部分固然是詩體,但這幾部分毫無詩歌的特色。聖經中再也找不到比這更簡單明白的歷史陳述;而就這些陳述本身而論,也沒有一處不可以同樣被棄之為寓言。除非在敘述的表面之外另有理由把它視為寓言,這一事實就應當被視為決定性的。

(二)這樣一個人物確實存在,其歷史真實性為聖經受默示的作者所承認。例如 Ezekiel 14:14 中,神說:「其中雖有挪亞、但以理、約伯這三人,他們只能因自己的義救自己的性命。這是主神說的。」比較 Ezekiel 14:16、Ezekiel 14:20。這裏約伯與挪亞、但以理同樣明確地被指為真實人物,而且種種細節都與「他真實存在」的假設完全吻合。他們同樣被稱為真實的「人」;同樣有靈魂——「他們只能因自己的義救自己的性命」;同樣有兒女——「他們連兒子帶女兒都不能拯救,只有他們自己得蒙拯救」(Ezekiel 14:16);他們在各方面都同樣被當作真實人物提及。挪亞與但以理這樣的人確實存在,這是無可置疑的歷史事實;而顯然,以西結對約伯是真實人物的確信,正如他對另外兩位的確信一樣。

一段類似的經文可以說明這一點,見於 Jeremiah 15:1:「主對我說:雖有摩西和撒母耳站在我面前代求,我的心也不顧惜這百姓。」這裏摩西和撒母耳被當作真實人物提及,而他們的存在是毫無疑問的。然而他們被提及的方式,與以西結書中提及約伯的方式完全相同。無論在哪一種情形,訴諸一個虛構人物都是不可思議的。這種訴諸只能指向真實的人物;以西結認為約伯確實存在,這一點沒有合理懷疑的餘地;更準確地說,既然說話的是神而不是以西結,那就是神親自論到約伯,說他確實存在過。使徒雅各也提到約伯,同樣表明這一點:「你們聽見過約伯的忍耐,也知道主給他的結局,明顯主是滿心憐憫,大有慈悲」(James 5:11);就是說,主使他所受的一切試煉最終得了美好的結局,顯明主憐恤受苦的人,並大有慈悲。

這裏所指的顯然是一個真實之人所受的苦難,正如主向身受重試煉的人顯出真實的憐憫一樣。這位聖經作者在此訴諸一個他自己視為虛構的人物,是不可思議的;如果以西結與雅各的見證可信,那麼約伯確有其人,便毫無疑問。以西結提到他,正如提到挪亞與但以理一樣;雅各提到他,正如提到以利亞一樣(James 5:17);就這歷史記錄而論,約伯真實存在的證據,與其他幾位真實存在的證據不相上下。

(三)書中對地點與人名的具體指明,也不是寓言中會出現的。倘若這只是一個用以說明某項偉大真理的「假設案例」,這些具體指明便屬多餘,根本不會出現。在聖經公認的比喻中,很少對人名地點作如此細微的指明。例如在浪子的比喻中,父親的名字、兒子們的名字、事情發生的地點,一概沒有提及。那往遠方去得國的貴冑、不義的管家、十個童女等許多比喻也是如此。但本書卻明確指明了大量細節,而這些細節對闡明詩中的主要真理毫無必要。我們不僅知道受苦者的名字,連他居住的地方也被提及,彷彿那是眾所周知似的。我們還知道他朋友們的名字及他們的居所——「提幔人以利法」、「書亞人比勒達」、「拿瑪人瑣法」,以及以利戶——「布西人巴拉迦的兒子,屬蘭族」。除非有意暗示這些是真實人物而非寓言角色,否則為何要提及這些人的居所?

同樣,書中明確提到示巴人和迦勒底人——若本書是寓言,這些指明不僅全無必要,甚至不大可能出現。單用「強盜」一詞便可達到一切目的;除非事件真實發生,否則受默示的作者決不會如此寫,因為受默示的作者決不會將這罪名加於任何族群,使他們永受羞辱,除非這類事件確實發生過。救主在好撒瑪利亞人的比喻中,提到耶路撒冷與耶利哥之間發生的搶劫時,所用的也只是「強盜」一詞。沒有提到任何名字,也沒有指向任何族群,以免因提及名字而使他們蒙受惡名。同樣,書中還具體記述約伯眾兒女的宴飲、他打發人去勸誡他們、他為他們特別獻祭、牛羊駱駝被毀、約伯兒女所在房屋的倒塌——這一切情境細節的陳述,在寓言中都不太可能出現。

這些細節性的陳述,正是我們期望在真實事件記錄中看到的,並且表面帶著樸實的真理印記。這不是我們在比喻中尋找的那類資料。在財主與拉撒路的比喻中——這幾乎是救主所講惟一提到人名的比喻——我們也沒有財主的名字;雖提到了拉撒路的名字,但也僅止於此。我們不知道他的家庭、居所、家世、生活的年代;而這名字本身如此常見,即使救主心中確有某個真人,也無從推測是誰。約伯的記述卻截然不同。誠然,在小說或《天路歷程》那樣的長篇寓言中,我們會期望詳細的名字與地點;但沒有證據顯示聖經中有任何這類長篇虛構敘事,而且除非約伯記是這樣的作品,聖經中便沒有這樣的長篇寓言。

(四)反對此觀點的理由,不足以推翻約伯真實存在的確實證據。針對敘事歷史真實性所提出的反對理由(其中一部分已如上述),主要有以下幾項:

第一個理由,是 Job 1 與 Job 2:1-13 中神與撒但會面的記載。有人說,這情節太不可信,使全書的歷史陳述蒙上虛構的色彩。對此可以回應:首先,即使這段記載不按字面理解為真實事件,也不能證明約伯其人並不存在,也不能證明關於他的事件不是真實的。即使這只是詩意的潤飾或僅是象徵性的描繪,約伯仍可能確有其人,仍可能被剝奪財產,並經歷這些漫長而痛苦的忠誠試煉。

其次,要證明這樣的事從未發生,是不可能的。聖經處處承認撒但這樣一位存在者的存在;這裏對他性情的描述,與聖經一貫的記述完全吻合;他對約伯所運用的權柄,沒有一樣不是明確被准許的;而且,無法證明他如今在試煉敬虔之人時,不會做據說他在約伯身上所做的同樣之事。即使承認他出場的方式帶有若干詩意陳述的成分,這也不致使主要的記述顯得不可信或荒謬。聖經基於情勢的必要,充滿了這類描繪;當聖經說神向人「說話」、說祂與亞當交談、說祂對蛇說話(Genesis 3)時,我們不必假定這一切都嚴格按字面發生,而這種非嚴格字面的性質,也不會使主要的事實失效。隨後確實有一連串的事實發生,彷彿這些都真實發生過一樣;見 Job 1:6-12 的註釋。

第二個針對書中所記事件歷史真實性的反對理由,是本書的詩體特性,以及這類演說極不可能以書中所代表的方式發出。見 Eichhorn, Einleit. v. 123, 124。這些演說屬於最高級的詩歌,完全沒有即興而作的性質,顯出深刻縝密的思考,必須花費大量時間才能準備完成。尤其有人說,約伯在身心極度痛苦之中,還能發出這樣高度錘鍊的詩句與論證,是極度不可能的。關於這個反對理由,可以回應如下。

(一)即使承認這一點,即使假定各發言者的論證具有詩體特性、實際上從未以我們今日所見的形式說出,這也不能推翻關於約伯的存在與試煉之歷史真實性的既有證據。約伯可能確實如此生活、如此受苦,這樣一場討論可能確實發生過,這些論點實質上也可能被提出過,只是後來由約伯本人或他人之手,整理成我們今日所見的詩體形式。約伯本人在試煉之後又活了一百四十年;就其本身而論,假設他在恢復體力、享有安逸之後,認為值得將他曾在這重大問題上持有的論證,以更完美的形式呈現出來,並賦予它更濃的詩意,並無不可信之處。在這種情形下,主要的歷史真理得以保留,真實的論證也確實被陳述出來——只是採用了一種比發言者即席脫口而出的言辭更值得保存的形式。但是——

(二)一切困難都可以藉一個與本書特性及事件性質完全相符的假設來消除。這假設就是:各篇演說之間相隔足夠長的時間,足以充分反思,足以仔細構思論證。沒有證據顯示整場辯論是「一口氣」完成的;沒有證據顯示一篇演說緊接著另一篇,也沒有證據排除足夠長的時間間隔,讓人有機會從容準備,以回應前一位發言者所提出的觀點。書中的一切都帶著最仔細從容思考的痕跡,盡可能擺脫了即席辯論的倉促與忙亂。約伯所受的苦難顯然曠日持久。他的朋友們在對他說任何話之前,「七天七夜」靜默地與他同坐。

整場辯論的課題似乎經過最有系統的細心安排。發言者按固定的次序在一連串論證中相繼發言——每一輪都循相同的方式,沒有一人越出本位。無人說話時被中途打斷;無論他的控訴多麼尖刻、譏諷,他的責備多麼折磨人,他所說的話被認為多麼大膽或褻瀆,人都耐心聽他說完想說的一切,然後他所說的才在回應中被仔細衡量思考。這一切顯示,回應可能在說出之前,已有充足的時間加以組織;這一假設自然消除了此反對理由的全部力量。若果真如此,那麼假定這些話確如書中所載被說出來,其可信程度,便不亞於希臘吟誦詩人(Rhapsodists)為公開誦唱而作的詩篇,也不亞於 Homer 的《伊利亞特》或 Herodotus 的《歷史》——這兩部作品完成之後,都由作者本人在雅典公開誦讀。沒有人能確實證明書中提名的人物——約伯、以利法、比勒達、瑣法、以利戶——沒有能力撰作分派給他們各自的演說,也不能證明他們沒有花費必要的時間來完成這樣的撰作。

除非能做到這一點,否則 Eichhorn(Einleit. v. 123ff.)滿懷自信提出的「不可能」的反對,以及 Noyes(Intro. pp. xxi., xxi.)所附和的那段話,其實都沒有多大力量。Noyes 說:「假定這樣一部美妙和諧的整體作品——每一部分都帶著最高天才的印記——竟是一個被可憎疾病帶到死亡門口之人的隨興之作,是三四位前來安慰他的朋友的即席產物,而且他們全都用詩化的、有格律的語言表達思想;假定神真的在一場狂風暴中開口說了半小時的話;假定天上的會商確實發生過——這種設想荒謬得不值一駁。」

第三個反對理由,來自書中出現的整齊數目與加倍數目,以及整個敘述因此似乎帶有的人工痕跡。有人說,這完全是反常而不可信的現象,整個陳述讀來像是虛構的故事。例如,約伯的牛、駱駝、羊都以整數表述;其中一部分恰好是另一部分的兩倍;更奇特的是,這一切在他恢復健康之時恰好翻倍。他受試煉之後,兒子的數目與女兒的數目都與之前相同,而每一項數目,都是希伯來人視為神聖的數字。

關於這個反對理由,我們可以回應:

(一)至於整數,這在歷史陳述中屢見不鮮。在列舉軍隊、一國的人口、或牛群羊群時,再也沒有比這更常見的了。

(二)至於說約伯的財產在災難康復之後恰好「加倍」,不必假定這在各方面都嚴格按字面屬實。我們完全可以設想,由於親友的饋贈及其他原因,約伯的財產接近試煉之前的兩倍,足以支持這種概括的說法。這陳述本身沒有什麼不可信之處。約伯在試煉之後又活了一百四十年。他若享有與從前同等程度的興盛,又有親友扶助他重新開始生活,那麼他的財產加倍,便沒有什麼不可能。

這些大致就是針對本書歷史性所提出的全部反對理由;若這些理由站不住腳,那麼結論便是:這樣一個人確實活過,並且確實經歷了書中所描述的試煉,應當被視為歷史真實。關於這些反對理由更詳盡的陳述與反駁,可參考以下著作:Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, Vol. V. p. 298ff. ed. 8vo, London, 1811;Prof. Lee on Job, Intro. Section 11;以及 Magee on atonement and Sacrifice, p. 212 following, ed. New York, 1813。不過應當說明,有不少作者一面承認約伯其人確實存在過、本書有歷史根據,一面又認為作品本身大體上是詩體。在這類評論家看來,詩人為了闡明他要思考的偉大真理,利用了關於一位著名人物受苦的傳說,並賦予整個論證如今這樣濃厚的詩體色彩。這一假設符合史詩與悲劇詩人常用的手法,也是小說作家通常遵循的方式。這是 Eichhorn 的見解(Einleitung V. Section 638)。

第二節 約伯居住地的問題

Job 1:1 說約伯住在「烏斯地」。因此,要確定他住在哪裏,惟一要解決的問題,就是盡可能確定這地方在哪裏。從記述的方式(「烏斯地」)看來,這很可能是一片幅員相當廣闊的地區,而且其名大概出自某個定居於此的同名之人。Uz(עוּץ ‛ûts)一詞按 Gesenius 的解釋,意為輕鬆的沙質土壤;若這地名是參照土壤的這一特性而取,那麼自然會指向某片以貧瘠著稱的地區——一片荒蕪之地或曠野。Gesenius 認為烏斯位於阿拉伯曠野(Arabia Deserta)北部——介於巴勒斯坦與幼發拉底河之間的地帶,Ptolemy 稱之為 Αἰσῖται Aisitai。這一見解由 Rosenmuller(Prolegomena)加以辯護,並為 Spanheim、Bochart、Lee、Umbreit、Noyes 以及《世界通史》的作者們所採納。Good 博士則認為這裏所指的烏斯位於彼特拉阿拉伯(Arabia Petraea),在死海的西南岸,並認為約伯及詩中提到的他所有朋友都是以東人。見 Introductory Dissertation, Section 1。

Eichhorn 也認為故事的場景設在以東,並認為詩的作者顯示出他對埃及的歷史、風俗與物產有特別的認識。Einleit. Section 638。Bochart(in Phaleg et Canaan)、Michaelis(Spicileg. Geog. Hebraeo.)與 Ilgen(Jobi, Antiquis. carminis Hebrew natura et indoles, p. 91)則認為約伯的居地位於大馬士革附近的古塔(Guta)谷地,那裏被視為阿拉伯四大樂園之最。關於這谷地的描述,見 Eichhorn, Einleit. V. s. 134。עוּץ ‛ûts(Uz)一詞在希伯來文聖經中僅見於以下各處:Genesis 10:23;Genesis 22:21;Genesis 36:28 及 1 Chronicles 1:17、1 Chronicles 1:42——在這些地方,它都是人名;而在 Jeremiah 25:20;Lamentations 4:21 及 Job 1:1 中,它則用於指一個地區。能對約伯居地提供任何可能性的線索,只有以下幾項:

(一)藉此可以相當確定烏斯家族定居何處——這家族很可能像示巴、西巴、提瑪、古實、麥西等人一樣,把自己的名字給了他們所定居的國家。Genesis 10:23 提到烏斯(עוּץ ‛ûts)是閃的孫子。Genesis 22:21 提到一位烏斯(英文聖經作「Huz」),是亞伯拉罕的兄弟拿鶴的兒子,無疑與 Genesis 10:23 所提的是不同的人。Genesis 36:28 在以掃的後裔中提到一個同名的人。1 Chronicles 1:17 中,這名字出現在「閃的子孫」之中;1 Chronicles 1:42 中,同一名字又出現在以掃的後裔之中。因此,單就名字而論,它可能出自閃的家族,也可能出自一位與亞伯拉罕同時代的人,或出自以掃較晚的某位後裔。下文將會看到,這名字因後兩者中任何一支定居此地而得的可能性極低,因為那樣的假設會把約伯生活的時代,推到比他歷史記載的情節所容許的更晚期;因此,這名字很可能是為紀念閃的孫子而有的。這一事實本身,就能在一定程度上幫助確定地點。

閃住在亞洲,而我們將看到,他後裔的聚居地起初位於幼發拉底河附近一帶(Genesis 10:21-30)。Genesis 10:23 提到烏斯是亞蘭的眾子之一;亞蘭給那稱為亞蘭地(即敘利亞)的國家起了名字,亞蘭人就是他的後裔。據推想,他們起初住在吉珥(Kir)河(又稱 Cyrus 河)附近,後來在某個今日已不可考的時期,藉著一次類似以色列人出埃及的拯救,被遷到敘利亞地區;見 Amos 9:7。摩西總是稱敘利亞和美索不達米亞的居民為「亞蘭人」;由於他們的根據地就在美索不達米亞境內及其附近,烏斯很可能也位於離那一帶不遠之處。因此,我們自然會到那一帶附近尋找烏斯國。Genesis 10:30 又論到閃的子孫說:「他們所住的地方是從米沙直到西發東邊的山地」;這一說法與論到約伯本人的話相合——他是「東方人中至大的」(Job 1:8);這顯然暗示他是那通稱為東方之地的居民。

關於米沙與西發的位置,眾說紛紜。Michaelis 的見解最為可取(Spicileg. pt. 11, p. 214):「米沙就是 Passora 周圍的地區,後來的敘利亞人稱之為 Maishon,希臘人稱之為 Mesene。在這些名稱之下,他們把幼發拉底河與底格里斯河之間、介於 Seleucia 與波斯灣之間的地區都包括在內。Abulfeda 提到這一地區有兩座離 Passora 不遠的城,名為 Maisan 與 Mushan。這裏大概就是約坍族人聚居地的東北邊界。另一端限的名稱西發,在迦勒底語中意為海岸,大概是指沿阿拉伯灣的葉門西部,如今阿拉伯人稱之為 Tchiainah。介於這兩界之間的高地山嶺,摩西稱之為『東方的山』。這片山嶺至今仍被阿拉伯人稱為 Djebal,即『群山』之意。」見 Rosenmuller's Alterthumskunde, iii. 163, 164。

書中提到的許多人物與部族都住在這一帶附近,這一事實加強了上述假設:烏斯所定居的正是這一地區的某一部分,而約伯就住在那裏。例如,提幔人以利法很可能就住在那裏;見 Job 2:11 的註釋。示巴人大概住在離那地不遠之處(見 Job 1:15 的註釋);我們知道迦勒底人就住在那裏(Job 1:17 的註釋);而這一假設也與論到那從「曠野」刮來之旋風的話十分吻合;見 Job 1:19 的註釋。約伯的住處離迦勒底人和示巴人如此之近,以致他們尋常的劫掠遠征便能波及於他;這一事實與「他住在阿拉伯曠野某處」的假設,比與「他住在以東」的假設更相吻合。

(二)耶利米在兩處經文提到這個國家,可以幫助我們確定它的位置;Lamentations 4:21:

「以東的民哪,只管歡喜快樂,

你這住在烏斯地的;

苦杯必傳到你那裏:

你必喝醉,以致露體。」

驟看之下,這段經文或許表明烏斯地是以東的一部分;然而它更恰當地表明,烏斯地並不屬於以東,而是以東人(即以土買人)奪取了一塊原本不屬於他們的地。先知稱之為「以東的民」,不是照着她本國的領土說,而是說她「住在烏斯地」——住在一個她以某種方式取得的外邦之地。以東本國原是西珥山及死海以南一帶;但我們知道以東人後來擴張了疆界,有一段時期,死海以東、摩押地內的波斯拉是他們的京都;見以賽亞書第三十四章的分析及 Isaiah 34:6 的註釋。耶利米所指的,極可能是以土買人既已確立這些征服、又以這座外邦之城為京都的時期。若是這樣,按照耶利米哀歌的這段經文,我們自然會在以東人征服所及的諸國中尋找烏斯地——而這些征服主要在他們本國以東。從耶利米書中另一處出現這名字的經文,也可得出類似的結論,即 Jeremiah 25:20 ff.:「並雜族的民,和烏斯地的諸王,與非利士地的諸王,亞實基倫、迦薩、以革倫,以及亞實突剩下的人,並以東、摩押、亞捫人」等。這裏有兩點顯而易見。其一是烏斯國與以東地有別,因為它們被列為不同的邦國;其二是這是一個相當廣闊的國家,因為提到它有數位「王」。誠然,這裏對其位置毫無暗示;但它既被如此提及,可見在耶利米的時代它是眾所周知的。

(三)從 Job 1:8 論到約伯居所的方式,也可看出同樣的道理。那裏說他是「東方人中至大的」。這暗示他的居所在通稱為東方之地的國家境內。誠然,我們尚未確定本書寫成的地點,因此不能確知作者所理解的這句話是什麼意思;但這詞在聖經中有通用的含義,指巴勒斯坦以東的地區。而以東地卻在正南方;因此,我們自然會到別處尋找烏斯地;參 Job 1:3 的註釋。「東方」一詞在聖經中的用法,沒有一處會自然地引我們想到以東。

(四)七十士譯本在 Job 1:1 將 Uz 一詞譯作 Ασίτις Asitis——這詞看似由希伯來文 עוּץ ‛ûts(Utz 或 Uz)衍化而來。當然,他們的譯法並未指明所指的地方。但 Ptolemy(Geog. Lib. v.)提到巴比倫附近有一個他稱為 Αὐσίται Ausitai(或許原作 Αἰσίται Aisitai)的部族或民族——正是七十士譯本翻譯 Uz 一詞所用的那個字。Ptolemy 把這些人安置在 Cauchebeni 附近——ὑπὸ υὲν τοῖς Καυχαβήνοις hupo men tois Kauchabēnois——並說他們與迦勒底之間隔有一道山嶺。見 Rosenm. Prolegomena, p. 27。這一位置使約伯離迦勒底人如此之近,以致他們前來劫掠他國土的記載(Job 1:17)完全可信。——還可以補充:在同一帶地區,我們在 Diodorus Sic. Lib. iii. Section 46(見 Prof. Lee, p. 32)中找到一座名為 Sabas(Σάβας Sabas)的城。這些情況使我們有理由相信,這位族長的居地在迦勒底以西、巴勒斯坦與以東及幼發拉底河之間的阿拉伯曠野北部某處。

(五)東方至今仍保存或為人指認的約伯遺蹟與紀念物,可以引為約伯其人確實存在過的一點佐證,也可作為他所居地區的標記。誠然,這些只倚賴傳說;但人們不會為不相信存在過的人立紀念物,而傳說通常總有某些事實根據。阿拉伯作家一向把約伯當作真實人物提及,據稱他的墳墓至今仍在東方被人指認。事實上,它曾在六個不同的地方被人指認;但這並不能證明關於此人存在的種種說法都屬虛構,正如七個城市爭奪 Homer 出生地的榮譽,並不能證明沒有 Homer 這個人。這類墳墓中最著名的,是特拉可尼(Trachonitis)通往約旦河源頭方向的一座。它位於至今仍名為提幔、書亞、拿瑪的諸城之間(Wemyss);不過我們大有理由相信,這些地名之所以如此,與其說是因為它們就是約伯記中所指的那些地方,不如說是因為那裏被認為是約伯的故居。其中一座墳墓曾指給 Niebuhr 看。他說(Reisebeschreib, i. 466):「Saada 以東兩三個小時的路程,有一座大清真寺,按當地阿拉伯人的看法,受苦者約伯就葬在那裏。」「在阿拉伯的東界,他們把約伯的墳墓指給我看,就在幼發拉底河旁、Helleh 附近,在巴比倫以南一個小時的路程。」這裏只需指出一點:所有這些墳墓都在以東的疆界之外。阿拉伯人中流傳著許多關於約伯的傳說,其中不少確實荒誕不經,但都表明阿拉伯普遍堅信確有此人。見 Sale's Koran, vol. ii. pp. 174, 322;Magee on Atonement and Sacrifice, pp. 366, 367;以及 D'Herbelot, Bibli. Orient. tom. i. pp. 75, 432, 438(轉引自 Magee)。

(六)阿拉伯人今日的信念,也可引來印證我們在本探究中大致得出的結論:約伯的居地不在以東,而在巴勒斯坦與幼發拉底河之間阿拉伯曠野的某處。Eli Smith 曾告訴我(1840年11月),豪蘭(Houran)至今仍有一個地方被阿拉伯人稱為烏斯(Uz);他們中間有傳說,那就是約伯的故居。它在波斯拉的東北。波斯拉曾是以東的京都(見 Isaiah 34:6 的註釋),雖然它位於以東人天然疆界之外。若這傳說屬實,那麼約伯大概就不是以東人。沒有什麼使這傳說顯得不可信;而本探究的進路,以相當高的可能性引導我們得出結論:這就是約伯的居地。關於約伯及其朋友居地的問題,另可參考 Abrahami Peritsol Itinera Mundi, in Ugolin, Thes. Sac. vii. pp. 103-106。 第三節 約伯生活的年代

關於約伯生活的年代,其不確定性與關於他居住地的問題不相上下。在此應當指出,這問題與本書寫成年代的探討並無必然的關聯;無論我們假定本書由約伯本人、摩西、或較晚的作者所寫,這問題都不會實質受到影響。無論本書何時寫成,若晚於族長生活的年代,作者自然只會提說事件假定發生的時代所盛行的風俗與觀念,而隱去自己時代的痕跡。

對這問題,我們不能期望得到絕對的確定性。值得注意的是,書中既沒有約伯家的譜系記錄,也沒有他三位朋友的譜系記錄。書中惟一一處這類記錄,是關於以利戶的(Job 32:2),而且極為簡略,對確定他的年代幫助甚微。關於這問題僅有的線索如下;既然沒有重大的結果繫於這問題,這些線索便足以把它相當可能地確定下來。

(一)約伯的年齡。據此推算,他生活的年代當介乎亞伯拉罕之父他拉的時代與雅各的時代之間,即約在主前一千八百年、洪水之後約六百年。持此見解的理由,見 Job 42:16 的註釋。這估計不能自稱完全準確,但有相當高的可能性。若這估計正確,他生活的年代,距以色列人出埃及、律法在西奈山頒布,約有四百年之久;參 Acts 7:6 的註釋。

(二)作為這一見解的印證,可以參看關於他生活年代的種種傳統。七十士譯本所附的記載說,他是以掃眾子之一謝拉的兒子,是亞伯拉罕以下的第五代;這記載可參看 Job 42:16 的註釋。約伯記阿拉伯文譯本的結尾也附有類似的記載,兩者極為相似,一望便知或是彼此抄襲,或是同出一源:「約伯住在烏斯地,位於以東與阿拉伯的交界之間,從前名叫約巴。他娶了一個外邦妻子,名叫安嫩。約伯本人是以掃眾子之一謝拉的兒子;他母親名叫巴斯拉,他是亞伯拉罕以下的第六代。在以東作王的眾王中,最先統治這地的是比珥的兒子巴勒,他京城的名字叫達拿巴。在他之後是約巴,就是稱為約伯的那位;再之後,是一位治理提幔地之君;再之後是他的兒子巴拉,就是在摩押平原擊殺米甸、使之潰逃的那位,他京城的名字叫 Gjates。前來會見約伯的朋友中,有一位是以利法,出自以掃的眾子,是提幔人的王。」這些傳統沒有什麼價值,只能表明這些譯本問世之時,人們普遍相信約伯生活的年代,靠近希伯來三位大族長的時代。

一個幾乎一致的傳統,也同樣把他生活的年代描述於此。希伯來作者大都稱他生活在以撒與雅各的時代。Wemyss。Eusebius 把他置於摩西以前約兩個「世代」。東方各國的意見,大體上也都認定這是他生活的年代。

(三)從本書本身的陳述看來,他顯然生活在出埃及之前。這從以下事實可見:書中對那件重大事件本身、伴隨它的一系列奇事、以及前往迦南地的旅程,都沒有直接的暗示。這種沉默,除非假定他生活在事件發生之前,否則無法解釋,理由有二。其一,那是歷史上神拯救朋友、毀滅惡人的作為中最震撼的例證;約伯與他的朋友們若知道這事,在為自己的見解辯護時決不可能不加以援引。其二,這事件在那之後,成了歷代聖經作者取之不竭的論證與例證寶庫。聖經作者不斷提到脫離埃及的奴役、以及神引領這民族進入應許之地的干預作為。他們從這些事件汲取對 Yahweh 能力與威嚴最宏偉的描述。他們援引這些事件來說明祂的性情與治理。他們訴諸這些事件,證明祂是自己子民的朋友與保護者,並證明祂必毀滅祂的仇敵。他們從這些事件取材,寫出最崇高優美的詩意意象,並因著神憐憫奇妙的作為,諄諄勸誡百姓負有事奉神的義務,從不厭倦。本書論證的關鍵,正是歷史上任何事件都不及那次拯救更能說明的;而這事件既是約伯居地居民必然知曉的,倘若它已經發生,書中竟對此隻字不提,便無從解釋。

因此顯然,即使本書寫成於出埃及之後,詩的作者也是要將族長描繪為生活在那事件之前的人。他把他描述為不知有這事件的人,處於這樣的境況、持有這樣的見解,以致若他被認為生活在那事件之後,就不可能不提到它。同樣可能的是,約伯生活在所多瑪、蛾摩拉被毀之前。那事件發生在他所住地區的附近,他不可能一無所知。而且,就本書這種性質的論證而論,那事件的切題程度不亞於出埃及;倘若約伯的災禍發生在那事件之後,而論證中竟未提及全能者以直接的審判懲罰惡人這樣一次觸目的刑罰,是不可思議的。約伯的朋友們所堅持的,正是神以直接的審判剪除惡人;而倘若約伯的災禍發生在那事件之後,世界上再沒有比發生在他們自己鄰近地區的事更貼切的例證了。

(四)書中對猶太人的禮儀、風俗、習慣、宗教儀式、祭司制度、節期、禁食、安息日等一概沒有暗示,也同樣顯明這一點。本導論另一部分(第四節)將要探究,書中對這些事物的缺乏暗示究竟到什麼程度。這裏要說的只是:書中顯然突出地缺乏這類暗示——若作者生活在較晚的時代、熟悉猶太人的風俗與宗教禮儀,我們本可期望找到這類暗示。誠然,可以承認這首詩的布局本身並不需要頻繁提及這些風俗禮儀,甚至可以說這布局不利於這類暗示,即使作者知道它們;但若說連一處比現有的更明確的提及都沒有,便難以想像。即使承認約伯是外邦人,而且作者有意清楚保持這一印象,他的住處也不會離猶太人的疆界太遠;一個像他那樣對神顯出堅定敬虔原則的人,不可能對那個民族沒有強烈的認同,也不可能在一場與 Yahweh 的治理如此密切相關的論證中,不提到他們的禮儀。約伯的形像以及書中的種種暗示,處處都與「他生活在特殊猶太政體設立之前」的假設相符。

(五)另一個情況也顯明這一點。約伯的宗教,與我們在亞伯拉罕時代所見、猶太制度設立之前盛行的宗教,屬於同一類型。那是獻祭的宗教,卻沒有主持獻祭的祭司。約伯自己以家長的身分,代替兒女與朋友獻祭(Job 1:5;Job 42:8)。沒有設立擔任這職分的祭司;沒有聖殿、會幕或任何聖所;沒有經過奉獻的祭壇。而這正是西奈山頒布律法之前,族長中間所盛行的宗教;因此,自然的推論是:約伯生活在那事件之前。我們看到挪亞為主築壇獻祭(Genesis 8:20);亞伯拉罕也親自以同樣的方式獻祭(Genesis 15:9-11;參 Genesis 12:1-13);這無疑是最早形態的宗教:人向神獻祭,而由一家之父擔任獻祭的祭司。

這些情況合在一起,使約伯生活的年代幾乎沒有疑問。它們一致把時期定在離亞伯拉罕的時代不遠;歷史上再沒有別的時期,能讓這些情況匯聚在一起。然而,沒有重大的問題繫於此;就闡釋本書的需要而論,這些情況已足夠準確地確定了年代。

第四節 本書的作者

比前面所考慮的更為緊要的一個問題,是本書的作者問題。由於作者的名字無論在本書本身或聖經其他各卷都沒有提到,當然不可能得到絕對的確定性;而且經過人們已寫下的一切討論,它仍舊是、而且必定只是純屬推測的問題。然而,這問題照常被討論的方式,開啟了廣泛的探究範圍,值得加以研究。即使不能確實發現作者的名字,至少或有可能以某種程度的或然性,斷定本書寫成於世界歷史的哪個時期;或許還能以足夠令人滿意的或然性,判斷它出於誰的手。

探究這一點時遇到的第一個問題,是全書是否出自同一位作者,還是歷史部分由較晚的手所加。對本書最膚淺的認識也足以表明,書中有兩種本質不同的文體——詩體與散文體。書的主體(Job 3-42:6)是詩;其餘部分(Job 1;Job 2:1-13 及 Job 42:7-17)是散文。許多傑出的評論家——特別是 DeWette——否定後者的真實性,視之為較晚之手的增添。針對序言與結語,DeWette 提出:「作品的完美要求刪去這兩部分,因為它們藉試煉與補償的觀念,解決了討論的主題;而作者的宗旨,卻是要藉着人完全順服神的智慧與大能這一觀念來解決問題」;見 Noyes, Intro. pp. xxi., xxii.。

對這反對理由可以回應如下:

(一)我們只能憑作者呈現給我們的全部內容,來認識他的觀點。他的計劃或許正是要展現這一觀點——不是提出抽象的論證,而是把論證與一個真實案例相連,並藉着展示災禍實際臨到一個敬虔之人、以及其後顯著興旺的境況,使論證更為鮮明。合理的推定是:詩的作者有意把一切可能的光,都投在一個非常晦暗的問題上;為此,前後伴隨論證的事實陳述,似乎不可或缺。

(二)若沒有結尾關於約伯在試煉之後復得興旺的陳述,全書的論證便不完整。主要的問題沒有得到解決。在末後幾章中,神不是以明確的宣告來解決那些令人大惑不解的問題,而是顯明無條件順服的本分。但當這一點隨後又輔以約伯恢復興旺的歷史陳述、輔以他此後享有的長壽、以及將近一個半世紀伴隨他的財富與幸福時,他朋友們的責難與他自己的疑難,便得到充分的解答;而全書的結局表明:神並非不顧念祂的子民;他們雖經歷嚴厲的試煉,卻仍是祂溫柔看顧的對象。

(三)再者,若要理解約伯的品格、言語與論證,序言是必不可少的。他有時說出嚴厲無禮的話,在 Job 3 對自己出生的日子發出可怕的咒詛,又有我們所見急躁情緒的爆發;若不是先看見他先前的興旺與他受試煉的緣由,若不是先得着「他是個極敬虔正直之人」的確證,我們便不可能對受苦者懷有作者顯然期望我們懷有的同情,也不可能體會他災禍之深。如今我們既有了這些,便預備好去同情一位身分尊貴、先前富足興旺、且正是為了試煉的緣故被置於這境況中的受苦者。我們立刻急於想知道,人性在這樣的境況中將如何表現,而且這興趣始終不減。

在這些突如其來、接踵而至的試煉之下,我們起初欽佩受苦者的忍耐與順服;隨後,在曠日持久、難以忍受的重壓之下,我們對他在 Job 3 中情緒的爆發便不以為怪;然後,我們懷着極大的興趣、毫不疲倦地注視他如何應對他的「朋友們」巧妙的論證——他們要證明他向來是個偽君子——並忍受他們尖刻的譏嘲與責難。除非有開頭幾章的歷史陳述作預備,這種對論證的興趣是不可能維持的。還應補充一點:任何認為這幾章出自較晚之手的設想,全屬臆測——古譯本、抄本或傳統,都沒有提供任何這類信念的根據。然而這些話並不妨礙我們設想:若本書由約伯本人寫成,Job 42 末兩節關於他的年歲與死亡的記載,是較晚之手所加——正如 Deuteronomy 34:1-12 關於摩西之死的記載,必須視為不出於摩西本人,而出於較晚的一位受默示的作者。

因此,若有理由相信全書大致如我們今日所見的那樣出自同一手筆,接下來的問題便是:有沒有任何情況,能使我們以某種程度的或然性判斷作者是誰。在聖經批判學的問題中,幾乎沒有一個像這問題那樣意見分歧。Lowth、Magee、Prof. Lee 等許多人認為它是約伯本人的作品;Lightfoot 等人歸之以利戶;一些拉比作家,以及 Kennicott、Michaelis、Dathe、Good,歸之摩西;路德、Grotius 與 Doederlin 歸之所羅門;Umbreit 與 Noyes 歸之一位生活於猶太被擄時期前後的作者;Rosenmuller、Spanheim、Reimar、Stauedlin 及 C. F. Richter 認為它出自所羅門時代前後的某位希伯來作者;Warburton 認為它是以斯拉的作品;Herder(《希伯來詩歌》i. 110)則認為它出自某位古以東人——很可能就是約伯本人——並由大衛在征服以東時獲得。他認為,在大衛較晚的著作中,可以找到他模仿這卷古書文風的痕跡。

逐一審查這些作者各自提出支持其見解的理由,既乏味又無益。與其如此,我寧可陳述在審視本書本身、以及這些作者所提各項理由時所出現的主要考慮,它們或許能使我們形成一個可能的判斷。即使這探究的結果,只是又添一個臆測,它至少有這樣的長處:大致陳述了一切看來有助於我們在這件事上形成意見的要點。

I. 在估量本書作者問題時,首先會想到的情況,是全書的外邦色彩——它與希伯來作品慣常風格不同這一事實。對熟悉希伯來著述的人而言,書中的風俗、暗示、修辭與思維方式,都帶有外邦的氣息,顯然表明發言者生活在猶太以外的某個國家。誠然,全書散發着共同的東方色彩,足以使它與西方世界的一切文體有別;但它與我們知道源出希伯來人的作品之間的區別,也幾乎同樣明顯。思維的風格與全書的總體格調是阿拉伯式的。書中的暗示、比喻、例證,以及對歷史事件與流行風俗的援引,都不是希伯來人會作出的;除非是在歷史最早的時期,在這民族的特性尚未定型到足以與東方大家庭中的弟兄有別之前。阿拉伯的沙漠、因旱災而乾涸的溪流、冬季滿溢夏季乾涸的旱河谷(wady)、按時來到同一處取水的流動部落與商隊、輕易便可拔起遷移的帳棚居所、沙漠中乾瘦的灌木、獅子與其他野獸的吼叫、季節性的雨、栽在溪流邊緣的樹木、天未亮就起來、清晨便發動攻擊的劫掠者、גאל gô'el(報血仇者)的權利、權柄與義務、好客的規條、阿拉伯法庭的正式程序——這些就是不斷呈現在讀者心中的意象。

在這裏,對埃米爾(Emir)當有的敬意;阿拉伯部落中較高階層之間流行的禮貌風度;人說話時專心聽到結束、決不打斷他的那種專注(Herder i. 81)——這在今日有教養的東方人中間仍如此顯著——處處可見。誠然,這些事物中有許多,在無可置疑的希伯來著作中也能找到相似之處——因為其中一些本是東方各民族的共同特徵——但沒有人能否認,它們在本書中的豐富程度超過聖經中任何一卷;而且,正如我們不久將更具體看到的,它們在本書中不像在別處那樣,與確定無疑源於希伯來的事物相混雜。與此相關,還可以指出:書中有為數異常多的詞,其詞根如今只見於阿拉伯文,而且是以希伯來文不常見、阿拉伯文卻慣用的意義使用。凡在解釋本書時,利用 Gesenius 從阿拉伯文對眾多詞語投下之亮光的人,凡查考 Castell 詞典、或研讀 Schultens 與 Lee 註釋的人,都會信服這一點。許多評論家對這一點的重視超過事實所許可,這無人能否認;但同樣無可否認的是:在解釋本書時,阿拉伯文所能提供的幫助,多於解釋聖經任何其他部分時所能得的。關於這一點,Gesenius 有如下的評論:「總括而言,書中有許多與阿拉伯文相似、或可由阿拉伯文加以說明之處;但這些或是希伯來文,屬於詩歌用語;或是同時屬亞蘭文,是詩人從亞蘭語借來的,在此不是以亞蘭語的面貌、而是以阿拉伯語的面貌出現。然而就比例而言,這裏並不比其他詩歌書卷或書中的詩歌部分更多。若由此推論本書作者與阿拉伯或阿拉伯文學有直接的關聯,那是不公正的。」(Geschichte der hebr. Sprache und Schrift, S. 88)。本書帶有阿拉伯文色彩這一事實,Gesenius 在上述引文中已經承認;至於由此可以得出什麼關於本書與阿拉伯及阿拉伯文學之關聯的推論,則須由其他情況判定;參 Eichhorn, Einleitung, v. S. 163ff.。

II. 第二個可幫助我們判斷本書作者問題的考慮,是書中無疑有許多暗示,指向以色列人出埃及、西奈山頒布律法、以及猶太制度確立之前發生的事件。這話的要點在於:若我們發現這類暗示,同時又發現沒有一處暗示指向那時期之後的事件,這便是能有助於判斷作者的一個情況。它至少能使我們相當準確地確定本書寫成的時間。至於書中確有指向那時期之前事件的明顯暗示,以下經文可資證明;Job 10:9:「求你記念,你製造我如摶泥一般,你還要使我歸於塵土嗎?」這裏幾乎是逐字暗示了 Genesis 2:7;Genesis 3:19 關於人受造方式的陳述——表明約伯熟知人受造的記載。Job 27:3:「我的生命尚在我裏面;神所賜呼吸之氣仍在我的鼻孔內」;Job 33:4:「神的靈造我;全能者的氣使我得生」;Job 32:8:「但在人裏面有靈;全能者的啟示使人有聰明。」

這裏也無疑暗示了人受造的方式(參 Genesis 2:7)——這些暗示表明,這事實必是藉傳統為發言者所知,因為這不是人憑推理容易得到的結論。人的無能與軟弱,也以暗示熟悉其受造方式的措辭來描述:「何況那住在土房、根基在塵土裏、被蠹蟲所毀壞的人呢?」(Job 4:19)。Job 31:33 大概暗示亞當吃了禁果後企圖躲避神的事實:「我若像亞當遮掩我的過犯。」認為這是指亞當的理由,見該節的註釋。Job 22:15-16 則明顯指到洪水:「你要依從上古的道嗎?這道是惡人所行的。他們未到死期,一時被沖沒去,根基被洪水漫過。」

見該段經文的註釋。與此相關,還可以指出:書中對敬拜方式與宗教觀念的描述,顯示作者熟悉出埃及以前人們敬拜神的形式。這些與我們在亞伯、挪亞、亞伯拉罕時代所見的,性質完全相同。這些內容,不是一個不熟悉創世記前部所記歷史事實的人所能想到的;它們不是推理的產物,只能出自對那些事件的認識——在世界的那個早期,這些事件必已傳遍東方。它們證明本書的作者,曾有機會認識如今記載為摩西歷史的有關創造及世界早期事件的記錄。

III. 書中沒有這類指向出埃及、以及猶太制度確立之後發生事件的暗示。由於這一點在判斷本書作者問題上極為重要,又由於有人斷然主張存在這類暗示,並以之作為論據,證明本書晚至所羅門甚至以斯拉的時代才問世,因此值得仔細審察這一點。要點是:書中沒有一個希伯來人在出埃及之後會作的那類暗示;換言之,書中沒有任何內容會引我們斷定它寫成於離開埃及之後。幾句話便可說明這觀察的真確及其意義。

希伯來作者引用本國歷史事件的頻繁程度,超過大多數其他作者。神待他們這民族的作為既如此獨特,他們又如此深信本國歷史的事件就是神恩待他們民族的明證,以致他們的著述中不斷援引這民族所經歷的事。尤其是出埃及、過紅海、西奈山頒布律法、曠野的旅程、迦南地的征服、仇敵的毀滅,構成歷代作者取用不盡的論證與例證寶庫。這些事件之後寫成的一切希伯來詩歌,都充滿對它們的暗示。眾先知以它們為向民族嚴正呼籲的題材;對這些事的記憶溫暖了敬虔的心,激發了聖殿事奉中的讚美歌聲。在「被擄」的苦難中,他們因神曾救他們脫離遠更難堪的壓迫而得安慰;在自由的年代,先祖在「為奴之家」所受的苦難,又使他們的自由倍感甘甜。

而在約伯記中,沒有希伯來人會作的那類暗示,這既不可否認,也同樣值得注意。書中沒有提到摩西;沒有一處明確指到他們在埃及的奴役、法老的暴行、他的軍隊在紅海的覆沒、以色列人的獲救、西奈山律法的頒布、曠野的危難、或他們在應許之地的最終定居。沒有提到會幕、約櫃、法版、祭司制度的設立與職責、逃城、或希伯來民族特殊的宗教禮儀。沒有提到神治政體、嚴肅集會的日子、全國的大節期、或猶太各支派的名字。沒有提到希伯來人特殊的司法條例;至於司法的執行,書中所記的也不出早期族長時代所有的樣式。

這些省略尤其值得注意(如前所述),因為其中許多事件,本是歷史上所發生過的一切事件中,對各發言者所持論點最貼切的例證。在論證推進的許多關頭,再也沒有比法老的滅亡、神子民的蒙拯救與蒙保護、神在曠野對他們的看顧、以及他們的仇敵在應許之地被推翻,更切題的材料了。這些考慮如此顯然,以致似乎可以就此確定作者問題上的一點:本書不可能出自出埃及之後的希伯來人之手。關於本書寫成於出埃及之前的補充論證,另見 Eichhorn, Einleit, section 641。然而,儘管有這些事實,一些可敬的評論家——如 Rosenmuller、Umbreit、Warburton 等——仍主張本書晚至所羅門的時代甚至被擄的時期才寫成;因此,重要的是探問:他們打算如何撇開這一論證,憑什麼考慮為本書晚於出埃及的寫作年代辯護。這些理由簡述如下。

(一)其一:這首詩的宗旨本身,無論何時寫成,都要求不作這類暗示。據說,場景不是設在巴勒斯坦,而是設在外邦;假定的時代是族長的時代、出埃及之前;人物不是希伯來人,而是阿拉伯人或以東人;作者的目的本身就要求不暗示希伯來人獨特的歷史或風俗。據說,這與今日撰寫場景設於異國、或設於十字軍時代或 Caesar 時代的詩歌或小說,所遵循的原則相同。我們自然期望,異國或遠古時代的人物、服飾、習俗,都得到仔細的遵守。「既然他們(作品中的人物與作者)是與摩西的制度無關的阿拉伯人,那麼顯然,一位有天才的作家決不會荒謬到把猶太人的思想與禮儀放進阿拉伯人的口中——至少在制度、成文律法、禮儀與歷史這類具體的事上如此。無論本書寫於哪個時期,作者在作品的結構與執行上既已顯出充分的天才與技巧,便足以解釋他為何沒有把生活在摩西制度之下的希伯來人的明顯特徵,加在阿拉伯人身上。」

「即使書中的人物是希伯來人,這裏所考慮的論證也不是完全決定性的;因為就主題的性質而論,我們在其中所能期望的利未記式的或純猶太式的內容,並不比箴言或傳道書更多。」(Noyes, Introduction p. 28)這一假設認定本書寫成於摩西以後較晚的時代。然而它並沒有提供證據,證明確是如此。它最多只能證明:作者有足夠的天才與技巧,能把自己完全投射到遙遠的時代與異域之中,徹底隱去自己國家與時代的特徵,把人物描繪成生活在假定的國度與時期之內,而不洩露作者本人所屬。就作者與成書時期的問題而論,這裏所承認的事實——書中沒有出埃及之後事件的暗示——對「成書於該事件之前」一說的支持,確實不亞於對「成書於其後」一說的支持。

然而,即使假定本書由一位較晚時代的希伯來人所寫,他有意的給它披上阿拉伯的外衣,決不提及自己國家的制度與歷史中任何會洩露作者身分的東西,這一假設仍有若干困難。其一是這樣做本身的困難。作者要把自己投入往古,不留一絲洩露自己時代與國家的痕跡,需要罕見的天才。我們決不會被誤導到以為 Shakespeare 生活在 Coriolanus 或 Caesar 的時代;以為 Johnson 生活在《Rasselas》的時代與國度;或以為 Scott 生活在十字軍的時代。誠然,間或有隱藏得很成功的例子,但極為罕見。這一觀點的另一個難處是:這樣的作品對一位希伯來人來說尤其難以做到,因為在所有的人中,希伯來人最不可能不洩露自己的時代與國家。

這首詩的格調高度思辨。論證在許多地方極為深奧。訴諸的是長期仔細的觀察、先祖留傳下來的經驗記錄、以及對神的審判在世上所生效用的觀察。一位希伯來人在這種情形下,必定會訴諸神的權威;他會援引律法可畏的制裁,而不是冷峻抽象的推理;他幾乎不可能不提到本國歷史中與此案如此明顯相關的事件。而且,是否曾有過一位希伯來人,具備這樣多才多藝的天才與品格,能完全脫去本國的服飾,自始至終以一位阿拉伯埃米爾的面貌出現,在漫長的論證中,除了與他所扮演的外邦人身分相符的話以外,從不說別的,也令人懷疑。還當記得,這首詩所用的語言,與所羅門時代及被擄時期通行的語言不同。

它帶有古風。書中滿是別處不見的詞,其詞根如今只能從阿拉伯文中找到。它帶有一種特色鮮明方言的諸多特性——要保持一種古代方言的精神,需要窮盡一切的技巧。然而在整個文學的範圍內,訴諸這種手法的例子大概不足半打——即作者為使自己的作品帶有古味,而使用外邦或古舊的方言。Aristophanes 與悲劇詩人確實有時讓人物說希臘其他地方的方言,而不是他們生長地的方言(Lee);Shakespeare 偶爾也是如此;但除 Chatterton 一例以外,幾乎沒有一個例子把這一手法貫徹於任何有相當長度的作品中。一位希伯來人會嘗試這樣做,在道德上是確定不可能的。

(二)第二個反對「本書寫成於出埃及之前」這一假設的理由(或說支持它由一位晚得多的希伯來人寫成的論證),來自所謂對猶太民族歷史事件、以及摩西獨特制度的暗示。這不是說這些事件或制度被直接提及,而是說作者在使用某些詞語時「不知不覺地洩露」了自己,而這些詞語據說只有希伯來人才會使用。這一論證詳見 Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, vol. v. pp. 306-319;全面的審查見 Peters' Critical Dissertation on the Book of Job, pp. 22-36。這裏只能極簡略地提述。即使是主張本書寫成於出埃及之後的人,一般也承認所指的經文對支持這見解貢獻甚微。Warburton 所指的經文如下:

(a)對父母罪惡帶給兒女災禍的暗示。「諂媚朋友的,連他兒女的眼睛也要失明」(Job 17:5);「神把他的罪孽積留給他的兒女;神報應他,他們就必知道」(Job 21:19)。據說,這裏是指希伯來聖經作為神治理法則的一部分所立下的原則:父親的罪孽要報應在兒女身上。但要明白這一點,並不必假定對摩西律法有任何特別的認識。觀察世事實際的進程,便足以提供約伯記在此點上所說的一切。惡人在任何地方帶給子孫的貧窮、疾病與恥辱,足以向一個細心的觀察者提供引出這話所需的全部事實。兒女因惡父母之罪而受苦的觀念,在世界各地都很普遍。Theocritus 的一首詩(Idyll. xxvi.)以朱庇特神諭口吻所發的一節說:

Εὐσεβέων παίδεσσι τὰ λώια, δυσσεβέων δ ̓ οὐ Eusebeōn paidessi ta lōia dussebeōn d' ou.

「敬虔人的兒女得享美物,不敬虔人的兒女卻不然。」

(b)對「偶像崇拜是得罪國家的行為、當受民事官長懲罰」這一事實的暗示。「這也是(指拜偶像)當受審判官懲罰的罪孽,因為我背棄了在上的神」(Job 31:28)。據說,這是惟有希伯來人才會有的觀念,出自他們特殊的制度——在那制度之下,偶像崇拜是得罪國家的行為,是死罪。但沒有絲毫證據表明,在族長時代、在約伯所住的地方,拜偶像之風不可以被視為民事上的罪行;而且無論是否如此,一個像約伯那樣深深敬畏神、看重神名之榮耀的人,表達「敬拜日月是重罪、純正宗教無比重要、違反其原則當視為得罪社會的罪行」這樣的觀念,沒有什麼可奇怪的。

(c)對某些措辭的暗示——這些措辭據說只有希伯來人才會使用,而且只會在出埃及之後較晚的時期使用。所指的是如下這類經文:「他不得再見江河,就是流蜜與奶油的溪流」(Job 20:17);「你當領受他口中的教訓,將他的言語存在心裏」(Job 22:22);「願我如壯年的時候,那時我在帳棚中,神待我有密友之情」(Job 29:4)。有人堅稱,這些顯然是對摩西書卷中所記事實的暗示:第一處指聖地的常見描述;第二處指西奈山頒布律法;第三處指 Shekinah(神可見的象徵)居於會幕之上。對此我們可以回應:第一處是東方用來表示豐饒富足的常用語,顯然是諺語式的說法;Pindar(Nem. εἰδ. γ)也使用過,在阿拉伯作家中也很常見。第二處只是一般性的話,任何勸人留意神律法的人都會這樣說,顯然沒有特別暗示西奈山頒布律法的方式。第三處則可以證明,與停於會幕之上的 Shekinah 或榮光之雲沒有特別的關聯,也不是希伯來人談論它時會用的話。那雲在聖經中從未稱為「神的隱秘」;這短語的恰當含義是:神如朋友與謀士般進入他的居所,使他親密地與自己相交;見 Job 29:4 的註釋。約伯說,他早年的特權之一,就是能視自己為神的朋友,對神的計劃與旨意有清晰的看見。如今這些看見已被收回,他被留在黑暗與孤寂之中。

(d)對猶太民族神蹟歷史的所謂暗示。「他吩咐太陽,太陽就不出來,又封閉眾星」(Job 9:7)。據說,這裏暗示約書亞命令日月停住的神蹟。但確實沒有必要假定這裏指任何神蹟。其觀念是:神有權柄使日、月、星辰發光或不發光,全憑祂的旨意。祂能用雲遮蔽它們,也能把它們完全抹去。況且,在約書亞吩咐所行神蹟的記載中,並沒有提到眾星。「他以能力攪動大海,他藉知識打傷拉哈伯」(Job 26:12)。據說,這裏暗示以色列人過紅海。但這語言不必定要求這種解釋,也不能容納這種解釋。

被誤譯為「攪動」(divideth)的字,原文意為使生敬畏、使畏縮顫抖,繼而平靜安穩,描寫神對暴風的權柄。見該節的註釋。沒有絲毫證據表明這裏暗示過紅海。「他將地上民中首領的聰明奪去,使他們在荒廢無路之地漂流」(Job 12:24)。「誰能懷疑」,Warburton 說,「這些話不是暗指以色列人因怯懦、不信神的應許,而被罰在曠野漂流四十年呢?」但這裏沒有必定指此的含義。約伯說的是神對列國的掌管。神有權挫敗他們一切的謀略,擊敗他們一切的計劃。祂能攪亂君王們的一切意圖,使他們的事務陷入無法擺脫的混亂。

再者,就原文而論,這裏的用詞不一定指「曠野」或沙漠。這字是 תהוּ tôhû,是 Genesis 1:2 用來表示「空虛」或「混沌」的字,在此可以指他們謀略與計劃的「混亂」;若是指沙漠,這暗示也屬概括性的,意指神有能力把人趕離固定的居所,使他們在地上流離飄蕩。「我指示你,你要聽;我所看見的,要告訴你,就是智慧人從列祖所受、傳於後代而不隱藏的」(Job 15:17-18)。「這正是」,Warburton 說,「摩西吩咐以色列人保存神作為之記憶的方式。」而這也可以回答說:正是自古以來一切古代歷史、一切古代智慧傳於後世的方式。過去的事,除了把記憶由父傳子之外,別無他法保存;這事實上過去是、如今仍是整個東方通行的方式,決非以色列人所獨有。「這地惟獨賜給他們,外人並沒有從他們中間經過」(Job 15:19)。「這一情節」,Warburton 說,「除了適用於定居迦南的以色列人,不適用於任何別的民族。」但這裏沒有必定暗指以色列人。以利法說的是他國度的黃金時代,說到他的先祖不受外族混雜之腐化、純潔而幸福的時代。

他說,他要陳明他們在那純潔幸福之日——在他們的見解可被指為受了任何外來混雜敗壞之前——的智慧與觀察的結果;見該段經文的註釋。這些經文,就是被引來證明約伯記含有出埃及之後猶太人風俗與觀念的最有力例證。逐一審查 Warburton 博士所指的一切經文,未免冗長而無益。對它們全體都可以這樣說:它們的性質如此概括,又如此切合東方通行的風俗習慣,以致沒有理由假定其中特別指向希伯來人。其餘被指的經文為 Job 22:6;Job 24:7、Job 24:9-10;Job 33:17 ff;Job 34:20;Job 36:7-12;及 Job 37:13。對這些經文的全面審查,見 Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 32-36。

(三)第三個反對「本書寫成於出埃及之前」這一假設的理由,來自 Yahweh 一詞的使用。這詞在本書的歷史部分出現多次(Job 1:6-9、Job 1:12、Job 1:21;Job 2:1-4、Job 2:6;Job 42:1、Job 42:10、Job 42:12),在詩的主體中也出現幾次。這反對理由建立在神對摩西所說的話上,即 Exodus 6:3:「我從前向亞伯拉罕、以撒、雅各顯現為全能的神;至於我名 Yahweh,我未曾使他們知道。」在焚燒的荊棘那裏,神向摩西顯現時,莊嚴地取了這名,並吩咐摩西以「我是自有永有的」(I am that I am)、即 Yahweh 之名宣告祂。由此推論:既然這名出現在約伯記中,本書就必定寫成於神向摩西顯現之後。但這結論並不能成立,理由如下:

(a)神可能誠然沒有以這名被「亞伯拉罕、以撒、雅各」所認識,而這名仍可能已被他人用來指稱祂。

(b)事實上,在此之前,神自己和別人都曾使用 Yahweh 這名;Genesis 2:7-9、Genesis 2:15-16、Genesis 2:18-19、Genesis 2:21;Genesis 3:9 等;Genesis 12:1、Genesis 12:4、Genesis 12:7-8、Genesis 12:17;Genesis 13:10、Genesis 13:13-14;Genesis 15:6、Genesis 15:18;Genesis 16:9-10、Genesis 16:13,以及其他許多處。因此,若這論證有效,足以證明約伯記不是寫成於出埃及之前,它也同樣證明創世記是更晚的作品。

(c)但整個論證建立在對 Exodus 6:3 的誤解上。既然族長們已知 Yahweh 這名,那段經文的含義必然是:

(1)神並非以這名頒布祂的存在,或以這名公開而莊嚴地為人所知。這名是他們與其他名字並用的一個名字,但神沒有以任何特殊的方式將它據為己有,也沒有使它帶上特殊的神聖性。祂自己較常用的名字是另一個。例如,祂向亞伯拉罕顯現、表明自己時說:「我是全能的神,你當在我面前作完全人」(Genesis 17:1)。祂向雅各顯現時也是如此:「我是神,你要生養眾多」(Genesis 35:11;參 Genesis 28:3;Genesis 43:14)。

(2)在荊棘那裏(Exodus 3;Exodus 4:3),神公開而莊嚴地取了 Yahweh 這名。祂使這名帶上特殊的神聖性。祂解釋了它的意義(Exodus 3:14)。祂說,這是祂特別要作為自己子民之神而被認識的名字。祂賦予它莊嚴的神聖性,作為祂此後在自己子民中間永遠以他們之神的身分被認識的名字。列國的神明各有不同的名字;以色列人的神,則要以這特殊而神聖的名字 Yahweh 為人所知。但這名字的莊嚴取用,決不與以下的假設相衝突:祂先前可能使用過它,或在約伯記的寫作中,先前可能有人用過它。

(四)反對「本書寫成於出埃及之前」這一假設的第四個理由,是本書中出現的「撒但」這名字,希伯來人在那麼早的時代尚未知曉,而且事實上它作為專名出現,已是他們歷史中頗晚的時期。見 Warburton's Divine Legation, vol. v. 353ff.。對此可以回應:

(a)像本書歸於撒但的那種特性的邪靈存在之教義,希伯來人早已知道。在亞哈的時代,據說主已使謊言的靈入了先知的口(1 Kings 22:22-23);而且,若要對墮落的歷史作任何說得過去的解釋,這種邪靈存在的信念必定早已流行。關於這詞的含義,見 Job 1:6 的註釋。

(b)「撒但」一詞在歷史中早早便以「敵對者」或「控告者」的意義出現,把這詞轉用於那大敵對者,是很自然的。見 Numbers 22:22。在 Zechariah 3:1-2,這詞與約伯記中的用法相同,指那站在主面前的大敵對者;見 Job 1:6 的註釋。撒但在本書中被引入時,是一個名字與品格皆為人熟知的存在者。

(c)Warburton 本人承認(p. 355),「邪鬼」或「復仇之靈」的觀念,在異教徒中即使在遠古也是普遍的意見,雖然他說希伯來人直到歷史晚期才接受它。但這觀念若在異教徒中盛行,同樣的觀念便可能早已為阿拉伯人所理解,並可能在很早的時期,就已融入約伯記之中。這整個問題的審查,見 Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 80-92。不過我必須承認,Peters 與 Magee(pp. 322, 323)對這反對理由的答覆,並不完全令人滿意;在我所見的一切反對「本書寫成於出埃及之前」的理由中,這是最有力的一個。看來,要充分消除這困難,需要對「關於掌管之邪惡存在者的觀念史」,作比我所能接觸到的更透徹的研究。

真正的困難,不在於聖經別處沒有提到這樣的存在者;不在於他的存在不可能或荒謬——因為撒但的存在,就其本身而論,並不比 Nero、Tiberius、Richard III、Alexander VI 或 Caesar Borgia 的存在更不可能,他也並不比這幾位壞多少;也不在於聖經早期的記載中沒有他的痕跡——而在於:在聖經中,直到出埃及的時候、甚至此後很久,我們對他的存在與品格,只有隱晦的暗示——沒有對他屬性的具體描述,也沒有給他任何名字;而在約伯記中,他一出場就帶着一個顯然通用的名字,帶着明確定型的品格,其計謀已完全成熟——是一個顯然與猶太歷史最晚期中的撒但同樣輪廓鮮明的存在者。我承認自己無法解釋這一點,但仍看不出這有什麼不可能:關於邪惡原則的這種成熟見解,可能在那個早期已盛行於約伯的國度,只是相應時期的猶太歷史,沒有機會將它陳述出來。族長中間可能確有這樣普遍的信念,只是在他們意見與生平的簡短記錄中,沒有機會把這信念記錄下來。

(五)第五個反對理由來自以下的事實:約伯記中有許多段落,與詩篇及箴言中的許多段落十分相似,由此推論它寫成於這兩卷書之後。特別堅持這一反對理由的 Rosenmuller,舉出以下相似之處:Psalm 107:40(與 16:18 相比);Psalm 18:12;Psalm 29:1-11 :23;Job 22:29;Proverbs 8:26-29;Proverbs 30:4;Job 38:4-8;Proverbs 10:7;Job 20:7。逐一審查這些經文、或試圖否認它們的相似性,是不必要的。它們極其相似,這無可置疑;但問題依然懸而未決:這幾卷書中哪一卷最先寫成?若有互相借用,哪一卷是源頭?Warburton 本人說得好:「若聖經作者必須彼此借用陳腐的道德格言,那麼,說詩篇的作者借自約伯記,與說約伯記的作者借自詩篇,是同樣合理的。」(Works, vol. v. 320)。「約伯記最先寫成」這一假設,就一卷源出另一卷而論,能應付全部的困難。還應補充:這些格言中,有許多本是一個慣於仔細觀察、慣於用諺語形式表達見解的民族中,必定盛行的普遍準則。

至此,我已詳細考察了一切在我看來有任何力量、反對「約伯記寫成於出埃及之前」這一假設的意見,並陳述了導致「它有如此古老出處」這一假設的論證。所提出的這些考慮,在我看來,使人不再能合理地懷疑這卷書寫成於離開埃及之前。因此,這一思路若屬可信,便使我們無需再探究路德、Grotius 與 Doederlin「所羅門是作者」的意見;Umbreit 與 Noyes「它由被擄時期前後某位不知名作者寫成」的意見;Warburton「它是以斯拉的作品」的意見;以及 Rosenmuller、Spanheim、Reimer、Staeudlin 與 Richter「它由所羅門時代前後某位希伯來作者寫成」的意見。接下來要探究的是:有沒有任何情況,能引導我們以某種程度的或然性,判定作者是誰。這探究引我們注意到:

IV. 第四,要指出:沒有充分的跡象表明本書出於以利戶之手。認為他是作者的,包括 Lightfoot 在內。但是,除了缺乏任何能導出這結論的確實證據之外,這意見還有使它極度不可信的難處。這些難處見於以利戶自己的論證。他確實以極大的謙遜出場,卻又帶着對智慧不凡的自許。他聲稱直接受感,自稱能在這整個疑難的題目上投下亮光,以結束辯論。但在他的發言中,就討論的要點而論,他只引進了一個前此發言者未曾詳論的新觀點。那就是:苦難的設計,不是要證明受苦者罪大惡極(如約伯的朋友們所主張的),而是為受苦者本人的益處,因此可以與真敬虔並存。

他把這觀點放在多種角度下闡述,以極美的筆法加以說明,並以極大的力量將它銘刻在約伯心上;參 Job 33:14-30、Job 34:31-32、Job 35:10-15、Job 36:7-16 的註釋。但在他的演說中,以利戶並未顯出足以令我們推想他是本書作者的非凡能力。他似乎不明白臨到約伯的試煉有什麼目的;他對苦難的原因沒有令人滿意的解答;他的話重複繁多;他對世事進程的觀察,顯然遠不及以利法深刻;他對自然的認識,遠不及約伯與其他發言者廣博;而且,在貫穿全書的大問題上,他顯然與其他發言者一樣茫然。此外,正如 Prof. Lee 所指出的(p. 44),相信以利戶寫了本書,與相信頭兩章與末章出於撰寫主體的同一作者,二者互不相容。寫這幾章的人顯然「看透了全局」,明白這些試煉臨到族長的緣由。這些緣由若為以利戶所知,他在發言中必定會提出來。

V. 「約伯本人是本書作者」的假設(儘管後來可能有人略加修改),能滿足本案的一切情況。這與本書的外邦色彩與特性相合;與阿拉伯詞語的使用(那些詞如今在希伯來文中已不為人知)相合;與對當時遊牧習俗與生活方式的暗示、以及取自沙原與沙漠的例證相合;與關於當時流行之簡樸敬拜方式的陳述、以及對科學與技藝的記述(見導論第五節)相合;也與全然不提出埃及、頒布律法、以及希伯來人特殊風俗制度的一切暗示相合。除了這些支持「約伯是本書作者」的一般考慮之外,以下幾點或可進一步表明,這意見伴隨着最高程度的或然性。

(1)約伯在災難之後又活了一百四十年,有充裕的閒暇,可以記錄他所受的試煉。

(2)製書之術在他的時代已為人知,也為族長本人所知(Job 19:23-24;Job 31:35)。無論是用什麼方式做成——刻在石上或鉛上,還是使用較易朽壞的材料——他並不無知於把思想記錄下來、傳諸後世的技藝。既懂得這技藝,又有豐裕的閒暇,便很難設想,他竟會不把自己在那段非凡試煉期間所發生的事記錄下來。

(3)整個記述本是能給人類帶來重要教訓的;一個經歷過如此不尋常場面的人,很不可能願意讓對它的記憶,託付給不可靠的傳統。人類智慧所能發明的最有力論證,已在神聖治理這一大問題的兩造提出;一個特徵鮮明的案例已經發生,與世上不斷發生、會引起類似疑難與困惑的案例相似;神已親自出來,教導人在此情形下的本分,賜下了在一切類似情形中極其寶貴的訓誨;而整場試煉的結局,又最有力地證明:義人無論怎樣受苦,他們的受苦並不證明他們是欺哄人的或偽善的。

(4)他對自己缺點與失敗的記錄,正是我們在「約伯是作者」這一假設的基礎上所期望的。什麼也沒有隱瞞。關於他的急躁、他的埋怨、他的無禮,以及全能者對他的責備,都有最坦白詳盡的陳述。摩西也是這樣記錄自己的過失;貫穿聖經,聖經作者從不企圖掩飾自己的軟弱與過錯。

(5)約伯在自己的演說中已經表明,他完全有能力撰作本書。在一切事上,除了神以外,他遠超所有其他的發言者;一個在如此嚴厲的試煉中,尚能發出如今見於他演說中那崇高雄辯、論證與詩歌的人,在後來長久的健康與興盛歲月中,決不致無力把它們記錄下來。因此,在我看來,每一樣情況都使「約伯是這卷非凡之書的編纂者——或者不如說,是它的編者」顯得可能;惟獨關於他自己年歲與死亡的記錄當除外。那些演說,無疑大體上照所記錄的說出;作者的工作,便是收集並編訂這些演說,記下自己的演說與全能者的演說,並為全書提供適當的歷史背景,使論證得以正確理解。

VI. 看來還需要另一個假設,才能應付關於本書來源的一切疑問:摩西採納了它,把它作為神聖啟示的一部分,在希伯來人中間發表,並把它與他自己的著作一同託付給他們,流傳後世。有幾項情況使這假設顯得可能。

(1)摩西在阿拉伯各地度過了四十年,多數時間在何烈山附近;在這樣的國度裏,這部作品若已存在,便很可能為人所知。

(2)他的才幹與他在法老宮廷所受的早年訓練,使他很可能饒有興味地看待任何文獻——任何表達他國風俗、技藝、科學與宗教的作品,尤其是任何帶有不凡天才印記的東西。

(3)這部作品極適合他同胞的需要,能在他拯救他們脫離為奴的事業中,派上極大的用場。書中對那必定會臨到他們心頭的大問題——神的子民為何遭遇災禍——作了詳盡的探討;它教導人在最嚴厲的試煉之下,也要毫無怨言地順服;它表明神雖長久任憑祂的子民受苦,仍是他們的朋友,最終必把豐盛的興旺賜給他們。因此,摩西若發現這樣一卷書已經存在,他極有可能採納它,作為完成他所蒙召之偉大工作的重要輔助。還可以補充:

(4)有充分的理由認為,摩西本人並不是它的作者。這意見立足於以下的考慮:

(a)文體不是摩西的。它引用諺語、格言與流行的科學觀點,多於摩西的詩體著作;見 Lowth, Prae. Hebr. xxxii.;Michaelis, Nat. et Epim. p 186(轉引自 Magee, p. 328);及 Herder, Hebrew Poetry, vol. i. pp. 108, 109。

(b)摩西在詩中幾乎一律用 Yahweh 作為神的名字,極少用全能者(שׁדי shadday);而在約伯記中,Yahweh 一詞在詩的主體裏極少出現,幾乎總是用神的其他名字。

(c)約伯記中有許多詞,其詞根如今已廢置不用,或只見於阿拉伯文或迦勒底文。見 Prof. Lee, Intro. p. 50。

(d)書中對阿拉伯風俗、觀念與禮儀的暗示,不太可能是摩西所熟悉的。他對這些所能了解的,只能是四十歲以後、為岳父葉忒羅牧放羊群時所得;雖然或可貌似有理地說,他與葉忒羅同處的四十年,可能使他熟悉阿拉伯的習俗,但在這樣一部長詩中,我們本可期望這些不會是僅有的暗示。人心最生動持久的印象,是青年時代留下的;而在摩西心中,這些印象是在埃及領受的。因此,這卷書若由他寫成,我們本可期望其中有頻繁的、足以洩露埃及出處的暗示。但這樣的暗示一處也沒有;即便有源自埃及的,也只是旅行者常談中輕易可以聽到的。然而,對於沙漠、牧放牛羊、遊牧的生活方式、沙漠中貧困流離的人、劫掠的方法,本詩的作者顯得瞭如指掌。因此,在我看來,循着這一連串的論述,我們被引到一個在本案情性質下所能期望的、近乎確定的結論:這卷書是約伯本人,在試煉之後的安息與興盛時期寫成的;在摩西僑居阿拉伯期間為他所知,並被他採納,用以向試煉中的希伯來人,表明順服神旨意的本分,並使他們確信:無論他們受苦多深,神終必顯現,以豐盛的福氣加冕自己的子民。

第五節 約伯時代的技藝與科學

約伯記還有一個值得思考的重要方面,就是作為它寫成之時,世界技藝與科學狀況的例證。誠然,在這樣一部詩作中,我們不能期望找到當時所理解的任何技藝或科學的正式論著;我們所能期望找到的,只能是附帶的暗示或線索,使我們得以相當準確地判斷當時的社會已達到的進步程度。這類暗示在判斷社會進展上的價值,也遠高於對征服與圍城的大篇幅描述。後者只是改變帝國的疆界;前者卻顯明人類境況的進步。技藝上的發明與科學上的發現是定點,社會不會從那裏倒退。因此,為說明約伯時代社會已達到的進步,也為預備讀者的心思,以最明達的方式閱讀本書,我要把散見於這首詩中、有關技藝與科學狀況的記述彙集起來。這裏無法遵守確切的次序;詩中也沒有任何跡象,表明所列各項孰先孰後,或某項發明或發現於何時作出。所選排列的次序,一方面略顧各題材的重要性,一方面略顧可推想最先引起注意的先後。至於將提到的各點更詳盡的論述,可參看所引各段經文的註釋。

I. 天文學

星辰在迦勒底早有人觀測,天文學的科學即發源於此。遊牧民族對天體總有一些認識。在晴朗的東方夜空下牧放羊群,為觀測天體的運行提供了充分的機會;最重要的星辰很快就會得到名字;行星與恆星之別會被察覺;想像力也會被用來把星辰分組,比擬成動物等形象。同樣,商隊因夜間較為涼爽,多在夜間穿越沙漠,也就有機會觀測星辰,而對天體的若干認識,也成為引導路途的必需。本詩中對天體的記述主要表明:有些星辰已得到名字;它們已被分組為星座;某些星辰出現的時節已被仔細觀測,它們與天氣某些面貌的關聯也已被留意。書中沒有明確提到行星與恆星之別;也沒有什麼能使我們推想,他們已認識真正的天文學體系。

他吩咐太陽,太陽就不出來,

又封閉眾星。

他獨自鋪張蒼天,

步行在海浪之上。

他造北斗、參星、

昴星,並南方的密宮。

Original em inglês

Introduction to Job

In reference to no part of the Scriptures have so many questions arisen as to the Book of Job. The time of its composition; the author; the country where the scene was laid; the question whether Job was a real person; the nature and design of the poem; have been points on which a great variety of opinion has been entertained among expositors, and on which different views still prevail. It is important, in order to have a correct understanding of the book, that all the light should be thrown on these subjects which can be; and though amidst the variety of opinion which prevails among men of the highest distinction in learning absolute certainty cannot be hoped for, yet such advances have been made in the investigation that on some of these points we may arrive to a high degree of probability.

Section 1. The Question whether Job Was a Real Person

The first question which presents itself in the examination of the book is, whether Job had a real existence. This has been doubted on such grounds as the following:

(1) The book has been supposed by some to have every mark of an allegory. Allegories and parables, it is said, are not uncommon in the Scriptures where a case is supposed, and then the narrative proceeds as if it were real. Such an instance, it has been maintained, occurs here, in which the author of the poem designed to illustrate important truths, but instead of stating them in an abstract form, chose to present them in the more graphic and interesting form of a supposed case - in which we are led to sympathize with a sufferer; to see the ground of the difficulty in the question under discussion in a more affecting manner than could be presented in an abstract form; and where the argument has all to interest the mind which one has when occurring in real life.

(2) it has been maintained that some of the transactions in the book must have been of this character, or are such as could not have actually occurred. Particularly it has been said that the account of the interview of Satan with yahweh -Job 1:6-12; Job 2:1-7 must be regarded merely as a supposed case, it being in the highest degree improbable that such an interview would occur, and such a conversation be held.

(3) the same conclusion has been drawn from the artificial character of the statements about the possessions of Job, both before and after his trials - statements which appear as if the case were merely supposed, and which would not be likely to occur in reality. Thus, we have only round numbers mentioned in enumerating his possessions - as 7,000 sheep, 3,000 camels, 500 yoke of oxen, and 500 she-asses. So, also, there is something artificial in the manner in which the sacred numbers seven and three are used. He had 7,000 sheep, 7 sons - both before and after his trials; his three friends came and sat down 7 days and 7 nights without saying a word to condole with him Job 2:13; and both before and after his trials he had three daughters. The same artificial and parabolical appearance, it is said, is seen in the fact that after his recovery his possessions were exactly doubled, and he had again in his old age exactly the same number of 7 sons and 3 daughters which he had before his afflictions.

(4) that the whole narration is allegorical or parabolical has been further argued from the conduct of the friends of Job. Their sitting down 7 days and 7 nights without saying anything, when they had come expressly to condole with him, it is said, is a wholly improbable circumstance, and looks as if the whole were a supposed case.

(5) the same thing has been inferred from the manner in which the book is written. It is of the highest order of poetry. The speeches are most elaborate; are filled with accurate and carefully prepared argument; are arranged with great care; are expressed in the most sententious manner; embody the results of long and careful observation, and are wholly unlike what would be uttered in unpremeditated and extemporary debate. No men, it is said, talk in this manner; nor can it be supposed that beautiful poetry and sublime argument, such as abound in this book, ever fell in animated debate from the lips of men. See Eichorn, Einleitung in das Alte Tes. V. Band. 129-131. From considerations such as these the historical character of the book has been doubted, and the whole has been regarded as a supposed case designed to illustrate the great question which the author of the poem proposed to examine.

It is important, therefore, to inquire what reasons there are for believing that such a person as Job 54ed, and how far the transactions referred to in the book are to be regarded as historically true.

(1) the fact of his existence is expressly declared, and the narrative has all the appearance of being a simple record of an actual occurrence. The first two chapters of the book, and a part of the last chapter, are simple historical records. The remainder of the book is indeed poetic, but these portions bare none of the characteristics of poetry. There are not to be found in the Bible more simple and plain historical statements than these; and there are none which, in themselves considered, might not be as properly set aside as allegorical. This fact should be regarded as decisive, unless there is some reason which does not appear on the face of the narrative for regarding it as allegorical.

(2) the account of the existence of such a man is regarded as historically true by the inspired writers of the Scriptures. Thus, in Ezekiel 14:14, God says, "Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, and Job, were in it (the land), they should deliver but their own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God." Compare Ezekiel 14:16, Ezekiel 14:20. Here Job is referred to as a real character as distinctly as Noah and Daniel, and all the circumstances are just such as they would be on the supposition that he had a real existence. They are alike spoken of as real "men;" as having souls - "they should deliver but their own souls by their own righteousness;" as having sons and daughters - "they shall deliver neither sons nor daughters, they only shall be delivered" Ezekiel 14:16; and are in all respects mentioned alike as real characters. Of the historic fact that there were such men as Noah and Daniel there can be no doubt, and it is evident that Ezekiel as certainly regarded Job as a real character as he did either of the others.

A parallel passage, which will illustrate this, occurs in Jeremiah 15:1 : "Then said the Lord unto me, Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not be toward this people." Here Moses and Samuel are spoken of as real characters, and there is no doubt of their having existed. Yet they are mentioned in the same manner as Job is in the passage in Ezekiel. In either case it is incredible that a reference should have been made to a fictitious character. The appeal is one that could have been made only to a real character, and there can be no reasonable doubt that Ezekiel regarded Job as having really existed; or rather, since it is God who speaks and not Ezekiel, that he speaks of Job as having actually existed. The same thing is evident from a reference to Job by the apostle James: "Ye have heard of the patience of Job, and have seen the end of the Lord; that the Lord is very pitiful and of tender mercy" James 5:11; that is, the happy issue to which the Lord brought all his trials, showing that he was pitiful to those in affliction, and of great mercy.

There can be no doubt that there is reference here to the sufferings of a real man, as there is to the real compassion which the Lord shows to one in great trials. It is incredible that this sacred writer should have appealed in this instance to the case of one whom he regarded as a fictitious character; and if the views of Ezekiel and James are to be relied on, there can be no doubt that Job had a real existence. Ezekiel mentions him just as he does Noah and Daniel, and James mentions him just as he does Elijah James 5:17; and so far as this historical record goes there is the same evidence of the actual existence of the one as of the other.

(3) the specifications of places and names in the book are not such as would occur in an allegory. Had it been merely a "supposed case," to illustrate some great truth, these specifications would have been unnecessary, and would not have occurred. In the acknowledged parables of the Scripture, there are seldom any very minute specifications of names and places. Thus, in the parable of the prodigal son, neither the name of the father, nor of the sons, nor of the place where the scene was laid, is mentioned. So of the nobleman who went to receive a kingdom; the unjust steward; the ten virgins, and of numerous others. But here we have distinct specifications of a great number of things which are in no way necessary to illustrate the main truth in the poem. Thus, we have not only the name of the sufferer, but the place of his residence mentioned, as if it were well known. We have the names of his friends, and the places of their residence mentioned - "Eliphaz the Temanite," and "Bildad the Shuhite," and "Zophar the Naamathite." and Elihu "the son of Barachel the Buzite, of the kindred of Ram." Why are the places of residence of these persons mentioned unless it be meant to intimate that they were real persons, and not allegorical characters?

In like manner we have express mention of the Sabeans and the Chaldeans - specifications wholly unnecessary if not improbable if the work is an allegory. The single word "robbers" would have answered all the purpose, and would have been such as an inspired writer would have used unless the transaction were real, for an inspired writer would not have charged this offence on any class of men, thus holding them up to lasting reproach, unless an event of this kind had actually occurred. When the Savior, in the parable of the good Samaritan, mentions a robbery that occurred between Jerusalem and Jericho, the word "thieves," or more properly "robbers", is the only word used. No names are mentioned, nor is any class of men referred to, who would by such a mention of the name be held up to infamy. Thus, also we have the particular statement respecting the feasting of the sons and daughters of Job; his sending for and admonishing them; his offering up special sacrifices on their behalf; the account of the destruction of the oxen, the sheep, the camels, and the house where the sons and daughters of Job were - all statements of circumstances which would not be likely to occur in an allegory.

They are such particular statements as we expect to find respecting the real transactions, and they bear on the face of them the simple impression of truth. This is not the kind of information which we look for in a parable. In the parable of the rich man and Lazarus, almost the only one spoken by the Saviour where a name is mentioned, we have not that of the rich man; and though the name Lazarus is mentioned, yet that is all. We have no account of his family, of his place of residence, of his genealogy, of the time when he lived; and the name itself is so common that it would be impossible even to suspect whom the Savior had in his eye, if he had any real individual at all. Far different is this in the account of Job. It is true that in a romance, or in an extended allegory like the Pilgrim's Progress, we expect a detailed statement of names and places; but there is no evidence that there is any such extended fictitious narrative in the Bible, and unless the Book of Job be one there is no such extended allegory.

(4) the objections urged against this view are not such as to destroy the positive proof of the reality of the existence of Job. The objections which have been urged against the historical truth of the narrative, and which have already been in part alluded to, are principally the following:

The first is, the account of the interview between God and Satan in Job 1 and Job 2:1-13. It is alleged that this is so improbable a transaction as to throw an air of fiction over all the historical statements of the book. In reply to this, it may be observed, first, that even if this were not to be regarded as a literal transaction, it does not prove that no such man as Job 54ed, and that the transactions in regard to him were not real. He might have had an existence, and been stripped of his possessions, and subjected to these long and painful trials of his fidelity, even if this were a poetic ornament, or merely a figurative representation.

But, secondly, it is impossible to prove that no such transaction occurred. The existence of such a being as Satan is everywhere recognized in the Scriptures; the account which is here given of his character accords entirely with the uniform representation of him; he exerts no power over Job which is not expressly conceded to him; and it is impossible to prove that he does not even now perform the same things in the trial of good men, which it is said that he did in the case of Job. And even if it be admitted that there is somewhat of poetic statement in the form in which he is introduced, still this does not render the main account improbable and absurd. The Bible, from the necessity of the case, abounds with representations of this sort; and when it is said that God "speaks" to men, that he conversed with Adam, that he spake to the serpent Genesis 3, we are not necessarily to suppose that all this is strictly literal, nor does the fact that it is not strictly literal invalidate the main facts. There were results, or there was a series of facts following, as if this had been literally true; see the notes at Job 1:6-12.

A second objection to the historical truth of the transactions recorded in the book is, the poetic character of the work, and the strong improbability that addresses of this kind should ever have been made in the manner here represented. See Eichhorn, Einleit. v. 123, 124. They are of the highest order of poetry; they partake not at all of the nature of extemporaneous effusions; they indicate profound and close thinking, and are such as must have required much time to have prepared them. Especially it is said that it is in the highest degree improbable that Job, in the anguish of his body and mind, should have been capable of giving utterance to poetry and argument of this highly finished character. In regard to this objection, it may be observed,

(1) that even if this were so, and it were to be supposed that the arguments of the various speakers have a poetic character, and were in reality never uttered in the form in which we now have them, still this would not invalidate the evidence which exists of the historic truth of the facts stated about the existence and trials of Job. It might be true that he lived and suffered in this manner, and that a discussion of this character actually occurred, and that substantially these arguments were advanced, though they were afterward wrought by Job himself or by some other hand into the poetic form in which we now have them. Job himself lived after his trials 140 years, and, in itself considered, there is no improbability in the supposition, that when restored to the vigorous use of his powers, and in the leisure which he enjoyed, he should have thought it worthy to present the argument which he once held on this great subject in a more perfect form, and to give to it a more poetic cast. In this case, the main historic truth would be retained, and the real argument would in fact be stated - though in a form more worthy of preservation than could be expected to fall extemporaneously from the lips of the speakers. But

(2) all the difficulty may be removed by a supposition which is entirely in accordance with the character of the book and the nature of the case. It is, that the several speeches succeeded each other at such intervals as gave full time for reflection, and for carefully framing the argument. There is no evidence that the whole argument was gone through with "at one sitting;" there are no proofs that one speech followed immediately on another, or that a sufficient interval of time may not have elapsed to give opportunity for preparation to meet the views which had been suggested by the previous speaker. Everything in the book bears the marks of the most careful deliberation, and is as free as possible from the hurry and bustle of an extemporaneous debate. The sufferings of Job were evidently of a protracted nature. His friends sat down "seven days and seven nights" in silence before they said anything to him.

The whole subject of the debate seems to be arranged with most systematic care and regularity. The speakers succeed each other in regular order in a series of arguments - in each of these series following the same method, and no one of them out of his place. No one is ever interrupted while speaking; and no matter how keen and sarcastic his invectives, how torturing his reproaches, how bold or blasphemous what he said was thought to be, he is patiently heard until he has said all that he designed to say; and then all that he said is carefully weighed and considered in the reply. All this looks as if there might have been ample time to arrange the reply before it was uttered, and this supposition, of course, would relieve all the force of this objection. If this be so, then there is no more ground of objection against the supposition that these things were spoken, as it is said they were, than there is about the genuineness of the poems of the Grecian Rhapsodists, composed with a view to public recitation, or to the Iliad of Homer or the History of Herodotus, both of which, after they were composed, were recited publicly by their authors at Athens. No one can prove certainly that the several persons named in the book - Job, Eliphaz, Bildad, Zolphar, and Elihu - were incompetent to compose the speeches which are severally assigned to them, or that all the time necessary for such a composition was not taken by them.

Unless this can be done, the objection of its improbability, so confidently urged by Eichhorn (Einleit. v. 123ff.), and defended by Noyes (Intro. pp. xxi., xxi.), where he says that "the supposition that so beautiful and harmonious a whole, every part of which bears the stamp of the highest genius, was the casual production of a man brought to the gates of the grave by a loathsome disease, of three or four friends who had come to comfort him in his affliction, all of them expressing their thoughts in poetical and measured language; that the Deity was actually heard to speak half an hour in the midst of a violent storm; and that the consultations in the heavenly world were actual occurrences, is too extravagant to need refutation," is an objection really of little force.

A third objection has been derived from the round and doubled numbers which occur in the book, and the artificial character which the whole narrative seems to assume on that account. It is alleged that this is wholly an unusual and improbable occurrence; and that the whole statement appears as if it were a fictitious narrative. Thus Job's possessions of oxen and camels and sheep are expressed in round numbers; one part of these is exactly the double of another; and what is more remarkable still, all these are exactly doubled on his restoration to health. He had the same number of sons and the same number of daughters after his trial which he had before, and the number of each was what was esteemed among the Hebrews as a sacred number.

In regard to this objection, we may observe:

(1) That as to the round numbers, this is no more than what constantly occurs in historical statements. Nothing is more common in the enumeration of armies, of the people of a country, or of herds and flocks, than such statements.

(2) in regard to the fact that the possessions of Job are said to have been exactly "doubled" after his recovery from his calamities, it is not necessary to suppose that this was in all respects literally true. Nothing forbids us to suppose that, from the gifts of friends and other causes, the possessions of Job came so near to being just twice what they were before his trials, as to justify this general statement. In the statement itself, there is nothing improbable. Job 54ed 140 after his trials. If he had then the same measure of prosperity which he had before, and with the assistance of his friends to enable him to begin life again, there is no improbability in the supposition that these possessions would be doubled.

These are substantially all the objections which have been urged against the historical character of the book, and if they are not well founded, then it follows that it should be regarded as historically true that such a man actually lived, and that he passed through the trials which are here described. A more extended statement of these objections, and a refutation of them, may be found in the following works: - Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, Vol. V. p. 298ff. ed. 8vo, London, 1811; Prof. Lee on Job, Intro. Section 11; and Magee on atonement and Sacrifice, p. 212, following, ed. New York, 1813. It should be said, however, that not a few writers admit that such a man as Job 54ed, and that the book has an historical basis, while they regard the work itself as in the main poetic. In the view of such critics, the poet, in order to illustrate the great truth which he proposed to consider, made use of a tradition respecting the sufferings of a well-known person of distinction, and gave to the whole argument the high poetic cast which it has now. This supposition is in accordance with the methods frequently adopted by epic and tragic poets, and which is commonly followed by writers of romance. This is the opinion of Eichhorn, Einleitung V. Section 638.

Section 2. The Question on Where Job 54ed

In Job 1:1, it is said that Job dwelt "in the land of Uz." The only question, then, to be settled in ascertaining where he lived, is, if possible, to determine where this place was. From the manner in which the record is made ("the land of Uz") it would seem probable that this was a region of country of some considerable extent, and also that it derived its name from some man of that name who had settled there. The word Uz (עוּץ ‛ûts), according to Gesenius, means a light, sandy soil; and if the name was given to the country with reference to this quality of the soil, it would be natural to fix on some region remarkable for its barrenness - a waste place or a desert. Gesenius supposes that Uz was in the northern part of Arabia Deserta - a place lying between Palestine and the Euphrates, called by Ptolemy Αἰσῖται Aisitai. This opinion is defended by Rosenmuller (Prolegomena); and is adopted by Spanheim, Bochart, Lee, Umbreit, Noyes, and the authors of the Universal History. Dr. Good supposes that the Uz here referred to was in Arabia Petraea, on the southwestern coast of the Dead Sea, and that Job and all his friends referred to in the poem were Idumeans. Introductory Dissertation, Section 1.

Eichhorn also supposes that the scene is laid in Idumea, and that the author of the poem shows that he had a particular acquaintance with the history, customs, and productions of Egypt. Einleit. Section 638. Bochart (in Phaleg et Canaan), Michaelis (Spicileg. Geog. Hebraeo.), and Ilgen (Jobi, Antiquis. carminis Hebrew natura et indoles, p. 91), suppose that the place of his residence was the valley of Guta near Damascus, regarded as the most beautiful of the four Paradises of the Arabians. For a description of this valley, see Eichhorn, Einleit. V. s. 134. The word עוּץ ‛ûts (Uz) occurs only in the following places in the Hebrew Bible: Genesis 10:23; Genesis 22:21; Genesis 36:28, and 1 Chronicles 1:17, 1 Chronicles 1:42; in each of which places it is the name of a man; and in Jeremiah 25:20; Lamentations 4:21, and in Job 1:1, where it is applied to a country. The only circumstances which furnish any probability in regard to the place where Job 54ed, are the following:

(1) Those which enable us to determine with some probability where the family of Uz was settled, who not improbably gave his name to the country - as Sheba, and Seba, and Tema, and Cush, and Misraim, and others, did to the countries where they settled. In Genesis 10:23; Uz עוּץ ‛ûts, is mentioned as a grandson of Shem. In Genesis 22:21; an Uz (English Bible, "Huz") is mentioned as the son of Nahor, brother of Abraham, undoubtedly a different person from the one mentioned in Genesis 10:23. In Genesis 36:28, an individual of this name is mentioned among the descendants of Esau. In 1 Chronicles 1:17, the name occurs among the "sons of Shem;" and in 1 Chronicles 1:42, the same name occurs among the descendants of Esau. So far, therefore, as the name is concerned, it may have been derived from one of the family of Shem, or from one who was a contemporary with Abraham, or from a somewhat remote descendant Esau. It will be seen in the course of this introduction, that there is strong improbability that the name was given to the country because it was settled by either of the two latter, as such a supposition would bring down the time when Job 54ed to a later period than the circumstances recorded in his history will allow, and it is therefore probable that the name was conferred in honor of the grandson of Shem. This fact, of itself, will do something to determine the place.

Shem lived in Asia, and we shall find that the settlements of his descendants originally occupied the country somewhere in the vicinity of the Euphrates; Genesis 10:21-30. In Genesis 10:23; Uz is mentioned as one of the sons of Aram, who gave name to the country known as Aramea, or Syria, and from whom the Arameans descended. Their original residence, it is supposed, was near the river Kir, or Cyrus, from where they were brought, at some period now unknown, by a deliverance resembling that of the children of Israel from Egypt, and placed in the regions of Syria; see Amos 9:7. The inhabitants of Syria and Mesopotamia are always called by Moses "Arameus": as they had their seat in and near Mesopotamia, it is probable that Uz was located also not far from that region. We should, therefore, naturally be led to look for the country of Uz somewhere in that vicinity. In Genesis 10:30; it is further said of the sons of Shem, that "their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a mount of the East;" a statement which corresponds with what is said of Job himself, that he was "the greatest of all the men of the East" Job 1:8; manifestly implying that he was an inhabitant of the country so called.

Various opinions have been entertained of the places where Mesha and Sephar were. The opinion of Michaelis is the most probable (Spicileg. pt. 11, p. 214), "that Mesha is the region around Passora, which the later Syrians called Maishon, and the Greeks Mesene. Under these names they included the country on the Euphrates and the Tigris, between Seleucia and the Persian Gulf. Abulfeda mentions in this region two cities not far from Passora, called Maisan, and Mushan. Here, then, was probably the northeastern border of the district inhabited by the Joktanites. The name of the opposite limit, Sephar, signifies in the Chaldee shore or coast, and is probably the western part of Yemen, along the Arabian Gulf, now called by the Arabs Tchiainah. The range of high and mountainous country between these two borders, Moses calls "the Mount of the East," or eastern mountains. It is also called by the Arabs, Djebal, i. e., "mountains," to the present day. See Rosenmuller's Alterthumskunde, iii. 163, 164.

The supposition that some portion of this region is denoted by the country where Uz settled, and is the place where Job resided is strengthened by the fact, that many of the persons and tribes mentioned in the book resided in this vicinity. Thus, it is probable that Eliphaz the Temanite had his residence there; see the notes at Job 2:11. The Sabeans probably dwelt not very remote from that region (see the notes at Job 1:15); the Chaldeans we know had their residence there (notes, Job 1:17), and this supposition will agree well with what is said of the tornado that came from the "wilderness," or desert; see the notes at Job 1:19. The residence of Job was so near to the Chaldeans and the Sabeans that he could be reached in their usual predatory excursions; a fact that better accords with the supposition that his residence was in some part of Arabia Deserta, than that it was in Idumea.

(2) this country is referred to in two places by Jeremiah, which may serve to aid us in determining its location; Lamentations 4:21 :

"Rejoice and be glad, O daughter of Edom,

That dwellest in the land of Uz;

The cup shall pass through unto thee:

Thou shalt be drunken, and shalt make thyself naked."

At first view, perhaps, this passage would indicate that the land of Uz was a part of Edom, yet it more properly indicates that the land of Uz was not a part of that land, but that the Edomites or Idumeans had gained possession of a country which did not originally belong to them. Thus, the prophet speaks of the "daughter of Edom," not as dwelling in her own country properly, but as dwelling "in the land of Uz" - in a foreign country, of which she had somehow obtained possession. The country of Edom, properly, was Mount Seir and the vicinity, south of the Dead Sea; but it is known that the Edomites subsequently extended their boundaries, and that at one period Bozrah, on the east of the Dead Sea, in the country of Moab, was their capital; see the Analysis of Isaiah 34, and the notes at Isaiah 34:6. It is highly probable that Jeremiah refers to the period when the Idumeans, having secured these conquests, and made this foreign city their capital, is represented as dwelling there. If so, according to this passage in Lamentations, we should naturally look for the land of Uz somewhere in the countries to which the conquests of the Edomites extended - and these conquests were chiefly to the east of their own land. A similar conclusion will be derived from the other place where the name occurs in Jeremiah. It is in Jeremiah 25:20 ff. "And all the mingled people, and all the kings of the land of Uz, and all the kings of the land of the Philistines, and Askelon, and Azzah, and Ekron, and the remnant of Ashdod, and Edom, and Moab, and the children of Ammon," etc. Two things are apparent here. One is, that the country of Uz was distinct from the land of Edom, since they are mentioned as separate nations; the other is, that it was a country of some considerable extent, since it is mentioned as being under several "kings." There is, indeed, in this reference to it no allusion to its situation; but it is mentioned as being well known in the time of Jeremiah.

(3) the same thing is evident from the manner in which the residence of Job is spoken of in Job 1:8. He is there said to have been the "greatest of all the men of the east." This implies that his residence was in the land which was known familiarly as the country of the East. It is true, indeed, that we have not yet determined where the poem was composed, and of course do not know precisely what the author would understand by this phrase, but the expression has a common signification in the Scriptures, as denoting the country east of Palestine. The land of Idumea, however, was directly south; and we are, therefore, naturally led to look to some other place as the land of Uz; compare the notes at Job 1:3. The expression "the East," as used in the Bible, would in no instance naturally lead us to look to Idumea.

(4) the Septuagint renders the word Uz in Job 1:1. by Ασίτις Asitis - a word which seems to have been formed from the Hebrew עוּץ ‛ûts, Utz, or Uz. Of course, their translation gives no intimation of the place referred to. But Ptolemy (Geog. Lib. v.) speaks of a tribe or nation in the neighborhood of Babylon, whom he calls Αὐσίται Ausitai, Ausitae (or as it was perhaps written Αἰσίται Aisitai), the same word which is used by the Septuagint in rendering the word Uz. These people are placed by Ptolemy in the neighborhood of the Cauchebeni - ὑπὸ υὲν τοῖς Καυχαβηνοις hupo men tois Kauchabēnois - and he speaks of them as separated from Chaldea by a ridge of mountains. See Rosenm. Prolegomena, p. 27. This location would place Job so near to the Chaldeans, that the account of their making an excursion into his country Job 1:17 would be entirely probable. - It may be added, also, that in the same neighborhood we find a town called Sabas (Σάβας Sabas) in Diodorus Sic. Lib. iii. Section 46. Prof. Lee, p. 32. These circumstances render it probable that the residence of the patriarch was west of Chaldea, and somewhere in the northern part of Arabia Deserta, between Palestine, Idumea, and the Euphratcs.

(5) the monuments and memorials of Job still preserved or referred to in the East, may be adduced as some slight evidence of the fact that such a man as Job 54ed, and as an indication of the region in which he resided. It is true that they depend on mere tradition; but monuments are not erected to the memory of any who are not supposed to have had an existence, and traditions usually have some basis in reality. Arabian writers always make mention of Job as a real person, and his pretended grave is shown in the East to this day. It is shown indeed in six different places: but this is no evidence that all that is said of the existence of such a man is fabulous, anymore than the fact that seven cities contended for the honor of the birth of Homer is an evidence that there was no such man. The most celebrated tomb of this kind is that of the Trachonitis, toward the springs of the Jordan. It is situated between the cities still bearing the names of Teman, Shuah, and Naama - (Wemyss); though there is every reason to believe that these names have been given rather with reference to the fact that that was supposed to be his residence, than that they were the names of the places referred to in the book of Job. One of these tombs was shown to Niebuhr. He says (Reisebeschreib, i. 466, "Two or three hours east of Saada is a great mosque, in which, according to the opinion of the Arabs who reside there, the sufferer Job lies buried." "On the eastern limits of Arabia, they showed me the grave of Job, close to the Euphrates, and near the Helleh, one hour south from Babylon." is of importance to remark here only that all of these tombs are outside the limits of Idumea. Among the Arabians there are numerous traditions respecting Job, many of them indeed stories that are entirely ridiculous, but all showing the firm belief prevalent in Arabia that there was such a man. See Sale's Koran, vol. ii. pp. 174, 322; Magee on Atonement and Sacrifice, pp. 366, 367; and D'Herbelot, Bibli. Orient. tom. i. pp. 75, 432, 438, as quoted by Magee.

(6) the present belief of the Arabians may be referred to as corroborating the results to which we have approximated in this inquiry, that the residence of Job was not in Idumea, but was in some part of Arabia Deserta, lying between Palestine and the Euphrates. Eli Smith stated to me (November, 1840) that there was still a place in the Houran called by the Arabians, Uz; and that there is a tradition among them that that was the residence of Job. It is northeast of Bozrah. Bozrah was once the capital of Idumea (notes on Isaiah 34:6), though it was situated without the limits of their natural territory. If this tradition is well founded, then Job was not probably an Idumean. There is nothing that renders the tradition improbable, and the course of the investigation conducts us, with a high degree of probability, to the conclusion that this was the residence of Job. On the residence of Job and his friends, consult also Abrahami Peritsol Itinera Mundi, in Ugolin, Thes. Sac. vii. pp. 103-106.

Section 3. The Time When Job 54ed

There has been quite as much uncertainty in regard to the time when Job 54ed, as there has been in regard to the place where he lived. It should be observed here, that this question is not necessarily connected with the inquiry when the book was composed, and will not be materially affected, whether we suppose it to have been composed by Job himself, by Moses, or by a later writer. Whenever the book was composed, if at a later period than that in which the patriarch lived, the author would naturally conceal the marks of his own time, by referring only to such customs and opinions as prevailed in the age when the events were supposed to have occurred.

On this question, we cannot hope to arrive at absolute certainty. It is remarkable that neither the genealogical record of the family of Job nor that of his three friends is given. The only record of the kind occurring in the book, is that of Elihu Job 32:2, and this is so slight as to furnish but little assistance in determining when he lived. The only circumstances which occur in regard to this question, are the following; and they will serve to settle the question with sufficient probability, as it is a question on which no important results can depend.

(1) the age of Job. According to this, the time when he lived, would occur somewhere between the age of Terah, the father of Abraham, and Jacob, or about 1,800 years before Christ, and about 600 years after the deluge. For the reasons of this opinion, see the notes at Job 42:16. This estimate cannot pretend to be entirely accurate, but, it has a high degree of probability. If this estimate is correct, he lived not far from 400 years before the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, and before the giving of the law on Mount Sinai; compare the notes at Acts 7:6.

(2) as a slight confirmation of this opinion, we may refer to the traditions in reference to the time when he lived. The account which is appended to the Septuagint, that he was a son of Zare, one of the sons of Esau, and the fifth in descent from Abraham, may be seen in the notes at Job 42:16. A similar account is given at the close of the Arabic translation of Job, so similar that the one has every appearance of having been copied from the other, or of their having had a common origin. "Job dwelt in the land of Uz, between the borders of Edom and Arabia, and was before called Jobab. He married a foreign wife, whose name was Anun. Job was himself a son of Zare, one of the sons of Esau; and his mother's name was Basra, and he was the sixth in descent from Abraham. But of the kings who reigned in Edom, the first who reigned over the land was Balak, the son of Beor; and the name of his city was Danaba. And after him Jobab, who is called Job; and after him the name of him who was prince of the land of Teman; and after him his son Barak, he who slew and put to flight Madian in the plain of Moab, and the name of his city was Gjates. And of the friends of Job who came to meet him, was Elifaz, of the sons of Esau, the king of the Temanites." These traditions are worthless, except as they show the prevalent belief when these translations were made, that Job 54ed somewhere near the time of the three great Hebrew patriarchs.

A nearly uniform tradition also has concurred in describing this as about the age in which he lived. The Hebrew writers generally concur in describing him as living in the days of Isaac and Jacob. Wemyss. Eusebius places him about two "ages" before Moses. The opinions of the Eastern nations generally concur in assigning this as the age in which he lived.

(3) from the representations in the book itself, it is clear that he lived before the departure from Egypt. This is evident from the fact that there is no direct allusion either to that remarkable event, or to the series of wonders which accompanied it, or to the journey to the land of Canaan. This silence is unaccountable on any other supposition than that he lived before it occurred, for two reasons. One is, that it would have furnished the most striking illustration occurring in history, of the interposition by God in delivering his friends and in destroying the wicked, and was such an illustration as Job and his friends could not have failed to refer to, in defense of their opinions, if it were known to them; and the other is, that this event was the great storehouse of argument and illustration for all the sacred writers, after it occurred. The deliverance from Egyptian bondage, and the divine interposition in conducting the nation to the promised land, is constantly referred to by the sacred writers. They derive from those events their most magnificent descriptions of the power and majesty of Yahweh. They refer to them as illustrating his character and government. They appeal to them in proof that he was the friend and protector of his people, and that he would destroy his foes. They draw from them their most sublime and beautiful poetic images, and are never weary with calling the attention of the people to their obligation to serve God, on account of his merciful and wonderful interposition. The very point of the argument in this book is one that would be better illustrated by that deliverance, than by any other event which ever occurred in history; and as this must have been known to the inhabitants of the country where Job 54ed, it is inexplicable that there is no allusion to these transactions, if they had already occurred.

It is clear, therefore, that even if the book was written at a later period than the exode from Egypt, the author of the poem meant to represent the patriarch as having lived before that event. He has described him as one who was ignorant of it, and in such circumstances, and with such opinions, that he could not have failed to refer to it, if he was believed to have lived after that event. It is equally probable that Job 54ed before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. This event occurred in the vicinity of the country where he lived, and he could not have been ignorant of it. It was, moreover, a case not less in point in the argument than the deliverance from Egypt was; and it is not conceivable that a reference to so signal a punishment on the wicked by the direct judgment of the Almighty, would have been omitted in an argument of the nature of that in this book. It was the very point maintained by the friends of Job, that God interposed by direct judgments to cut off the wicked; and the world never furnished a more appropriate illustration of this than had occurred in their own neighborhood, on the supposition that the calamities of Job occurred after that event.

(4) the same thing is apparent also from the absence of all allusion to the Jewish rites, manners, customs, religious ceremonies, priesthood, festivals, fasts, sabbaths, etc. There will be occasion in another part of this introduction (Section 4) to inquire how far there is in fact such a lack of allusion to these things. All that is now meant is, that there is an obvious and striking lack of such allusions as we should expect to find made by one who lived at a later period, and who was familiar with the customs and religious rites of the Jews. The plan of the poem, it may be admitted, indeed, did not demand any frequent allusion to these customs and rites, and may be conceded to be adverse to such an allusion, even if they were known; but it is hardly conceivable that there should not have been some reference to them of more marked character than is now found. Even admitting that Job was a foreigner, and that the author meant to preserve this impression distinctly, yet his residence could not have been far from the confines of the Jewish people; and one who manifested such decided principles of piety toward God as he did, could not but have had a strong sympathy with that people, and could not but have referred to their rites in an argument so intimately pertaining to the government of yahweh. The representation of Job, and the allusions in the book, are in all respects such as would occur on the supposition that he lived before the special Jewish polity was instituted.

(5) the same thing is manifest from another circumstance. The religion of Job is of the same kind which we find prevailing in the time of Abraham, and before the institution of the Jewish system. It is a religion of sacrifices, but without any officiating priest. Job himself presents the offering, as the head of the family, in behalf of his children and his friends; Job 1:5; Job 42:8. There is no priest appointed for this office; no temple, tabernacle, or sacred place of any kind; no consecrated altar. Now this is just the kind of religion which we find prevailing among the patriarchs, until the giving of the law on Mount Sinai; and hence, it is natural to infer that Job 54ed anterior to that event. Thus, we find Noah building an altar to the Lord, and offering sacrifices, Genesis 8:20; Abraham offering a sacrifice himself in the same manner, Genesis 15:9-11; compare Genesis 12:1-13; and this was undoubtedly the earliest form of religion. Sacrifices were offered to God, and the father of a family was the officiating priest.

These circumstances combined leave little doubt as to the time when Job 54ed. They concur in fixing the period as not remote from the age of Abraham, and there is no other period of history in which they will be found to unite. No question of great importance, however, depends on settling this question; and these circumstances determine the time with sufficient accuracy for all that is necessary, in an exposition of the book.

Section 4. The Author of the Book

A question of more vital importance than those which have been already considered, relates to the authorship of the book. As the name of the author is nowhere mentioned, either in the book itself or elsewhere in the Bible, it is of course impossible to arrive at absolute certainty; and after all that has been written on it, it is still and must be a point of mere conjecture. Still the question, as it is commonly discussed, opens a wide range of inquiry, and claims an investigation. If the name of the author cannot be discovered with certainty, it may be possible at least to decide with some degree of probability at what period of the world it was committed to writing, and perhaps with a degree of probability that may be sufficiently satisfactory, by whom it was done.

The first inquiry that meets us in the investigation of this point is, whether the whole book was composed by the same author, or whether the historical parts were added by a later hand. The slightest acquaintance with the book is sufficient to show, that there are in it two essentially different kinds of style - the poetic and prosaic. The body of the work, Job 3-42:6, is poetry; the other portion, Job 1; Job 2:1-13 and Job 42:7-17, is prose. The genuineness of the latter has been denied by many eminent critics, and particularly by DeWette, who regard it as the addition of some later hand. Against the prologue and the epilogue DeWette urges, "that the perfection of the work requires their rejection, because they solve the problem which is the subject of the discussion, by the idea of trial and compensation; whereas it was the design of the author to solve the question through the idea of entire submission on the part of man to the wisdom and power of God;" see Noyes, Intro. pp. xxi., xxii.

To this objection it may be replied:

(1) That we are to learn the view of the author only by all that he has presented to us. It may have been a part of his plan to exhibit just this view - not to present an abstract argument, but such an argument in connection with a real case, and to make it more vivid by showing an actual instance of calamity falling upon a pious man, and by a state of remarkable prosperity succeeding it. The presumption is, that the author of the poem designed to throw all the light possible on a very obscure and dark subject; and in order to that, a statement of the facts which preceded and followed the argument seems indispensable.

(2) without the statement in the conclusion of the prosperity of Job after his trials, the argument of the book is incomplete. The main question is not solved. God is introduced in the latter chapters, not as solving by explicit statements the questions that had given so much perplexity, but as showing the duty of unqualified submission. But when this is followed by the historical statement of the return of Job to a state of prosperity, of the long life which he afterward enjoyed, and of the wealth and happiness which attended him for nearly a century and a half, the objections of his friends and his own difficulties are abundantly met, and the conclusion of the whole shows that God is not regardless of his people, but that, though they pass through severe trials, still they are the objects of his tender care.

(3) besides, the prologue is necessary in order to understand the character, the language, and the arguments of Job. In the harsh and irreverent speeches which he sometimes makes, in his fearful imprecations in Job 3 on the day of his birth, and in the outbreaks of impatience which we meet with, it would be impossible for us to have the sympathy for the sufferer which the author evidently desired we should have, or to understand the depth of his woes, unless we had a view of his previous prosperity, and of the causes of his trials, and unless we had the assurance that he had been an eminently pious and upright man. As it is, we are prepared to sympathize with a sufferer of eminent rank, a man of previous wealth and prosperity, and one who had been brought into these circumstances or the very purpose of trial. We become at once interested to know how human nature will act in such circumstances, nor does the interest ever flag.

Under these sudden and accumulated trials, we admire, at first, the patience and resignation of the sufferer; then, under the protracted and intolerable pressure, we are not surprised to witness the outbreak of his feelings in Job 3; and then we watch with great interest and without weariness the manner in which he meets the ingenious arguments of his "friends" to prove that he had always been a hypocrite, and their cutting taunts and reproaches. It would be impossible to keep up this interest in the argument unless we were prepared for it by the historical statement in the introductory chapters. It should be added, that any supposition that these chapters are by a later hand, is entirely conjectural - no authority for any such belief being furnished by the ancient versions, manuscripts, or traditions. These remarks, however, do not forbid us to suppose, that, if the book were composed by Job himself, the last two verses in Job 42, containing an account of his age and death, were added by a later hand - as the account of the death of Moses Deuteronomy 34:1-12 must be supposed not to be the work of Moses himself, but of some later inspired writer.

If there is, therefore, reason to believe that the whole work, substantially as we have it now, was committed to writing by the same hand, the question arises, whether there are any circumstances by which it can be determined with probability who the author was. On no question, almost, pertaining to sacred criticism, have there been so many contradictory opinions as on this. Lowth, Magee, Prof. Lee, and many others, regard it as the work of Job himself. Lightfoot and others ascribe it to Elihu; some of the rabbinical writers, as also Kennicott, Michaelis, Dathe, and Good, to Moses; Luther, Grotius, and Doederlin, to Solomon; Umbreit and Noyes to some writer who lived not far from the period of the Jewish captivity; Rosenmuller, Spanheim, Reimar, Stauedlin, and C. F. Richter, suppose that it was composed by some Hebrew writer about the time of Solomon; Warburton regards it as the production of Ezra; Herder (Hebrew Poetry, i. 110) supposes that it was written by some ancient Idumean, probably Job himself, and was obtained by David in his conquests over Idumea. He supposes that in the later writings of David he finds traces of his having imitated the style of this ancient book.

It would be uninteresting and profitless to go into an examination of the reasons suggested by these respective authors for their various opinions. Instead of this, I propose to state the leading considerations which have occurred in the examination of the book itself, and of the reasons which have been suggested by these various authors, which may enable us to form a probable opinion. If the investigation shall result only in adding one more conjecture to those already formed, still it will have the merit of stating about all that seems to be of importance in enabling us to form an opinion in the case.

I. The first circumstance that would occur to one in estimating the question about the authorship of the book, is the foreign cast of the whole work - the fact that it differs from the usual style of the Hebrew compositions. The customs, allusions, figures of speech, and modes of thought, to one who is familiar with the writings of the Hebrews, have a foreign air, and are such as evidently show that the speakers lived in some other country than Judea. There is, indeed, a common Oriental cast diffused over the whole work, enough to distinguish it from all the modes of composition in the Occidental world; but there is, also, scarcely less to distinguish it from the compositions which we know had their origin among the Hebrews. The style of thought, and the general cast of the book, is Arabian. The allusions; the metaphors; the illustrations; the reference to historical events and to prevailing customs, are not such as an Hebrew would make; certainly not, unless in the very earliest periods of history, and before the character of the nation became so formed as to distinguish it characteristically from their brethren in the great family of the East. Arabian deserts; streams failing from drought; wadys filled in the winter and dry in the summer; moving hordes and caravans that come regularly to the same place for water; dwellings of tents easily plucked up and removed; the dry and stinted shrubbery of the desert; the roaring of lions and other wild beasts; periodical rains; trees planted on the verge of running streams; robbers and plunderers that rise before day, and make their attack in the early morning; the rights, authority, and obligation of the גאל gô'el, or avenger of blood; the claims of hospitality; the formalities of an Arabic court of justice, are the images which are kept constantly before the mind.

Here the respect due to an Emir; the courtesy of manners which prevails among the more elevated ranks in the Arabic tribes; the profound attention which listens to the close while one is speaking, and which never interrupts him (Herder i. 81), so remarkable among well-bred Orientals at the present day, appear everywhere. It is true, that many of these things may find a resemblance in the undoubted Hebrew writings - for some of them are the common characteristics of the Oriental people - but still, no one can doubt that they abound in this book more than in any other in the Bible, and that, as we shall see more particularly soon, they are unmixed as they are elsewhere, with what is indubitably of Hebrew origin. In connection with this, it may be remarked that there are in the book an unusual number of words, whose root is found now only in the Arabic, and which are used in a sense not common in the Hebrew, but usual in the Arabic. Of this all will be convinced who, in interpreting the book, avail themselves of the light which Gesenius has thrown on numerous words from the Arabic, or who consult the Lexicon of Castell, or who examine the Commentaries of Schultens and Lee. That more importance has been attached to this by many critics than facts will warrant, no one can deny; but as little can it be denied that more aid can be derived from the Arabic language in interpreting this book, than in the exposition of any other part of the Bible. On this point Gesenius makes the following remarks "Altogether there is found in the book much resemblance to the Arabic, or which can be illustrated from the Arabic; but this is either Hebrew, and pertains to the poetic diction, or it is at the same time Aramaish, and was borrowed by the poet from the Aramaean language, and appears here not as Aramaean but as Arabic. Yet there is not here proportionably more than in other poetic books and portions of books. It would be unjust to infer from this that the author of this book had any immediate connection with Arabia, or with Arabic literature." Geschichte der hebr. Sprache und Schrift, S. 88. The fact of the Arabic cast of the work is conceded by Gesenius in the above extract; the inferences in regard to the connection of the book with Arabia and with Arabic literature which may be derived from this, is to be determined from other circumstances; compare Eichhorn, Einleitung, v. S. 163ff.

II. A second consideration that may enable us to determine the question respecting the authorship of the book is, the fact that there are in it numerous undoubted allusions to events which occurred before the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt, the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, and the establishment of the Jewish institutions. The point of this remark is, that if we shall find such allusions, and also that there are no allusions to events occurring after that period, this is a circumstance which may throw some light on the authorship. It will at least enable us to fix, with some degree of accuracy, the time when the book was committed to writing. Now that there are manifest allusions to events occurring before that period, the following references will show; Job 10:9, "Remember, I beseech thee, that thou hast made me as the clay, and wilt thou bring me to dust again?" Here there is an allusion in almost so many words to the statements in Genesis 2:7; Genesis 3:19, respecting the manner in which man was formed - showing that Job was familiar with the account of the creation of man, Job 27:3, "All the while my breath is in me, and the spirit of God is in my nostrils;" Job 33:4, "The Spirit of God hath made me, and the breath of the Almighty hath given me life;" Job 32:8, "But there is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding."

Here there are undoubted allusions, also, to the manner in which man was formed - (compare Genesis 2:7) - allusions which show that the fact must have been made known to the speakers by tradition, since it is not such a fact as man would readily arrive at by reasoning. The imbecility and weakness of man also, are described in terms which imply an acquaintance with the manner in which he was created. "How much less in them that dwell in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust, which are crushed before the moth;" Job 4:19. In Job 31:33, there is probably an allusion to the fact that Adam attempted to hide himself from God when he had eaten the forbidden fruit. "If I covered my transgressions as Adam." For the reasons for supposing that this refers to Adam, see the notes at the verse. In Job 22:15-16, there is a manifest reference to the deluge. "Hast thou marked the old way which wicked men have trodden? which were cut down out of time, whose foundation was overflown with a flood?"

See the notes on that passage. In connection with this we may refer also to the fact that the description of the modes of worship, and the views of religion, found in this book, show an acquaintance with the form in which worship was offered to God before the exode from Egypt. They are of precisely such a character as we find in the time of Abel, Noah, and Abraham. These events are not such as would occur to one who was not familiar with the historical facts recorded in the first part of the book of Genesis. They are not such as would result from a train of reasoning, but could only be derived from the knowledge of those events which would be spread over the East at that early period of the world. They demonstrate that the work was composed by one who had had an opportunity to become acquainted with what is now recorded as the Mosaic history of the creation, and of the early events of the world.

III. There are no such allusions to events occurring after the exode from Egypt, and the establishment of the Jewish institutions. As this is a point of great importance in determining the question respecting the authorship of the book, and as it as been confidently asserted that there are such allusions, and as they have been made the basis of an argument to prove that the book had an origin as late as Solomon or even as Ezra, it is of importance to examine this point with attention. The point is, that there are no such allusions as a Hebrew would make after the exode; or in other words, there is nothing in the book itself which would lead us to conclude that it was composed after the departure from Egypt. A few remarks will show the truth and the bearing of this observation.

The Hebrew writers were remarkable above most others for allusions to the events of their own history. The dealings of God with their nation had been so special, and they were so much imbued with the conviction that the events of their own history furnished proofs of the divine favor toward their nation, that we find in their writings a constant reference to what had happened to them as a people. Particularly the deliverance from Egypt, the passage of the Red Sea, the giving of the law on Sinai, the journey in the wilderness, the conquest of the land of Canaan, and the destruction of their enemies, constituted an unfailing depository of argument and illustration for their writers in all ages. All their poetry written subsequent to these events, abounds with allusions to them. Their prophets refer to them for topics of solemn appeal to the nation; and the remembrance of these things warms the heart of piety, and animates the song of praise in the temple-service. Under the sufferings of the "captivity," they are cheered by the fact that God delivered them once from much more galling oppression; and in the times of freedom, their liberty is made sweet by the memory of what their fathers suffered in the "house of bondage."

Now it is as undeniable as it is remarkable, that in the book of Job there are no such allusions to these events as a Hebrew would make. There is no allusion to Moses; no indisputable reference to their bondage in Egypt, to the oppressive acts of Pharaoh, to the destruction of his army in the Red Sea, to the rescue of the children of Israel, to the giving of the law on Mount Sinai, to the perils of the wilderness, to their final settlement in the promised land. There is no reference to the tabernacle, to the ark, to the tables of the law, to the institution and the functions of the priesthood, to the cities of refuge, or to the special religious rites of the Hebrew people. There is none to the theocracy, to the days of solemn convocation, to the great national festivals, or to the names of the Jewish tribes. There is none to the special judicial laws of the Hebrews, and none to the administration of justice but such as we should find in the early patriarchal times.

These omissions are the more remarkable, as has been already observed, because many of these events would have furnished the most apposite illustrations of the points maintained by the different speakers of any which had ever occurred in history. Nothing could have been more in point, on numerous occasions in conducting the argument, than the destruction of Pharaoh, the deliverance and protection of the people of God, the care evinced for them in the wilderness, and the overthrow of their enemies in the promised land. So obvious do these considerations appear, that they seem to settle the question on one point in regard to the authorship of the book, and to show that it could not have been composed by a Hebrew after the exode. For several additional arguments to prove that the book was written before the exode, see Eichhorn, Einleit, section 641. As, however, notwithstanding these facts, it has been held by some respectable critics - as Rosenmuller, Umbreit, Warburton, and others - that it was composed as late as the time of Solomon, or even the captivity, it is important to inquire in what way it is proposed to set this argument aside, and by what considerations they propose to defend its composition at a later date than the exode. They are, briefly, the following:

(1) One is, that the very design of the poem, whenever it was composed, required that there should be no such allusion. The scene, it is said is laid, not in Palestine, but in a foreign country; the time supposed is that of the patriarchs, and before the exode; the characters are not Hebrew, but are Arabian or Idumean, and the very purpose of the author required that there should be no allusion to the unique history or customs of the Hebrews. The same thing, it is said, occurred which would in the composition of poem or romance now in which the scene is laid in a foreign land, or in the time of the Crusades or the Caesars. We should expect that the characters, the costume, the habits of that foreign country or those distant times, would be carefully observed. "As they (the characters and the author of the work) were Arabians who had nothing to do with the institutions of Moses, it is plain that a writer of genius would not have been guilty of the absurdity of putting the sentiments, eats of a Jew into the mouth of an Arabian, at least so far as relates to such tangible matters as institutions, positive laws, ceremonies, and history. The author has manifested abundant evidence of genius and skill in the structure and execution of the work, to account for his not having given to Arabians the obvious peculiarities of Hebrews who lived under the institutions of Moses, at whatever period it may have been written.

Even if the characters of the book had been Hebrews, the argument under consideration would not have been perfectly conclusive, for, from the nature of the subject, we might have expected as little in it that was Levitical or grossly Jewish, as in the Book of Proverbs or Ecclesiastes." Noyes, Introduction p. 28. This supposition assumes that the work was written in a later age than that of Moses. It furnishes no evidence, however, that it was so written. It can only furnish evidence that the author had genius and skill so to throw himself back into a distant age and into a foreign land, as completely to conceal his own uniqueness of country or time, and to represent characters as living and acting in the supposed country and period, without betraying his own. So far as the question about the author, and the time when the work was composed, is concerned, the fact here admitted, that there are no allusions to events after the exode, is quite as strong certainly in favor of the supposition that it was composed before as after that event.

There are still some difficulties on the supposition that it was written by a Hebrew of a later age, who designedly meant to give it an Arabic dress, and to make no allusion to anything in the institutions and history of his own country that would betray its authorship, One is, the intrinsic difficulty of doing this. It requires rare genius for an author so to throw himself into past ages, as leave nothing that shall betray his own times and country. We are never so betrayed as to imagine that Shakespeare lived in the time of Coriolanus or of Caesar; that Johnson lived in the time and the country of Rasselas; or that Scott lived in the times of the Crusaders. Instances have been found, it is admitted, where the concealment has been effectual, but they have been exceedingly rare. Another objection to this view is, that such a work would have been especially impracticable for a Hebrew, who of all men would have been most likely to betray his time and country.

The cast of the poem is highly philosophical. The argument is in many places exceedingly abstruse. The appeal is to close and long observation; to the recorded experience of their ancestors; to the observed effects of devine judgments on the world. A Hebrew in such circumstances would have appealed to the authority of God; he would have referred to the terrible sanctions of the law rather than to cold and abstract reasoning; and he could hardly have refrained from some allusion to the events of his own history that bore so palpably on the case, It may be doubted, also, whether any Hebrew ever had such versatility of genius and character as to divest himself wholly of the proper costume of his country, and to appear throughout as an Arabic Emir, and so as never in a long argument to express anything but such as became the assumed character of the foreigner. It should be remembered, also, that the language which is used in this poem is different from that which prevailed in the time of Solomon and the captivity.

It has an antique cast. It abounds in words which do not elsewhere occur, and whose roots are now to be found only in the Arabic. It has much of the peculiarities of a strongly marked dialect - and would require all the art necessary to keep up the spirit of an ancient dialect. Yet in the whole range of literature there are not probably half a dozen instances where such an expedient as this has been resorted to - where a writer has made use of a foreign or an antique dialect for the purpose of giving to the production of his pen an air of antiquity. Aristophanes and the tragedians, indeed, sometimes introduce persons speaking the dialects of parts of Greece different from that in which they had been brought up (Lee), and the same is occasionally true of Shakespeare; but except in the case of Chatterton, scarcely one has occurred where the device has been continued through a production of any considerable length. There is a moral certainty that a Hebrew would not attempt it.

(2) a second objection to the supposition that the work was composed before the exode, or argument that it was composed by a Hebrew who lived at a much later period of the world, is derived from the supposed allusions to the historical events connected with the Jewish people, and to the unique institutions of Moses. It is not maintained that there is any direct mention of those events or those institutions, but that the author has undesignedly "betrayed" himself by the use of certain words and phrases such as no one would employ but a Hebrew. This argument may be seen at length in Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, vol. v. pp. 306-319, and a full examination of it may be seen in Peters' Critical Dissertation on the Book of Job, pp. 22-36. All that can be done here is to make a very brief reference to the argument. Even the advocates for the opinion that the book was composed after the exode, have generally admitted that the passages referred to contribute but little to the support of the opinion. The passages referred to by Warburton are the following:

(a) The allusion to the calamities which the wickedness of parents brings upon their children. "He that speaketh flattery to his friends, even the eyes of his children shall fail;" Job 17:5. "God layeth up his iniquity for his children; he rewardeth him, and they shall know it;" Job 21:19. Here it is supposed there is a reference to the principle laid down in the Hebrew Scriptures as a part of the divine administration, that the iniquities of the fathers should be visited upon their children. But it is not necessary to suppose that there was any particular acquaintance with the laws of Moses, to understand this. Observation of the actual course of events would have suggested all that is alleged in the Book of Job on this point. The poverty, disease, and disgrace which the vicious entail on their offspring in every land, would have furnished to a careful observer all the facts necessary to suggest this remark. The opinion that children suffer as a consequence of the sins of wicked parents was common all over the world. Thus, in a verse of Theocritus, delivered as a sort of oracle from Jupiter, Idyll. xxvi.

Εὐσεβέων παίδεσσι τὰ λώια, δυσσεβέων δ ̓ οὐ Eusebeōn paidessi ta lōia dussebeōn d' ou.

"Good things happen to children of the pious, but not to those of the irreligious."

(b) Allusion to the fact that idolatry is an offence against the state, and is to be punished by the civil magistrate. "This also (idolatry) were an iniquity to be punished by the judge, for I should have denied the God that is above;" Job 31:28. This is supposed to be such a sentiment as a Hebrew only would have employed, as derived from his special institutions, where idolatry was an offence against the state, and was made a capital crime. But there is not the least evidence that in the patriarchal times, and in the country where Job 54ed, idolatrous worship might not be regarded as a civil offence; and whether it were so or not, there is no reason for surprise that a man who had a profound veneration for God, and for the honor due to his name, such as Job had, should express the sentiment, that the worship of the sun and moon was a heinous offence, and that pure religion was of so much importance that a violation of its principles ought to be regarded as a crime against society.

(c) Allusions to certain PHRASES such as only a Hebrew would use, and which would be employed only at a later period of the world than the exode. Such phrases are referred to as the following: "He shall not see the rivers, the floods, the brooks of honey and butter;" Job 20:17. "Receive, I pray thee, the law from his mouth, and lay up his words in thine heart;" Job 22:22. "O that I were in the days of my youth, when the secret of God was upon my tabernacle;" Job 29:4. It is maintained that these are manifest allusions to facts referred to in the books of Moses: that the first refers to the common description of the holy land; the second, to the giving of the law on Sinai; and the third, to the dwelling of the Shekinah, or visible symbol of God, on the tabernacle. To this we may reply, that the first is such common language as was used in the East to denote plenty or abundance, and is manifestly a proverbial expression. It is used by Pindar, Nem. εἰδ. γ; and is common in the Arabic writers. The second is only such general language as anyone would use who should exhort another to be attentive to the law of God, and has in it manifestly no particular allusion to the method in which the law was given on Sinai. And the third can be shown to have no special reference to the Shekinah or cloud of glory as resting on the tabernacle, nor is it such language as a Hebrew would employ in speaking of it. That cloud is nowhere in the Scripture called "the secret of God," and the fair meaning of the phrase is, that God came into his dwelling as a friend and counselor, and admitted him familiarly to communion with him; see the notes at Job 29:4. It was one of the privileges, Job says, of his earlier life that he could regard himself as the friend of God, and that he had clear views of his plans and purposes. Now, those views were withheld, and he was left to darkness and solitude.

(d) Supposed allusions to the miraculous history of the Jewish people. "Which commandeth the sun, and it riseth not, and sealeth up the stars;" Job 9:7. Here it is supposed there is allusion to the miracle performed by Joshua in commanding the sun and moon to stand still. But assuredly there is no necessity for supposing that there is a reference to anything miraculous. The idea is, that God has power to cause the sun, the moon, and the stars to shine or not, as he pleases. He can obscure them by clouds, or He can blot them out altogether. Besides, in the account of the miracle performed at the command of Joshua, there is no allusion to the stars. "He divideth the sea with his power, and by his understanding he smiteth through the proud;" Job 26:12. Here it is supposed there is an allusion to the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea. But the language does not necessarily demand this interpretation, nor will it admit of it.

The word improperly rendered "divideth," means to awe, to cause to cower, or tremble, and then to be calm or still, and is descriptive of the power which God has over a tempest. See the notes at the verse. There is not the slightest evidence that there is any allusion to the passage through the Red Sea. "He taketh away the heart of the chief of the people of the earth, and causeth them to wander in the wilderness where there is no way;" Job 12:24. "Who can doubt," says Warburton, "but that these words alluded to the wandering of the Israelites 40 years in the wilderness, as a punishment for their cowardice and diffidence in God's promises?" But there is no necessary reference to this. Job is speaking of the control which God has over the nations. He has power to frustrate all their counsels, and to defeat all their plans. He can found all the purposes of their princes, and throw their affairs into inextricable confusion.

In the original, moreover, the word does not necessarily imply a "wilderness" or desert. The word is תהוּ tôhû a word used in Genesis 1:2, to denote "emptiness," or "chaos," and may here refer to the "confusion" of their counsels and plans; or if it refer to a desert, the allusion is of a general character, meaning that God had power to drive the people from their fixed habitations, and to make them wanderers on the face of the earth. "I will show thee; hear me; and what I have seen will I declare; which wise men have told from their fathers, and have not hid it;" Job 15:17-18. "The very way," says Warburton, "in which Moses directs the Israelites to preserve the memory of the miraculous works of God." And the very way, also, it may be replied, in which all ancient history, and all the ancient wisdom from the beginning of the world, was transmitted to posterity. There was no other method of preserving the record of past transactions, but by transmitting the memory of them from father to son; and this was and is, in fact, the method of doing it all over the East. It was by no means confined to the Israelites. "Unto whom alone the earth was given, AND NO STRANGER PASSED AMONGST THEM;" Job 15:19. "A circumstance," says Warburton, "agreeing to no people whatever but to the Israelites settled in Canaan." But there is no necessary allusion here to the Israelites. Eliphaz is speaking of the golden age of his country; of the happy and pure times when his ancestors dwelt in the land without being corrupted by the intermingling of foreigners.

He says that he will state the result of their wisdom and observation in those pure and happy days, before it could be pretended that their views were corrupted by any foreign admixture; see the notes on the passage. These passages are the strongest instances of what has been adduced to show that in the Book of Job there are allusions to the customs and opinions of the Jews after the exode from Egypt. It would be tedious and unprofitable to go into a particular examination of all those which are referred to by Dr. Warburton. The remark may be made of them all, that they are of so general a character, and that they apply so much to the prevailing manners and customs of the East, that there is no reason for supposing that there is a special reference to the Hebrews. The remaining passages referred to, are Job 22:6; Job 24:7, Job 24:9-10; Job 33:17 ff; Job 34:20; Job 36:7-12; and Job 37:13. A fu l examination of these may be seen in Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 32-36.

(3) A third objection to the supposition that the book was composed before the time of the exode, is derived from the use of the word yahweh. This word occurs several times in the historical part of the book Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12, Job 1:21; Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6; Job 42:1, Job 42:10, Job 42:12, and a few times in the body of the poem. The objection is founded on what God says to Moses, Exodus 6:3; "And I appeared unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, by the name of God Almighty; but by my name yahweh was I not known to them." At the burning bush, when he appeared to Moses, he solemnly assumed this name, and directed him to announce him as "I am that I am," or as yahweh. From this it is inferred that, as the name occurs in the book of Job, that book must have been composed subsequently to the time when God appeared to Moses. But this conclusion does not follow, for the following reasons:

(a) It might be true that God was not known to "Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob," by this name, and still the name might have been used by others to designate him.

(b) The name yahweh was actually used before this by God himself and by others; Genesis 2:7-9, Genesis 2:15-16, Genesis 2:18-19, Genesis 2:21; Genesis 3:9, et al; Genesis 12:1, Genesis 12:4,Genesis 12:7-8, Genesis 12:17; Genesis 13:10, Genesis 13:13-14; Genesis 15:6, Genesis 15:18; Genesis 16:9-10, Genesis 16:13, et saepe al. If the argument from this, therefore, be valid to prove that the book of Job was not composed before the exode, it will demonstrate that the book of Genesis was also a subsequent production.

(c) But the whole argument is based on a misapprehension of Exodus 6:3. The meaning of that passage, since the name yahweh was known to the patriarchs, must be

(1) that it was not by this name that he had promulgated his existence, or was publicly and solemnly known. It was a name used in common with other names by them, but which He had in no special way appropriated to Himself, or to which He had affixed no special sacredness. The name which He had Himself more commonly employed was another. Thus when He appeared to Abraham and made Himself known, he said, "I am the ALMIGHTY GOD; walk before me, and be thou perfect;" Genesis 17:1. So He appeared to Jacob: "I am GOD be fruitful and multiply;" Genesis 35:11; compare Genesis 28:3; Genesis 43:14.

(2) at the bush Exodus 3; Exodus 4:3, God publicly and solemnly assumed the name yahweh. He affixed to it a special sacredness. He explained its meaning, Exodus 3:14. He said it was the name by which He intended especially to be known as the God of His people. He invested it with a solemn sacredness, as that by which He chose ever afterward to be known among His people as their God. Other nations had their divinities with different names; the God of the children of Israel was to be known by the special and sacred name yahweh. But this solemn assumption of the name is by no means inconsistent with the supposition that He might have used it before, or that it might have been used before in the composition of the Book of Job.

(4) a fourth objection to the supposition that the book was composed before the time of the exode, is, that the name Satan, which occurs in this book, was not known to the Hebrews at so early a date, and that in fact it occurs as a proper name only at a late period of their history. See Warburton's Divine Legation, vol. v. 353ff. In reply to this it may be observed,

(a) that the doctrine of the existence of an evil spirit of the character ascribed in this book to Satan, was early known to the Hebrews. It was known in the time of Ahab, when, it is said, the Lord had put a lying spirit in the mouth of the prophets, 1 Kings 22:22-23, and the belief of such an evil spirit must have been early prevalent to explain in any tolerable way the history of the fall. On the meaning of the word, see the notes at Job 1:6.

(b) The word "Satan" early occurs in history in the sense of an adversary or accuser, and it was natural to transfer this word to the great adversary. See Numbers 22:22. In Zechariah 3:1-2, it is used in the same sense as in Job, to denote the great adversary of God appearing before him; see the notes at Job 1:6. Here Satan is introduced as a being whose name and character were well known.

(c) It is admitted by Warburton himself (p. 355), that the notion of "an evil demon," or a "fury," was a common opinion among the pagan, even in early ages, though he says it was not admitted among the Hebrews until a late period of their history. But if it prevailed among the pagan, it is possible that the same sentiment might have been understood in Arabia, and that this might at a very early period have been incorporated into the Book of Job. See this whole subject examined in Peters' Critical Dissertation, pp. 80-92. I confess, however, that the answers which Peters and Magee (pp. 322, 323) give to this objection, are not perfectly satisfactory; and that the objection here urged against the composition of the book before the exode, is the most forcible of all those which I have seen. A more thorough investigation of the history of opinions respecting a presiding evil being than I have had access to, seems to be necessary to a full removal of the difficulty.

The real difficulty is, not that no such being is elsewhere referred to in the Scriptures; not that his existence is improbable or absurd - for the existence of Satan is no more improbable in itself than that of Nero, Tiberius, Richard III, Alexander VI, or Caesar Borgia, than either of whom he is not much worse; and not that there are no traces of him in the early account in the Bible; - but it is, that while in the Scriptures we have, up to the time of the exode, and indeed long after, only obscure intimations of his existence and character - without any particular designation of his attributes, and without any name being given to him, in the Book of Job he appears with a name apparently in common use; with a definitely formed character; in the full maturity of his plans - a being evidently as well defined as the Satan in the latest periods of the Jewish history. I confess myself unable to account for this, but still do not perceive that there is any impossibility in supposing that this maturity of view in regard to the evil principle might have prevailed in the country of Job at this early period, though no occasion occurred for its statement in the corresponding part of the Jewish history. There may have been such a prevalent belief among the patriarchs, though in the brief records of their opinions and lives no occasion occurred for a record of their belief.

(5) a fifth objection has been derived from the fact that in the Book of Job there is a strong resemblance to many passages in the Psalms, and in the Book of Proverbs, from which it is inferred that it was composed subsequently to those books. Rosenmuller, who has particularly urged this objection, appeals to the following instances of resemblance; Psalm 107:40; compare with 16:18; Psalm 18:12; Psalm 29:1-11 :23; Job 22:29; Proverbs 8:26-29; Proverbs 30:4; Job 38:4-8; Proverbs 10:7; Job 20:7. It is unnecessary to go into an examination of these passages, or to attempt to disprove their similarity. There can be no doubt of their very strong resemblance, but still the question is fairly open, which of these books was first composed, and which, if one has borrowed from another, was the original fountain. Warburton has himself well remarked, that "if the sacred writers must needs have borrowed trite moral sentences from one another, it may be as fairly said that the authors of the Psalms borrowed from the book of Job, as that the author of Job borrowed from the book of Psalms." Works, vol. v. 320. The supposition that the Book of Job was first composed will meet the whole difficulty, so far as one was derived from the other. It should be added, also, that many of these sentiments consist of the common maxims that must have prevailed among a people accustomed to close observation, and habituated to expressing their views in a proverbial form.

I have now noticed at length all the objections which have been urged, which seem to me to have any force, against the supposition that the Book of Job was composed before the exode from Egypt, and have stated the arguments which lead to the supposition that it had so early an origin. The considerations suggested are such as seem to me to leave no rational doubt that the work was composed before the departure from Egypt. The train of thought pursued, therefore, if conclusive, will remove the necessity of all further inquiry into the opinion of Luther, Grotius, and Doederlin, that Solomon was the author; of Umbreit and Noyes, that it was composed by some unknown writer about the period of the captivity; of Warburton, that it was the production of Ezra; and of Rosenmuller, Spanheim, Reimer, Staeudlin, and Richter, that it was composed by some Hebrew writer about the time of Solomon. It remains then to inquire whether there are any circumstances which can lead us to determine with any degree of probability who was the author. This inquiry leads us,

IV. In the fourth place, to remark that there are no sufficient indications that the work was composed by Elihu. The opinion that he was the author was held, among others, by Lightfoot. But, independently of the want of any positive evidence which would lead to such a conclusion, there are objections to this opinion which render it in the highest degree improbable. They are found in the argument of Elihu himself. He advances, indeed, with great modesty, but still with extraordinary pretensions to wisdom. He lays claim to direct inspiration, and professes to be able to throw such light on the whole of the perplexed subject as to end the debate. But in the course of his addresses, he introduces but one single idea on the point under discussion which had not been dwelt on at length by the speakers before. That idea is, that afflictions are designed, not to demonstrate that the sufferer was eminently guilty, as the friends of Job held, but that intended for the benefit of the sufferer himself, and might, therefore, be consistent with true piety.

This idea he places in a variety of attitudes; illustrates it with great beauty, and enforces it with great power on the attention of Job; compare Job 33:14-30, notes; Job 34:31-32, notes; Job 35:10-15, notes; Job 36:7-16, notes. But in his speeches Elihu shows no such extraordinary ability as to lead us to suppose that he was the author of the work. He does not appear to have understood the design of the trials that came upon Job; he gives no satisfactory solution of the causes of affliction; he abounds in repetition; his observation of the course of events had been evidently much less profound than that of Eliphaz, and his knowledge of nature was much less extensive than that of Job and the other speakers; and he was evidently as much in the dark in the great question which is discussed throughout the book as the other speakers were. Besides, as Prof. Lee has remarked (p. 44), the belief that Elihu wrote the book is inconsistent with the supposition that the first two chapters and the last chapter were written by the same author who composed the body of the work. He who wrote these chapters manifestly "saw through the whole affair," and understood the reasons why these trials came upon the patriarch. Those reasons would have been suggested by Elihu in his speech, if he had known them.

V. The supposition that Job himself was the author of the book, though it may have been slightly modified by some one subsequently, will meet all the circumstances of the case. This will agree with its foreign cast and character; with the use of the Arabic words now unknown in Hebrew; with the allusions to the nomadic habits of the times, and to the modes of living, and to the illustrations drawn from sandy plains and deserts; with the statements about the simple modes of worship prevailing, and the notice of the sciences and the arts (see the introduction, Section 5), and with the absence of all allusion to the exode, the giving of the law, and the special customs and institutions of the Hebrews. In addition to these general considerations for supposing that Job was the author of the work, the following suggestions may serve to show that this opinion is attended with the highest degree of probability.

(1) Job 54ed after his calamities 140 years, affording ample leisure to make the record of his trials.

(2) the art of making books was known in his time, and by the patriarch himself, Job 19:23-24; Job 31:35. In whatever way it was done, whether by engraving on stone or lead, or by the use of more perishable materials, he was not ignorant of the art of making a record of thoughts to be preserved and transmitted to future times. Understanding this art, and having abundant leisure, it is scarcely to be conceived, that he would have failed to make a record of what had occurred during his own remarkable trials.

(3) the whole account was one that would furnish important lessons to mankind, and it is hardly probable that a man who had passed through so unusual a scene would be willing that the recollection of it should be entrusted to uncertain tradition. The strongest arguments which human ingenuity could invent, had been urged on both sides of a great question pertaining to the divine administration; a case of a strongly marked character had happened, similar to what is constantly occurring in the world, in which similar perplexing and embarrassing questions would arise; God had come forth to inculcate the duty of man in this case, and had furnished instruction that would be invaluable in all similar instances; and the result of the whole trial had been such as to furnish the strongest proof that however the righteous are afflicted, their sufferings are not proof that they are deceivers or hypocrites.

(4) the record of his own imperfections and failures is just such as we should expect from Job, on the supposition that he was the author of the book. Nothing is concealed. There is the most fair and full statement of his impatience, his murmuring, his irreverence, and of the rebuke which he received of the Almighty. Thus Moses, too, records his own failings, and, throughout the Scriptures, the sacred writers never attempt to conceal their own infirmities and faults.

(5) Job has shown in his own speeches that he was abundantly able to compose the book. In everything he goes immeasurably beyond all the other speakers, except God; and he who was competent, in trials so severe as his were, to give utterance to the lofty eloquence, the argument, and the poetry now found in his speeches, was not incompetent to make record of them in the long period of health and prosperity which he subsequently enjoyed. Every circumstance, therefore, seems to me to render it probable that Job was the compiler, or perhaps we should rather say, the editor of this remarkable book, with the exception of the record which is made of his own age and death. The speeches were undoubtedly made substantially as they are recorded, and the work of the author was to collect and edit those speeches, to record his own and that of the Almighty, and to furnish to the whole the proper historical notices, that the argument might be properly understood.

VI. But one other supposition seems necessary to meet all the questions which have been raised in regard to the origin of the work. It is, that Moses adopted it and published it among the Hebrews as a part of divine revelation, and entrusted it to them, with his own writings, to be transmitted to future times. Several circumstances contribute to render this probable.

(1) Moses spent forty years in various parts of Arabia, mostly in the neighborhood of Horeb; and in a country where, if such a work had been in existence, it would be likely to be known.

(2) his talents and previous training at the court of Pharaoh were such as would make him likely to look with interest on any literary document; on any work expressive of the customs, arts, sciences, and religion of another land: and especially on anything having the stamp of uncommon genius.

(3) the work was eminently adapted to be useful to his own countrymen, and could be employed to great advantage in the enterprise which he undertook of delivering them from bondage. It contained an extended examination of the great question which could not but come before their minds - why the people of God were subjected to calamities; it inculcated the necessity of submission without murmuring, under the severest trials; and it showed that God was the friend of his people, though they were long afflicted, and would ultimately bestow upon them abundant prosperity. There is every probability, therefore, that if Moses found such a book in existence, he would have adopted it as an important auxiliary in accomplishing the great work to which he was called. It may be added

(4) that there is every reason to think that Moses was not himself the author of it. This opinion rests on such considerations as these:

(a) The style is not that of Moses. It has more allusion to proverbs, and maxims, and prevailing views of science, than occur in his poetic writings; see Lowth, Prae. Hebr. xxxii.; Michaelis, Nat. et Epim. p 186, as quoted by Magee, p. 328, and Herder, Hebrew Poetry, vol. i. pp. 108, 109.

(b) Moses in his poetry almost invariably used the word yahweh as the name of God, rarely that of the Almighty (שׁדי shadday); in Job, the word yahweh rarely occurs in the body of the poem, some other name for the Deity being almost uniformly employed.

(c) In the book of Job there are numerous instances of words, the roots of which are now obsolete, or which are found only in the Arabic or Chaldee. See Prof. Lee, Intro. p. 50.

(d) The allusions to Arabic customs, opinions, and manners, are not such as would have been likely to be familiar to the mind of Moses. All that he could have learned of them would have been what he acquired, when over forty years of age, in keeping the flocks of his father-in-law Jethro; and though it might be said with plausibility that the forty years which he spent with him might have made him familiar with the habits of Arabia, still, in a poem of this length, we should have expected that these would not have been the only allusions. The most vivid and permanent impressions on the mind are those made in youth; and on the mind of Moses, those impressions had been received in Egypt. the work had been composed by him we should, therefore, bare expected that there would have been frequent allusions that would have betrayed Egyptian origin. But of these there are none, or if there are any which have such an origin, they are such as might have been readily learned from the common reports of travelers. But with all that pertained to the desert, to the keeping of flocks and herds, to the nomadic mode of life, to the poor and needy wanderers there, to the methods of plunder and robbery, the author of the poem shows himself to be perfectly familiar. It seems to me, therefore, that by this train of remarks, we are conducted to a conclusion tended with as much certainty as can be hoped for in the nature of the case, that the work was composed by Job himself in the period of rest and prosperity which succeeded his trials, and came to the knowledge of Moses during his residence in Arabia, and was adopted by him to represent to the Hebrews, in their trials, the duty of submission to the will of God, and to furnish the assurance that he would yet appear to crown with abundant blessings his own people, however much they might be afflicted.

Section 5. The State of the Arts and Sciences in the Time of Job

There is one important aspect still in which the book of Job may be contemplated. It is as an illustration of the state of the acts and sciences of the period of the world when it was composed. We are not indeed, in a poem of this nature, to look for formal treatises on any of the arts or sciences as then understood, but all that we can expect to find must be incidental allusions, or hints, that may enable us to determine with some degree of accuracy what advances society had then made. Such allusions are also of much more value in determining the progress of society, than extended descriptions of conquests and sieges would be. The latter merely change the boundaries of empire; the former indicate progress in the condition of man. Inventions in the arts and discoveries in science are fixed points, from which society does not go backward. I propose, then, as an illustration of the progress which society had made in the time of Job, as well as to prepare the mind to read the book in the most intelligent manner, to bring together the scattered notices of the state of the arts and sciences contained in this poem. No exact order can be observed in this; nor is there anything in the poem to indicate which of the things specified had the priority in point of time, or when the invention or discovery was made. The order of the arrangement chosen will have some reference to the importance of the subjects, and also some to what may be supposed to have first attracted attention. For a more full view of the various points that will be referred to, reference may be made to the notes on the various passages adduced.

I.Astronomy

The stars were early observed in Chaldea, where the science of astronomy had its origin. A pastoral people always have some knowledge of the heavenly bodies. The tending of flocks by night, under a clear Oriental sky, gave abundant opportunity for observing the motions of the heavenly bodies, and names would soon be given to the most important of the stars; the difference between the planets and the fixed stars would be observed, and the imagination would be employed in grouping the stars into fanciful resemblances to animals and other objects. In like manner, as caravans traveled much at night through the deserts, on account of the comparative coolness then, they would have an opportunity of observing the stars, and some knowledge of the heavenly bodies became necessary to guide their way. The notices of the heavenly bodies in this poem show chiefly that names were given to some of the stars; that they were grouped together in constellations; and that the times of the appearance of certain stars had been carefully observed, and their relation to certain aspects of the weather had been marked. There is no express mention of the planets as distinguished from the fixed stars; and nothing to lead us to suppose that they were acquainted with the true system of astronomy.

He commandeth the sun, and it riseth not,

And he sealeth up the stars.

He alone stretcheth out the heavens

And walketh upon the high waves of the sea.

He maketh Arcturus, Orion,

The Pleiades, and the secret chambers of the south.

繁體中文

「有一個人」——這段記述具有真實歷史的一切外貌。許多人認為全書是虛構的作品,並假定從未有約伯這樣的人活過。但本書開卷便帶着真實的氣息;「有一個人」這明確的宣告,以及他名字與居所的提及,表明作者有意肯定確有這樣一個人。關於這問題,見導論第一節。

「在烏斯地」——關於約伯居住地的問題,另見導論第二節。

「名叫約伯」——約伯(Job)這名字(希伯來文 איוב 'ı̂yôb,希臘文 Ἰώβ Iōb)按 Gesenius 的解釋,本義是「受迫害的人」,出於一個意為「與某人為敵、迫害、恨惡」的詞根(איב 'âyab)。按 Gesenius 的看法,其基本觀念當從「向某人噴氣、吹氣或呵氣,以表達怒氣或恨惡」之中尋找,德文作 "Anschnauben"。Eichhorn(Einleit. section 638. 1)則認為這名字指一個出於悔改之心而歸向神的人,取自阿拉伯文中至今仍在的一個動詞義「悔改」。按這看法,這名字之加於他,是因為在書末,他被描繪為自己在受苦期間所放縱的不當言辭悔改。這動詞在希伯來文聖經中只出現一次,即 Exodus 23:22:「你若實在聽從他的話,照着我一切所說的去行,我就向你的仇敵(אויב 'ôyêb)作仇敵(אויב את 'êth 'ôyêb)。」

分詞 איב 'oyēb 是舊約中指「仇敵」的常用詞:Exodus 15:6、Exodus 15:9;Leviticus 26:25;Numbers 35:23;Deuteronomy 32:27、Deuteronomy 32:42;Psalm 7:5;Psalm 8:2;Psalm 31:8;Lamentations 2:4-5;Job 13:24;Job 27:7;Job 33:10,"et soepe al."。若這是「約伯」一詞的恰當含義,那麼這名字似乎是預先給他的,或是眾人公認加給他的,意即備受迫害的人。意味深長的名字在希伯來人中很常見——或是預先給予(見 Isaiah 8:18 的註釋),或是在事後給予,以標誌生平中某項主要的或重要的事件;參 Genesis 4:1-2、Genesis 4:25;Genesis 5:29;1 Samuel 1:20。羅馬人中間也是如此,這樣授與的「榮名」(agnomen),便成為那個人最為人知的名稱。Cicero 的名字便是這樣得來的:他臉上有一顆疣,形似巢菜(vetch),拉丁人稱之為 "cicer"。Marcus 也是這樣,因臂彎曲而得 "Ancus" 之名,出自希臘文 ανκὼν ankōn;而 Africanus、Germanicus 等名字,則授與在特定國家立下戰功的將軍;見 Univer. Hist. Anc. Part ix. 619, ed. 8vo, Lond. 1779。同樣,「約伯」這名字也很可能是眾人公認加給烏斯之埃米爾的,意即備受迫害或備受試煉的人,而且後來成了他最為人知的名稱。這名字有一次用於以薩迦的一個兒子(Genesis 46:13),此外在本書以外,聖經中只出現於另外兩處:Ezekiel 14:14;James 5:11。

「這人完全」——(תמם tâmam)。七十士譯本把這句話大幅擴充,以意譯代替翻譯:「他是一個真實(ἀληθινός alēthinos)、無可指責(ἄμεμπτος amemptos)、公正(δίκαιος dikaios)、敬虔(θεοσεβής theosebēs)、遠離一切惡行的人。」Jerome 譯作 "simplex",即「單純」或「真誠」。迦勒底文作 שׁלם shālam,「完整、完成、完全」。這觀念似乎是指他的敬虔或道德品格「勻稱相稱」,而且「各部分俱全」。他在人生一切的關係上都是個完整正直的人——作為埃米爾、父親、丈夫、敬拜神的人。這正是 תם tâm 一詞(出於 תמם tâmam,「完成、使充滿、使之完全或完整、結束」)的恰當含義。它表明其中沒有任何一部分缺失,不足以構成整體——如同一隻錶沒有一個齒輪缺失。這樣,他不僅作為埃米爾正直,而且敬虔於神;他不僅善待家人,而且正直待鄰舍、仁慈待窮人。這詞也用於指心的正直:Genesis 20:5:לבבי בתם betām lebābı̂y——「我是以心中的誠實、單純或真誠做了這事」(見旁註)。同樣,1 Kings 22:34:「有人開弓,是在心中的單純(或說完全)裏(לתמוּ letumô)」;就是說,並無惡意;參 2 Samuel 15:11;Proverbs 10:9。因此,其恰當的觀念是單純、真誠、沒有詭詐或惡意,以及宗教各部分的完備。至於他是個絕對無罪、沒有任何邪惡傾向的人,則既被他常常顯出的抱怨之靈所否定,也被他自己的認罪所否定(Job 9:20):

我雖有義,自己的口要定我為有罪;

我若說我完全,我口必顯我為乖僻。

Job 42:5-6 也是這樣:

我從前風聞有你,

如今親眼看見你。

因此我厭惡自己,

在塵土和爐灰中懊悔。

參 Ecclesiastes 7:20。

「正直」——ישׁר yâshâr 一詞出於 ישׁר yâshar(「筆直」),常用於指筆直的道路,或平坦的路徑。此處用它,意即正直或公義;參 Psalm 11:7;Psalm 37:14;Deuteronomy 32:4;Psalm 33:4。

「敬畏神」——聖經常以「敬畏神」來表達宗教;Proverbs 1:7、Proverbs 1:29;Proverbs 2:5;Proverbs 8:13;Proverbs 14:26-27;Isaiah 11:2;Acts 9:31,"et soepe al."。

「遠離惡事」——「並且遠離(סוּר sûr)惡事」。七十士譯本作「遠避一切惡事」。這便是約伯敬虔的四項特徵——他真誠、正直、敬拜神、遠離一切錯謬。這些是真正的宗教在任何地方都不可缺少的要素;而約伯記的全部陳述表明:約伯雖非絕對沒有緊貼我們本性的那些罪,卻在這每一樣上都極為出眾。

Original em inglês

There was a man - This has all the appearance of being a true history. Many have regarded the whole book as a fiction, and have supposed that no such person as Job ever lived. But the book opens with the appearance of reality; and the express declaration that there was such a man, the mention of his name and of the place where he lived, show that the writer meant to affirm that there was in fact such a man. On this question see the Introduction, Section 1.

In the land of Uz - On the question where Job 54ed, see also the Introduction, Section 2.

Whose name was Job - The name Job (Hebrew איוב 'ı̂yôb, Gr. Ἰώβ Iōb means properly, according to Gesenius, "one persecuted," from a root (איב 'âyab) meaning to be an enemy to anyone, to persecute, to hate. The primary idea, according to Gesenius, is to be sought in breathing, blowing, or puffing at, or upon anyone, as expressive of anger or hatred, Germ. "Anschnauben." Eichhorn (Einleit. section 638. 1,) supposes that the name denotes a man who turns himself penitently to God, from a sense of the verb still found in Arabic "to repent." On this supposition, the name was given to him, because, at the close of the book, he is represented as exercising repentance for the improper expressions in which he had indulged during his sufferings. The verb occurs only once in the Hebrew Scriptures, Exodus 23:22 : But if thou shalt indeed obey his voice, and do all that I speak, then "I will be an enemy" אויב 'ôyêb "unto thine enemies" אויב את 'êth 'ôyêb.

The participle איב 'oyēb is the common word to denote an enemy in the Old Testament, Exodus 15:6, Exodus 15:9; Leviticus 26:25; Numbers 35:23; Deuteronomy 32:27, Deuteronomy 32:42; Psalm 7:5; Psalm 8:2; Psalm 31:8; Lamentations 2:4-5; Job 13:24; Job 27:7; Job 33:10, "et soepe al." If this be the proper meaning of the word "Job," then the name would seem to have been given him by anticipation, or by common consent, as a much persecuted man. Significant names were very common among the Hebrews - given either by anticipation (see the notes at Isaiah 8:18), or subsequently, to denote some leading or important event in the life; compare Genesis 4:1-2, Genesis 4:25; Genesis 5:29; 1 Samuel 1:20. Such, too, was the case among the Romans, where the "agnomen" thus bestowed became the appellation by which the individual was best known. Cicero thus received his name from a wart which he had on his face, resembling a "vetch," and which was called by the Latins, "cicer." Thus also Marcus had the name "Ancus," from the Greek word ανκὼν ankōn, because he had a crooked arm; and thus the names Africanus, Germanicus, etc., were given to generals who had distinguished themselves in particular countries; see Univer. Hist. Anc. Part ix. 619, ed. 8vo, Lond. 1779. In like manner it is possible that the name "Job" was given to the Emir of Uz by common consent, as the man much persecuted or tried, and that this became afterward the appellation by which he was best known. The name occurs once as applied to a son of Issachar, Genesis 46:13, and in only two other places in the Bible except in this book; Ezekiel 14:14; James 5:11.

And that man was perfect - (תמם tâmam). The Septuagint have greatly expanded this statement, by giving a paraphrase instead of a translation. "He was a man who was true (ἀληθινός alēthinos), blameless (ἄμεμπτος amemptos), just (δίκαιος dikaios), pious (θεοσεβής theosebēs), abstaining from every evil deed." Jerome renders it, "simplex - simple," or "sincere." The Chaldee, שׁלם shālam, "complete, finished, perfect." The idea seems to be that his piety, or moral character, was "proportionate" and was "complete in all its parts." He was a man of integrity in all the relations of life - as an Emir, a father, a husband, a worshipper of God. Such is properly the meaning of the word תם tâm as derived from תמם tâmam, "to complete, to make full, perfect" or "entire," or "to finish." It denotes that in which there is no part lacking to complete the whole - as in a watch in which no wheel is missing. Thus, he was not merely upright as an Emir, but he was pious toward God; he was not merely kind to his family, but he was just to his neighbors and benevolent to the poor. The word is used to denote integrity as applied to the heart, Genesis 20:5 : לבבי בתם betām lebābı̂y, "In the honesty, simplicity, or sincerity of my heart (see the margin) have I done this." So 1 Kings 22:34, "One drew a bow לתמוּ letumô in the simplicity (or perfection) of his heart;" that is, without any evil intention; compare 2 Samuel 15:11; Proverbs 10:9. The proper notion, therefore, is that of simplicity. sincerity, absence from guile or evil intention, and completeness of parts in his religion. That he was a man absolutely sinless, or without any propensity to evil, is disproved alike by the spirit of complaining which he often evinces, and by his own confession, Job 9:20 :

If I justify myself, mine own mouth shall condemn me;

If I say I am perfect, it shall prove me perverse.

So also Job 42:5-6 :

I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear,

But now mine eye seeth thee;

Wherefore I abhor myself,

And repent in dust and ashes.

Compare Ecclesiastes 7:20.

And upright - The word ישׁר yâshâr, from ישׁר yâshar, to be straight, is applied often to a road which is straight, or to a path which is level or even. As used here it means upright or righteous; compare Psalm 11:7; Psalm 37:14,; Deuteronomy 32:4; Psalm 33:4.

And one that feared God - Religion in the Scriptures is often represented as the fear of God; Proverbs 1:7, Proverbs 1:29; Proverbs 2:5; Proverbs 8:13; Proverbs 14:26-27; Isaiah 11:2; Acts 9:31, "et soepe al."

And eschewed evil - "And departed from (סוּר sûr) evil." Septuagint, "Abstaining from every evil thing." These then are the four characteristics of Job's piety - he was sincere; upright; a worshipper of God; and one who abstained from all wrong. These are the essential elements of true religion everywhere; and the whole statement in the book of Job shows Job was, though not absolutely free from the sins which cleave to our nature, eminent in each of these things.

繁體中文

「給他生了七個兒子,三個女兒」——在這些兒女失去、他又忍受了嚴厲的試煉之後,神又賜給他同樣數目的兒女;見 Job 42:13。至於他的第二個家庭,女兒們的名字有記錄(Job 42:14);至於第一個家庭,他妻子、兒子和女兒的名字竟都沒有記錄,這很值得留意。然而迦勒底文譯本——不知根據甚麼權威——說他妻子的名字是 דינה dı̂ynâh(Job 2:9)。

Original em inglês

And there were born unto him seven sons and three daughters - The same number was given to him again after these were lost, and his severe trials had been endured; see Job 42:13. Of his second family the names of the daughters are mentioned, Job 42:14. Of his first, it is remarkable that neither the names of his wife, his sons nor his daughters are recorded. The Chaldee, however, on what authority is unknown, says that the name of his wife was דינה dı̂ynâh, Job 2:9.

繁體中文

「他的家產」——邊註或作「牲畜」。此處所用的字מקנה mı̂qneh出自קנה qânâh,即獲得或取得、買或購,本義指任何獲得或購置之物——產業、財產、財富。然而遊牧部族的財富主要由羊群牛群構成,因此這字在聖經中幾乎專指牲畜產業。Gesenius 說,這字「嚴格地」用以指羊、山羊和牛類,不包括駐獸(比較希臘文κτῆνος ktēnos,「畜群」,七十士譯本在此即用此字),雖然有時這字也包括驢和馱駝,如本處。

「有七千羊」——本節描繪一位亞拉伯統治者或首領的財富,與今日稱為「埃米爾」(Emir)的人相似。其實全書的描述都適用於一位部族首領。本節所提的財產在任何地方都算得上相當可觀的財富,在東方遊牧部族中尤其如此。這財富沒有提到土地;因為在靠放牧為生的遊牧部族中,個人並不主張對土壤的永久所有權,所需要的只是放牧權或暫時的佔有。基於同樣的原因,也由於他們的處境使他們必須住在可搬移的帳棚裏,房屋也沒有列為這位埃米爾財富的一部分。要明白本書、以及舊約大部分書卷,我們必須撿下自己的生活方式,在想像中把自己帶到迫然不同的東方風俗中去。迦勒底文譯本對本節作了非常奇特的解釋,必須視為憑空的想像,但卻顯出那譯本的特性:「他的家產有七千羊——每個兒子一千;三千馱駝——每個女兒一千;五百對牛——歸他自己;五百母驢——歸他的妻子。」

「三千馱駝」——馱駝是眾所周知的駐獸,至今在亞拉伯仍被廣泛使用。古時亞拉伯人在戰爭中、在商隊中、並作食物使用這些動物。牠們常被稱為「沙漠之舟」,在乾旱的平原上尤其寶貴,因為牠們可以多日不喝水。按旅程遠近,牠們可負載三百至五百磅。神的護理以奇妙的智慧使馱駝適合沙質的荒漠;歷世歷代,馱駝在那裏必然是極貴重的產業。最乾的藞和最光禿的荊ll椈就是牠所需的一切食物,而且牠在行程中邊走邊吃,不停留、也不耽延一刻。由於牠的分是穿越無水可尋、無露可降的遼闊荒漠,牠被賦予儲水的能力,足以供多日之用——Bruce 說可達三十日。

為達成這一點,自然界在牠體內預備了巨大的儲囊或胃,水在其中保持純淨,牠可隨意從中汲取,如同從泉源一般。沒有別的動物被賦予這種能力;若非如此,要穿越那些無邊的沙原是完全不可能的。亞拉伯人、波斯人等都吃馱駝的肉,這肉也擺上國中上等人的餐桌。據說一位古代亞拉伯詩人,他的好客成了蝦語,在某一個月裏每天宰十匹馱駝款待他的朋友。關於馱駝的耐勞和靠最粗劣食物維生的能力,Burckhardt 曾述一事,可作例證。在他從死海以南之地往埃及的一次旅程中,他說:「在整個旅程中,馱駝除了一頭單峰馱駝以外,別無飼料,只有沙漠中枯萎的灌木;那頭單峰馱駝,我每晚給牠幾把大麥。」Trav. in Syria, p. 451;參 Bruce's Travels, vol. iv. p. 596;Niebuhr, Reise-beschreibung nach Arabien, 1 Band, s. 215;Sandys, p. 138;Harmer's Obs. 4:415, ed. Lond. 1808, 8vo;並 Rob. Cal.

「五百對牛」——約伯有這麼多牛,表明他除了牧放羊群牛群之外,也致力於耕種田地;參 Job 1:14。這麼多頭牛在任何地方都構成財富。

「五百母驢」——Bryant(《Observations》,頁61)指出,東方居民的財富有很大部分常由母驢構成,公驢數目少,也不受同等的重視。母驢很早便被提及為常用的坐騎;Numbers 22:25;Judges 5:10;2 Kings 4:24(希伯來文)。驢之所以被選中而不用馬,原因之一是牠所需的食料遠比馬少;除了馱駝以外,沒有動物像驢那樣容易飼養。母驢也被視為最寶貴,因為在穿越當地的荒漠時,牠們可供旅客奶喝。值得注意的是,在約伯財富項目的這份清單中,沒有明確提到「奶牛」,雖然約伯後來提到「奶油」在他家中豐盛;Job 29:6。不過,「奶牛」也可能包括在「五百對בקר bâqâr」(在此譯作「牛」)之內;這字譯作「牲畜」也同樣恰當。這字是通性名詞,出自בקר bâqar(亞拉伯文意為劈開、分開、翻開,因而指犁地、翻土)。它本義指用於犁田的牲畜;眾所周知,在東方,奶牛和公牛同樣用於這目的;見 Judges 14:18;Hosea 4:10;參 Deuteronomy 32:14,那裏בקר bâqâr一字用以指奶牛——「牛的奶」,Genesis 33:13(希伯來文)。

「並有許多僑婕」——邊註作「耕作」。此處的希伯來字(עבדה ‛ăbûddâh)含義模稥兩可。它可指所提供的事奵,即工作,或指執行這事奵的僑人;參 Genesis 26:14 邊註。七十士譯本譯作ὑπηρεσία hupēresia,Aquila 譯作δουλεία douleia,Symmachus 譯作οἰκετία oiketia;這些都指「事奵」、「奴役」,或屬於家庭僑役之事。這字無疑指那些管理他馱駝、牲畜和耕作的人;見 Job 1:15。無論是此處所用的字,還是 Job 1:15 的字,都沒有暗示他們是「奴隸」。他們可能是,但敘述中沒有任何表明這一點的記號。七十士譯本在此加添了一句,彷彊是解釋:「他的作為在這地中為大。」

「這人在東方人中就為至大」——即擁有最多的財富,並享有最高的尊榮。

「東方人」——邊註如希伯來文作「眾子」。「東方之子」指住在東方的人。「東方」(קדם qedem)一詞在聖經中慣用以指巴勒斯坦以東的地區。關於此處所指的地方,見導論第二部分(3)。要準確估計約伯財產的確切價值,當然是不可能的。與近代許多人相比,他的財產實在算不上極大的財富。《Pictorial Bible》的編者估計,按公允的計算,他的財產約可視為值三萬至四萬英鎊——約合200,000美元(約1880年代)。在這估計中,馱駝每匹約值45美元,牛每頭約值五美元,羊每隻略多於一美元;據說這約為現今西亞的平均價格。然而價格因時代而大有波動;但在今日,這樣的財產在亞拉伯仍會被視為巨富。約伯財產的價值可以從這事實估量:他的馱駝幾乎及得上近代一位波斯君王財富的一半。Chardin 說:「1676年波斯王在梅桑德拉時,韃韃人襲擊王的馱駝,奪去了三千匹;這對王是極大的損失,因為他總共只有七千匹。」——Rosenmuller,Morgenland,in loc. 我們當把約伯的境況看作一位富有的亞拉伯埃米爾的境況,他的生活方式介於遊牧生活和像我們這樣定居於社區的生活方式之間。他是君尊的牧人,卻也致力於耕種。然而,他並沒有顯出主張對土壤的「永久所有權」;他的境況也不與這設想相悖——即他在任何地方的居住都被視為暫時的,他全部的財產都可以輕易遷移。「他屬於那一種人生境況——在遊牧牧人與定居城鎮的百姓之間搖擺。他住在城中、或在城中有居所,這是明顯的;但他的羊群牛群顯然牧放在曝野,他自己的時間大概就分配於曝野與城鎮之間。他與希伯來眾族長的主要分別在此:他並不那樣『沒有確居所地四處漂流』。這種混合的生活狀態,至今在西亞仍屬常見;我們認為,它足以解釋本書所含種種引喻和圖畫的多元性質——牧放生活與曝野的景象和出產、農耕的景象和境況、定居生活與逐漸進步之文明的技藝和科學。」——《Pictorial Bible》這段經文與 Virgil 論到古意大利一位居民的一段話相比,或可在某種程度上說明不同國家對財富的不同觀念;那人在他筆下被稱為眾奧索尼亞農夫中最富有的:

Seniorque Galaesua.

Dum paci medium se offert; justissimus unus

Qui fuit, Ausoniisque olim ditissimus arvis:

Quinque greges illi balantum. quina redibant

Armenta, et terram centurn vertebat aratris.

Aeneid 7:535-539.

「其餘眾人之中,富有的加拉厄蘇斯倒臥在地;

他是個善良的老人,在勸人和睦歸於無用之際,

倒在那狂亂失控的一群中間:

五群牛、五群鳴叫的羊充滿了他的牧場,

一百對牛耕種着他的田地。」

Dryden

Original em inglês

His substance - Margin, or "cattle." The word used here מקנה mı̂qneh is derived from קנה qânâh, to gain or acquire, to buy or purchase, and properly means anything acquired or purchased - property, possessions, riches. The wealth of nomadic tribes, however, consisted mostly in flocks and herds, and hence the word in the Scripture signifies, almost exclusively, property in cattle. The word, says Gesenius, is used "strictly" to denote sheep, goats, and neat cattle, excluding beasts of burden (compare Greek κτῆνος ktēnos, herd, used here by the Septuagint), though sometimes the word includes asses and camels, as in this place.

Seven thousand sheep - In this verse we have a description of the wealth of an Arab ruler or chief, similar to that of those who are at this day called "Emirs." Indeed the whole description in the book is that which is applicable to the chief of a tribe. The possessions referred to in this verse would constitute no inconsiderable wealth anywhere, and particularly in the nomadic tribes of the East. Land is not mentioned as a part of this wealth; for among nomadic tribes living by pasturage, the right to the soil in fee simple is not claimed by individuals, the right of pasturage or a temporary possession being all that is needed. For the same reason, and from the fact that their circumstances require them to live in movable tents, houses are not mentioned as a part; of the wealth of this Emir. To understand this book, as well as most of the books of the Old Testament, it is necessary for us to lay aside our notions of living, and transfer ourselves in imagination to the very dissimilar customs of the East. The Chaldee has made a very singular explanation of this verse, which must be regarded as the work of fancy, but which shows the character of that version: "And his possessions were seven thousand sheep - a thousand for each of his sons; and three thousand camels - a thousand for each of his daughters; and five hundred yoke of oxen - for himself; and five hundred she-asses - for his wife."

And three thousand camels - Camels are well-known beasts of burden, extensively used still in Arabia. The Arabs employed these animals anciently in war, in their caravans, and for food. They are not unfrequently called "ships of the desert," particularly valuable in arid plains because they go many days without water. They carry from three to five hundred pounds, in proportion to the distance which they have to travel. Providence has adapted the camel with wonderful wisdom to sandy deserts, and in all ages the camel must be an invaluable possession there. The driest thistle and the barest thorn is all the food that he requires, and this he eats while advancing on his journey without stopping or causing a moment's delay. As it is his lot to cross immense deserts where no water is found, and where no dews fall, he is endowed with the power of laying in a store of water that will suffice him for days - Bruce says for thirty days.

To effect this, nature has provided large reservoirs or stomachs within him, where the water is kept pure, and from which he draws at pleasure as from a fountain. No other animal is endowed with this power, and were it not for this, it would be wholly impracticable to cross those immense plains of sand. The Arabians, the Persians, and others, eat the flesh of camels, and it is served up at the best tables in the country. One of the ancient Arab poets, whose hospitality grew into a proverb, is reported to have killed yearly, in a certain month, ten camels every day for the entertainment of his friends. In regard to the hardihood of camels, and their ability to live on the coarsest fare, Burckhardt has stated a fact which may furnish an illustration. In a journey which he made from the country south of the Dead Sea to Egypt, he says, "During the whole of this journey, the camels had no other provender than the withered shrubs of the desert, my dromedary excepted, to which I gave a few handfuls of barley each evening." Trav. in Syria, p. 451; compare Bruce's Travels, vol. iv. p. 596; Niebuhr, Reise-beschreibung nach Arabien, 1 Band, s. 215; Sandys, p. 138; Harmer's Obs. 4:415, ed. Lond. 1808, 8vo; and Rob. Cal.

And five hundred yoke of oxen - The fact that Job had so many oxen implies that he devoted himself to the cultivation of the soil as well as to keeping flocks and herds; compare Job 1:14. So large a number of oxen would constitute wealth anywhere.

And five hundred she-asses - Bryant remarks (Observations, p. 61) that a great part of the wealth of the inhabitants of the East often consisted of she-asses, the males being few and not held in equal estimation. She-asses are early mentioned as having been in common use to ride on; Numbers 22:25; Judges 5:10. 2 Kings 4:24 (Hebrew). One reason why the ass was chosen in preference to the horse, was that it subsisted on so much less than that animal, there being no animal except the camel that could be so easily kept as the ass. She-asses were also regarded as the most valuable, because, in traversing the deserts of the country they would furnish travelers with milk. It is remarkable that "cows" are not mentioned expressly in this enumeration of the articles of Job's wealth, though "butter" is referred to by him subsequently as having been abundant in his family, Job 29:6. It is possible, however, that "cows" were included as a part of the "five hundred yoke of בקר bâqâr." here rendered "oxen;" but which would be quite as appropriately rendered "cattle." The word is in the common gender, and is derived from בקר bâqar, in Arabic to cleave, to divide, to lay open, and hence, to plow, to cleave the soil. It denotes properly the animals used in plowing; and it is well known that cows are employed as well as oxen for this purpose in the East; see Judges 14:18; Hosea 4:10; compare Deuteronomy 32:14, where the word בקר bâqâr is used to denote a cow - "milk of kine," Genesis 33:13 (Hebrew).

And a very great household - Margin, "husbandry." The Hebrew word here (עבדה ‛ăbûddâh)ambiguous. - It may denote service rendered, that is, work, or the servants who performed it; compare Genesis 26:14, margin. The Septuagint renders it ὑπηρεσία hupēresia, Aquila δουλεία douleia, and Symmachus, οἰκετία oiketia; all denoting "service," or "servitude," or that which pertained to the domestic service of a family. The word refers doubtless to those who had charge of his camels, his cattle, and of his husbandry; see Job 1:15. It is not implied by the word here used, nor by that in Job 1:15, that they were "slaves." They may have been, but there is nothing to indicate this in the narrative. The Septuagint adds to this, as if explanatory of it, "and his works were great in the land."

So that this man was the greatest - Was possessed of the most wealth, and was held in the highest honor.

Of all the men of the East - Margin as in Hebrew "sons." The sons of the East denote those who lived in the East. The word "East" קדם qedem is commonly employed in the Scriptures to denote the country which lies east of Palestine. For the places intended here, see the Introduction, Section 2, (3). It is of course impossible to estimate with accuracy the exact amount of the value of the property of Job. Compared with many persons in modern times, indeed, his possessions would not be regarded as constituting very great riches. The Editor of the Pictorial Bible supposes that on a fair estimate his property might be considered as worth from thirty to forty thousand pounds sterling - equivalent to some 200,000 (circa 1880's). In this estimate the camel is reckoned as worth about 45.00 dollars, the oxen as worth about five dollars, and the sheep at a little more than one dollar, which it is said are about the average prices now in Western Asia. Prices, however, fluctuate much from one age to another; but at the present day such possessions would be regarded as constituting great wealth in Arabia. The value of the property of Job may be estimated from this fact, that he had almost half as many camels as constituted the wealth of a Persian king in more modern times.

Chardin says, "as the king of Persia in the year 1676 was in Mesandera, the Tartars fell upon the camels of the king and took away three thousand of them which was to him a great loss, for he had only seven thousand." - Rosenmuller, Morgenland, "in loc." The condition of Job we are to regard as that of a rich Arabic Emir, and his mode of life as between the nomadic pastoral life, and the settled manner of living in communities like ours. He was a princely shepherd, and yet he was devoted to the cultivation of the soil. It does not appear, however, that he claimed the right of the soil in "fee simple," nor is his condition inconsistent with the supposition that his residence in any place was regarded as temporary, and that all his property might be easily removed. "He belonged to that condition of life which fluctuated between that of the wandering shepherd, and that of a people settled in towns. That he resided, or had a residence, in a town is obvious; but his flocks and herds evidently pastured in the deserts, between which and the town his own time was probably divided. He differed from the Hebrew patriarchs chiefly in this, that he did not so much wander about "without any certain dwelling place."

This mixed condition of life, which is still frequently exhibited in Western Asia, will, we apprehend, account sufficiently for the diversified character of the allusions and pictures which the book contains - to the pastoral life and the scenes and products of the wilderness; to the scenes and circumstances of agriculture; to the arts and sciences of settled life and of advancing civilization." - Pict. Bib. It may serve somewhat to illustrate the different ideas in regard to what constituted wealth in different countries, to compare this statement respecting Job with a remark of Virgil respecting an inhabitant of ancient Italy, whom he calls the most wealthy among the Ausonian farmers:

Seniorque Galaesua.

Dum paci medium se offert; justissimus unus

Qui fuit, Ausoniisque olim ditissimus arvis:

Quinque greges illi balantum. quina redibant

Armenta, et terram centurn vertebat aratris.

Aeneid 7:535-539.

Among the rest, the rich Galaesus lies;

A good old man, while peace he preached in vain,

Amid the madness of the unruly train:

Five herds, five bleating flocks his pasture filled,

His lands a hundred yoke of oxen tilted.

Dryden

繁體中文

「他的兒子按着日子各在自己家裏設擺筵宴」——Good 博士將這句譯作「他的兒子前去家中設宴」。Tindal 譯作「設擺筵席」(made bankertea)。希伯來文的意思是,他們去行了「家宴」;其意是他們按這類款待慣常的方式,在自己的住處設宴。這裏所用的字(משׁתה mı̂shteh)出自שׁתה shâthâh,即「喝」;進而指同飲、設宴。Schultens 認為,這不過是為了維繫家族各房之間應有的親睦,而非為了縱酒作樂;這似乎也與約伯的看法相符。他雖是敬虔人,卻不反對這事,只是擔心他們也許在心裏犯了罪(Job 1:5)。他曉得其中的危險,因此更加殷勤地為他們懇求神的護佑。

「按着日子」——意即各按自己的次序,輪到自己的日子。這也許單指他們的生日;見Job 3:1,那裏的「日子」一詞正是用來指生日。古時候,生日的慶祝十分隆重而歡樂。約伯記的作者在此敘述中,也許有意暗示他的家庭全然和睦,描繪出一幅家庭幸福的圖畫,與後來臨到他家的災禍形成強烈對比。這樣一個安寧和睦的家庭竟全然離散,正是加重他受苦的一大因素。迦勒底文譯本(Chaldee)加添「直到七日完畢」,認為這些筵席每一場都持續七天;若各家的住處彼此相距相當遙遠,這假設絕非不可能。

「就打發人去,請了他們的三個姊妹來」——這一細節同樣可視為表明這些場合並非為縱樂而設。年輕人聚集放縱作樂時,通常不會邀請他們的「姊妹」同在,也通常根本不希望有貞潔的女子在場。因此,這多半是為摯誠友愛的家庭聚談而設的。這事本身並無不妥,也未必有任何危險;然而約伯覺得他們「有可能」失腳忘記了神,因此便為他們更加懇切熱誠地獻上禱告(Job 1:5)。

Original em inglês

And his sons went and feasted in their houses - Dr. Good renders this, "and his sons went to hold a banquet house." Tindal renders it, "made bankertea." The Hebrew means, they went and made a "house-feast;" and the idea is, that they gave an entertainment in their dwellings, in the ordinary way in which such entertainments were made. The word used here (משׁתה mı̂shteh) is derived from שׁתה shâthâh, "to drink;" and then to drink together, to banquet. Schultens supposes that this was merely designed to keep up the proper familiarity between the different branches of the family, and not for purposes of revelry and dissipation; and this seems to accord with the view of Job. He, though a pious man, was not opposed to it, but he apprehended merely that they might have sinned in their hearts, Job 1:5. He knew the danger, and hence, he was more assiduous in imploring for them the divine guardianship.

Every one his day - In his proper turn, or when his day came round. Perhaps it refers only to their birthdays; see Job 3:1, where the word "day" is used to denote a birthday. In early times the birthday was observed with great solemnity and rejoicing. Perhaps in this statement the author of the Book of Job means to intimate that his family lived in entire harmony, and to give a picture of his domestic happiness strongly contrasted with the calamities which came upon his household. It was a great aggravation of his sufferings that a family thus peaceful and harmonious was wholly broken up. - The Chaldee adds, "until seven days were completed," supposing that each one of these feasts lasted seven days, a supposition by no means improbable, if the families were in any considerable degree remote from each other.

And sent and called for their three sisters - This also may be regarded as a circumstance showing that these occasions were not designed for revelry. Young men, when they congregate for dissipation, do not usually invite their "sisters" to be with them; nor do they usually desire the presence of virtuous females at all. The probability, therefore, is, that this was designed as affectionate and friendly family conversation. In itself there was nothing wrong in it, nor was there necessarily any danger; yet Job felt it "possible" that they might have erred and forgotten God, and hence, he was engaged in more intense and ardent devotion on their account; Job 1:5.

繁體中文

「筵宴的日子過了」——Dr. Good 把這句譯作「這類筵席的日子循環再來時」。但這不是原意。原意是:當筵席如輪轉般輪流設於各家之後,「那時」約伯打發人去叫他們自潔。這不是出於預料他們「必定」作錯,而是出於擔心他們「可能」已經犯了罪。譯作「過了」(were gone about)的字(נקף nâqaph),本義是連結在一起,繼而指繞圈而行、循環,如節期輪轉一樣;見 Isaiah 29:1 的註釋:「讓節期循環輪轉」。此處的意思是,他們設宴的日子已輪遍一圈,即已輪流經過各個家庭。七十士譯本作「宴樂(或飲酒,πότου potou)的日子完了」。與此相似的宴飲習俗也盛行於中國。「他們有自己的結社,稱為『月份的弟兄會』;按每月日數的多少分派月份,眾人輪流環行,按次序到彼此家中喫飯。若有人家中沒有地方接待弟兄會,可以在別處替他們預備;也有許多為此目的而設備完善的公共酒館。」見 Semedo 的《中國史》卷一第十三章,轉引自 Burder 在 Rosenmuller 的 Morgenland 中的引錄(in loc.)。

「約伯打發人去」——打發人叫他們來,召集他們到自己身旁。他擔心他們或許犯了錯,於是採取各樣措施保守他們純潔,並維持宗教在他家中的影響力。

「叫他們自潔」——Schultens 說,這表達可以有兩種解釋:或指他藉各種除穢、洗濯等禮儀「預備」他們獻祭;或指他獻祭,為要為他們實際可能已犯的罪求得赦免。他說,前一種意思有 Exodus 19:10 和 1 Samuel 16:5 的用法支持,那裏這字指以洗濯預備自己去見神、敬拜神;而後一種意思則是上下文所要求的。約伯的感受,正如每個父親在這種情形下所當有的:他有理由懼怕神沒有受到當有的記念,因此他更加懇切獻上禱告,並召集兒女到身旁,使他們的心因他那敬虔的掛慮而受感。哪一位愛神、又盼望兒女也愛神的父親,若見兒女處於連日宴樂嬉戲的境況,會不特別掛心呢?此處譯作「自潔」的字(קדשׁ qâdash),本義是純潔、潔淨、聖潔;在 Piel(此處所用之形)中,意為使成聖、分別為聖、奉獻,如祭司的分別為聖;此處的意思是:他既擔心他們犯了罪,就採取措施使他們成聖;就是說,他照常例尋求為他們取得赦免。七十士譯本作 ἐκάθαριζεν ekatharizen(他潔淨了他們)。

「他清早起來」——為要獻上他的禱告,並為他們取得贖罪。在列祖時代,清早獻祭是慣例。見 Genesis 22:3;Exodus 32:6。

「獻燔祭」——希伯來文作「使上升」;即藉焚燒使煙向天上升。譯作「燔祭」的字(עולה ‛ôlâh)出自 עלה ‛âlâh(「上升」;即此處譯作「獻」的字),意指使之上升之物,即藉焚燒而上升者。聖經中這字指全然在壇上焚燒的祭,相等於希臘文 ὁλόκαυστον holokauston(全燔祭,Holocaust)。見 Isaiah 1:11 的註釋。在列祖時代,這類祭是由一家之父代表全家、以祭司身分獻上的。挪亞便是這樣行(Genesis 8:20);亞伯拉罕也是這樣以祭司身分獻祭(Genesis 12:7-8;Genesis 13:18;Genesis 22:13)。在最古的時代,並在外邦列國中,人都相信獻祭可以為罪求得赦免。Homer 有一段詩與我們眼前所見約伯的觀點極為吻合(Iliad 9:493):

眾神(偉大而獨一有智的),

受祭物、許願和犧牲所動;

得罪的人贏得他們的大憐憫,

每日的祈禱贖每日的罪。

Pope

「按着他們眾人的數目」——兒子和女兒。也許為他們每一個人另獻一祭。七十士譯本此處作「照他們的數目,καί μόσχον ἕνα περὶ ἁμαπτίας περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτῶν kai moschon hena peri hamartias peri tōn psuchōn autōn——一隻牛犢為罪,即為他們的靈魂獻贖罪祭」。

「恐怕我兒子犯了罪」——他沒有確實的憑據。他只感到每個敬虔父親所必有的自然憂慮:他的兒子們或已被試探所勝,或許在酒力的影響下,說了褻瀆神的話,輕看了真宗教與美德所必需的約束。

「心中棄掉神」——此處譯作「棄掉」的字 ברך bārak,就是通常譯作「祝福」的那個字。同一個字竟用於「祝福」與「咒詛」這樣直接相反的意義,實在令人驚奇。Dr. Good 力主這字總當譯作「祝福」,於是把此處譯作「恐怕我兒子犯了罪,心裏『不』祝福神」,把希伯來前綴 ו (v) 當作分別性的或否定的助詞。同樣,在 Job 2:9(我們通行譯本作「棄掉神,死了吧」),他譯作「祝福神而死」。但上下文所要求的解釋顯然是咒詛、背棄或忘記;Job 2:9 也是如此。這意義在 1 Kings 21:10 更為明顯:「你謗讟(ברך bārak)神和王了。」同章 1 Kings 21:13 也是這樣——不過 Dr. Good 在那裏也力主這字應譯作「祝福」,認為指控是說拿伯「祝福」或敬拜了神明,甚至敬拜了摩洛——他以為 מלך melek 一詞當標音為 מלך môlek,讀作「Molech」(摩洛)。但這樣疑難並未解決;畢竟,此處這字大概與 Job 2:9 一樣,是「咒詛」之意。幾乎所有解經家都這樣理解。武加大譯本的譯法倒是夠特別的:「惟恐我的兒子犯了罪,在心裏祝福了神(et benedixerint Deo)。」七十士譯本:「惟恐我的兒子心中向神起了惡念」——κακὰ ἐνεόησαν πρὸς Θεόν kaka enenoēsan pros Theon。迦勒底意譯本:「惟恐我的兒子犯了罪,在心裏觸怒了 Yahweh(יהוה וארגיזדקדם)。」假設這就是此處該字的意義,那麼同一個字竟有如此相反的含義,可以有三種解釋的途徑。

(1)其一是 Taylor(見其《語詞索引》Concor.)所提的:古時敬虔的人視褻瀆為可憎,不願以正名言之,因此藉「委婉語」以「祝福」一詞代替「咒詛」。但應當說,聖經中再沒有比表達咒詛與褻瀆的字更常見的了。אלה 'âlâh 一字在咒詛、咒罵的意義上屢屢出現。照樣,גדף gâdaph 意為褻瀆,也常使用(2 Kings 19:6; 2 Kings 19:22; Isaiah 37:6; Isaiah 37:23; Psalm 44:16)。還有別的字也用於同樣的意義,可見此處並無必要單用一個「委婉語」。

(2)解釋這字雙重用法的第二種方式,是認為這是朋友相見與分別時通用的問安語;於是推想它被用來表達英文片語「道別」(to bid farewell)的意思,繼而如那片語一樣,意為「放棄、離棄、拋諸腦後、不顧」。希臘文的 χαίρειν chairein 和拉丁文的 valere 就是這樣用的。這解釋由 Schultens 提出,為 Rosenmuller 和 Noyes 所採納;他們引以下各處為這字用法的平行例子。Virg. Ecclesiastes 8, 58「Vivite Sylvoe」——Virgil(Delphin 版)的註釋家說,這是道別之語,等於希臘文的 χαίρετε chairete——「一種用於我們所憎惡拒絕、盼其離去之人身上的說法。」又如 Catull. 11. 17:Cum suis vivat, valeatque moechis。又如 Aesch. Agam. 574:

Καὶ πολλὰ χαίρειν ξυμφοραῖς καταξιῶ

Kai polla chairein cumforais kataciō.

又如 Plutarch, Dion. p. 975。又如 Cicero 致 Atticus 的一封信(Psalm 8:8)中,他抱怨龐培可恥的逃亡,把 Aristophanes 的一句話套在他身上;πολλὰ χαίρειν εἰπὼν τῷ καλῷ polla chairein eipōn tō kalō——「向尊榮道了別,便逃往布隆迪西烏姆去了」;參 Ter. And. 4:2. 14;Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1. 44。按這解釋,此節的意思是:約伯擔心他們心裏背棄了神,就是忘記了祂,扣留了當歸給祂的敬奉。——這解釋看似有理;難處在於無法證明這字在希伯來文中有這種用法。這字在希伯來人中被用作「分別時的問安」,是無可置疑的;那是朋友分別時莊重求神賜福的形式(參 Genesis 28:3; Genesis 47:10)。但我找不到這字用於分別、而在「背棄」或惡意的「道別」之意上的例子;除非能舉出這類例子,這解釋便站不住腳。儘管希臘文、拉丁文和其他語言中有類似的片語,卻不能證明希伯來文中這字也有這種用法。

(3)第三種、也更簡單的解釋,是設這字的原義為「屈膝」。按 Gesenius,這正是該字在阿拉伯文中的意思。Castell 也給出這字的意思——「為表示敬意而屈膝」;即一種尊敬的舉動。敘利亞文亦然:「Genua flexit̂ procubuit」(屈膝俯伏)。又如「Genu」,即「膝」。繼而意指為求告神或敬拜而屈膝。在 Piel(此處所用之形)中,這字意為:(1)祝福神,頌讚,崇敬;(2)祝福人——即為他們「祈求」福氣;問安致意——指相見時為他們祝福(1 Samuel 15:13; Genesis 47:7; 2 Samuel 6:20),或分別時如此(Genesis 47:10; 1 Kings 8:66; Genesis 24:60);(3)「求降禍」,即「咒詛他人」之意。觀念是:刑罰或毀滅出於神,因此將它「祈降」於人。總而言之,這詞既出於屈膝的一般觀念,便用於「祈求」福或禍之意;繼而泛指祝福或咒詛。這解釋由 Selden(de jure Nat. et Gent.,Lib. II. 100. 11.,p. 255)和 Gesenius(《Lexicon》)辯護。此處的觀念是:約伯擔心他的兒子們在歡樂、也許縱飲之中,犯了不敬之罪,或許內裏為着美德與敬虔的約束而埋怨神。在這樣的場面中,還有甚麼比這更常見?還有甚麼比這更可慮?

「約伯常常這樣行」——每逢這樣的場合,這都是他素常的習慣。他敬虔的看顧從不懈怠;他惟恐兒子犯罪的掛慮永不止息——這是敬虔父親對兒子當有之情懷的美好例證。希伯來文作「整天」;即無時不然。

Original em inglês

And it was so, when the days of their feasting were gone about - Dr. Good renders this, "as the days of such banquets returned." But this is not the idea intended. It is, when the banquets had gone round as in a circle through all the families, "then" Job sent and sanctified them. It was not from an anticipation that they "would" do wrong, but it was from the apprehension that they "might" have sinned. The word rendered "were gone about" (נקף nâqaph) means properly to join together, and then to move round in a circle, to revolve, as festivals do; see the notes at Isaiah 29:1 : "Let the festivals go round." Here it means that the days of their banqueting had gone round the circle, or had gone round the several families. Septuagint "When the days of the entertainment (or drinking, πότου potou) were finished." A custom of feasting similar to this prevails in China. "They have their fraternities which they call the brotherhood of the months; this consists of months according to the number of the days therein, and in a circle they go abroad to eat at one another's houses by turns. If one man has not conveniences to receive the fraternity in his own house, he may provide for them in another; and there are many public houses well furnished for this purpose." See Semedo's History of China, i chapter 13, as quoted by Burder in Rosenmuller's Morgenland. "in loc."

That Job sent - Sent for them, and called them around him. He was apprehensive that they might have erred, and he took every measure to keep them pure, and to maintain the influence of religion in his family.

And sanctified them - This expression, says Schultens, is capable of two interpretations. It may either mean that he "prepared" them by various lustrations, ablutions, and other ceremonies to offer sacrifice; or that he offered sacrifices for the purpose of procuring expiation for sins which they might actually have committed. The former sense, he remarks, is favored by the use of the word in Exodus 19:10; 1 Samuel 16:5, where the word means to prepare themselves by ablutions to meet God and to worship him. The latter sense is demanded by the connection. Job felt as every father should feel in such circumstances, that there was reason to fear that God had not been remembered as he ought to have been, and he was therefore more fervent in his devotions, and called them around him, that their own minds might be affected in view of his pious solicitude. What father is there who loves God, and who feels anxious that his children should also, who does not feel special solicitude if his sons and his daughters are in a situation where successive days are devoted to feasting and mirth? The word here rendered "sanctified" (קדשׁ qâdash) means properly to be pure, clean, holy; in Pihel, the form used here, to make holy, to sanctify, to consecrate, as a priest; and here it means, that he took measures to make them holy on the apprehension that they had sinned; that is, he took the usual means to procure for them forgiveness. The Septuagint renders it ἐκάθαριζεν ekatharizen, he purified them.

And rose up early in the morning - For the purpose of offering his devotions, and procuring for them expiation. It was customary in the patriarchal times to offer sacrifice early in the morning. See Genesis 22:3; Exodus 32:6.

And offered burnt-offerings - Hebrew "and caused to ascend;" that is, by burning them so that the smoke ascended toward heaven. The word rendered "burnt-offerings" (עולה ‛ôlâh) is from עלה ‛âlâh, "to ascend" (the word used here and rendered "offered"), and means that which was made to ascend, to wit, by burning. It is applied in the Scriptures to a sacrifice that was wholly consumed on the altar, and answers to the Greek word ὁλόκαυστον holokauston, "Holocaust." See the notes at Isaiah 1:11. Such offerings in the patriarchal times were made by the father of a family, officiating as priest in behalf of his household. Thus, Noah officiated, Genesis 8:20; and thus also Abraham acted as the priest to offer sacrifice, Genesis 12:7-8; Genesis 13:18; Genesis 22:13. In the earliest times, and among pagan nations, it was supposed that pardon might be procured for sin by offering sacrifice. In Homer there is a passage which remarkably corresponds with the view of Job before us; Iliad 9:493:

The gods (the great and only wise)

Are moved by offerings, vows, and sacrifice;

Offending man their high compassion wins,

And daily prayers atone for daily sins.

Pope

According to the number of them all - Sons and daughters. Perhaps an additional sacrifice for each one of them. The Septuagint renders this, "according to their numbers, καί μόσχον ἕνα περὶ ἁμαπτίας περὶ τῶν ψυχῶν αὐτῶν kai moschon hena peri hamartias peri tōn psuchōn autōn - a young bullock for sin or a sin-offering for their souls."

It may be that my sons have sinned - He had no positive or certain proof of it. He felt only the natural apprehension which every pious father must, that his sons might have been overtaken by temptation, and perhaps, under the influence of wine, might have been led to speak reproachfully of God, and of the necessary restraints of true religion and virtue.

And cursed God in their hearts - The word here rendered curse is that which is usually rendered "bless" ברך bārak. It is not a little remarkable that the same word is used in senses so directly opposite as to "bless" and "to curse." Dr. Good contends that the word should be always rendered "bless," and so translates it in this place, "peradventure my sons may have sinned, "nor" blessed God in their hearts," understanding the Hebrew prefix ו (v) as a disjunctive or negative participle. So too in Job 2:9, rendered in our common translation, "curse God and die," he translates it, "blessing God and dying." But the interpretation which the connection demands is evidently that of cursing, renouncing, or forgetting; and so also it is in Job 2:9. This sense is still more obvious in 1 Kings 21:10 : "Thou didst "blaspheme" ברך bārak God and the king." So also 1 Kings 21:13 of the same chapter - though here Dr. Good contends that the word should be rendered "bless," and that the accusation was that Naboth "blessed" or worshipped the gods, even Moloch - where he supposes the word מלך melek, should be pointed מלך môlek and read "Molech." But the difficulty is not removed by this, and after all it is probable that the word here, as in Job 2:9, means to "curse." So it is understood by nearly all interpreters. The Vulgate indeed renders it singularly enough, "Lest perhaps my sons have sinned, and have blessed God (et benedixerint Deo) in their hearts." The Septuagint, "Lest perhaps my sons in their mind have thought evil toward God" - κακὰ ἐνεόησαν πρὸς Θεόν kaka enenoēsan pros Theon. The Chaldee, "Lest my sons have sinned and provoked yahweh (יהוה וארגיזדקדם) in their hearts." Assuming that this is the sense of the word here, there are three ways of accounting for the fact that the same word should have such opposite significations.

(1) One is that proposed by Taylor (Concor.), that pious persons of old regarded blasphemy as so abominable that they abhorred to express it by the proper name, and that therefore by an "euphemism" they used the term "bless" instead of "curse." But it should be said that nothing is more common in the Scriptures than words denoting cursing and blasphemy. The word אלה 'âlâh, in the sense of cursing or execrating, occurs frequently. So the word גדף gâdaph, means to blaspheme, and is often used; 2 Kings 19:6, 2 Kings 19:22; Isaiah 37:6, Isaiah 37:23; Psalm 44:16. Other words also were used in the same sense, and there was no necessity of using a mere "euphemism" here.

(2) A second mode of accounting for this double use of the word is. that this was the common term of salutation between friends at meeting and parting. It is then supposed to have been used in the sense of the English phrase "to bid farewell to." And then, like that phrase, to mean "to renounce, to abandon, to dismiss from the mind, to disregard." The words χαίρειν chairein, in Greek, and "valere" in Latin, are used in this way. This explanation is suggested by Schultens, and is adopted by Rosenmuller and Noyes, who refer to the following places as parallel instances of the use of the word. Virg. Ecclesiastes 8, 58. "Vivite Sylvoe" - a form, says the Annotator on Virgil (Delphin), of bidding farewell to, like the Greek χαίρετε chairete - "a form used against those whom we reject with hatred, and wish to depart." Thus, Catull. 11. 17: Cum suis vivat, valeatque moechis. So Aesch. Agam. 574:

Καὶ πολλὰ χαίρειν ξυμφοραῖς καταξιῶ

Kai polla chairein cumforais kataciō.

Thus, Plutarch, Dion. p. 975. So Cicero in a letter to Atticus (Psalm 8:8), in which he complains of the disgraceful flight of Pompey, applies to him a quotation from Aristophanes; πολλὰ χαίρειν εἰπὼν τῷ καλῷ polla chairein eipōn tō kalō - "bidding farewell to honour he fled to Brundusium;" compare Ter. And. 4:2. 14. Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1. 44. According to this interpretation, it means that Job apprehended they had renounced God in their hearts. that is, had been unmindful of him, and had withheld from him the homage which was due. - This is plausible: but the difficulty is in making out the use of this sense of the word in Hebrew. That the word was used as a mode of "parting salutation" among the Hebrews is undoubted. It was a solemn form of invoking the divine blessing when friends separated; compare Genesis 28:3; Genesis 47:10. But I find no use of the word where it is applied to separation in the sense of "renouncing," or bidding farewell to "in a bad sense;" and unless some instances of this kind can be adduced, the interpretation is unsound, and though similar phrases are used in Greek, Latin, and other languages, it does not demonstrate that this use of the word obtained in the Hebrew.

(3) A third, and more simple explanation is that which supposes that the original sense of the word was "to kneel." This, according to Gesenius, is the meaning of the word in Arabic. So Castell gives the meaning of the word - "to bend the knees for the sake of honour;" that is, as an act of respect. So in Syriac, "Genua flexit̂ procubuit." So "Genu." the "knee." Then it means to bend the knee for the purpose of invoking God, or worshipping. In the Piel, the form used here, it means

(1) to bless God, to celebrate, to adore;

(2) to bless men - that is, to "invoke" blessings on them; to greet or salute them - in the sense of invoking blessings on them when we meet them; 1 Samuel 15:13; Genesis 47:7; 2 Samuel 6:20; or when we part from them; Genesis 47:10; 1 Kings 8:66; Genesis 24:60;

(3) to "invoke evil," in the sense of "cursing others." The idea is, that punishment or destruction is from God, and hence, it is "imprecated" on others. In one word, the term is used, as derived from the general sense of kneeling, in the sense of "invoking" either blessings or curses; and then in the general sense of blessing or cursing. This interpretation is defended by Selden, de jure Nat. et Gent. Lib. II.:100:11:p. 255, and by Gesenius, Lexicon. The idea here is, that Job apprehended that his sons, in the midst of mirth, and perhaps revelry, had been guilty of irreverence, and perhaps of reproaching God inwardly for the restraints of virtue and piety. What is more common in such scenes? What was more to be apprehended?

Thus did Job continually - It was his regular habit whenever such an occasion occurred. He was unremitted in his pious care; and his solicitude lest his sons should have sinned never ceased - a beautiful illustration of the appropriate feelings of a pious father in regard to his sons. The Hebrew is, "all day;" that is, at all times.

繁體中文

「有一天」——Dr. Good 譯作「日子來到了」。Tindal 譯作「從前有一日」。迦勒底意譯者則擅自指明了時間,譯作:「如今事情發生在審判(或察驗,דדינא ביומא)之日、歲首之時,眾天使的軍旅前來站在 Yahweh 面前受審,撒但也來了。」按照這種說法,這審判每年舉行一次,甚至連天使的行為也受一次鄭重的查察。希伯來原文並沒有暗示這事發生的頻率,也沒有指明發生於一年中的甚麼時候。唯一的意思是:「神的眾子」在特定或指定的日子來到神面前站立,報告他們所行的事,並就他們當作的事領受進一步的指示。——這顯然是為要引入隨後與約伯有關的事件。這是取自君王行事程序的語言:君王曾差遣使者或大使往帝國各省辦理要務,如今他們回來,報告所觀察到的事以及王國的總體狀況。這樣的回報自然要在固定的日子作出;照法律的用語,他們的報告須在該日「呈報」,屆時他們要就王國的狀況提出說明。若有人說,設想這樣一種詩意的虛構,與本書乃受默示的假定不相容,我回答:

(1) 這並不比救主的比喻更成問題;救主常常設想一些事例,並把它們當作真實發生的事來敘述,為要說明某些重要的真理。然而從沒有人因此被引入錯誤。

(2) 這與聖經各處的用語相符;聖經隨處把神描述為坐在寶座上的君王,由臣僕環侍,並差遣他們往遼闊帝國的各地成就重要的旨意。

因此,未必必須把這段記載看作旨在陳述一件實際發生的事。它是詩歌可容許的修飾之一,與任何別的詩歌修飾同樣可容許。把神描繪為君王並非不當;若是這樣,以王權慣常的附隨之物來描繪祂——由臣僕環繞,並在祂國中雇用天使與使者成就要務——也並非不當。既承認了這個設定,隨後的一切便只是與之「相稱」,為要保全這構想的逼真性而已。——然而,這個觀念絕不抵觸以下的設想:天使確實受神所用,在祂國度的治理上成就要務;撒但也真實存在,並蒙神許可,在成就祂對待其子民的旨意上擔當重要的角色。不過關於本節,另見導論第一部分(4)。

「神的眾子」——即天使;比較 Job 38:7。整段敘述都假定他們是天上的存有者。

「來侍立」——如同出使歸來,要報告他們所觀察、所辦理的事。

「在耶和華面前」——即在 יהוה yehovâh 面前。關於這個詞的意義,見 Isaiah 1:2 的註釋。在 1 Kings 22:19-23 記載了一幕與此極為相似的場景。那裏把 Yahweh 描述為「坐在寶座上,天上的萬軍侍立在他左右」。祂詢問誰願去引誘亞哈,使他上基列的拉末去陣亡。「隨後有一個神靈出來,站在耶和華面前說:我去引誘他。」他應許要藉着「在他眾先知口中作謊言的靈」來成就這事。

「撒但也來在其中」——邊註:「那敵擋者」來「在他們中間」。關於本段的一般意義、撒但在此被引入的原因,以及由此推論《約伯記》年代與作者身份的論據,見導論第四部分(4)。武加大譯本以專名「撒但」翻譯此詞。七十士譯本作 ὁ διάβολος ho diabolos——即魔鬼,或控告者。迦勒底語作 סטנא saṭenā',「撒但」;敘利亞譯本亦然。Theodotion 作 ὁ ἀντικείμενος ho antikeimenos——「敵擋者」。譯作「撒但」的這個詞 שׂטן śâṭân 出於 שׂטן śâṭan(「撒但」,埋伏等候、作對),因此其本義是對頭、控告者。這詞用來指「敵擋」的人,如戰爭中(1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; 1 Samuel 29:4);指在法庭上作對頭或控告者的人(Psalm 109:6);以及指攔阻別人的人(Numbers 22:22):「耶和華的使者站在路上敵擋他」לה לשׂטן leśâṭân lôh,「與他作對」。

這詞隨後以卓越的方式使用,指「那對頭」,並取得專名的形式,應用於神與人的大仇敵——那引誘人作惡、又在神面前控告他們的惡靈。因此,在 Zechariah 3:1-2 有這樣的記載:「他又指給我看:大祭司約書亞站在耶和華的使者面前,撒但也站在約書亞的右邊,與他作對。耶和華對撒但說:撒但啊,耶和華要責備你」;比較 Rev 12:10:「如今救恩已經來到——因為那控告我們弟兄的(ὁ κατηγορῶν ho katēgorōn,即撒但,見 Rev 12:9)已經被摔下去了,他在我們神面前晝夜控告我們的弟兄。」——這詞在舊約中並不常見。它以動詞和名詞的各種形式,僅見於以下各處。作動詞、表「作對」之義:Psalm 71:13; Psalm 109:4, Psalm 109:20, Psalm 109:29; Zechariah 3:1; Psalm 38:20;作名詞、譯作「對頭」與「對頭們」:1 Kings 5:4; 1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; Numbers 22:22, Numbers 22:32; 1 Samuel 29:4; 2 Samuel 19:22;譯作「撒但」:1 Chronicles 21:1; Psalm 109:6; Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12; Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6-7; Zechariah 3:2;另有一次譯作「控告」:Ezra 4:6。

因此,這是一個很早便用以指對頭或控告者的詞,可用於任何擔當這角色的人,直到最終成為專名,以卓越的方式指惡靈之首,即人的對頭與控告者。近代 Herder、Eichhorn、Dathe、Ilgen 等人採納了一種見解,認為此處以撒但之名所指的那位,不是惡靈、神的仇敵、魔鬼,而是神的眾子之一,「Yahweh 一位忠實卻過分多疑的僕人」。按照這種看法,神被描繪為召開會議,以查明其疆域的狀況。在這會議中,撒但是 Yahweh 的一位熱心僕人,受派承擔巡察大地各處、觀察 Yahweh 子民行為的榮譽職分,如今與其他人一同歸來復命。

約伯的敬虔如此出眾,以至於吸引了 Yahweh 特別的注意;祂向撒但提出問題,問他在行程中可曾注意到這個傑出的美德榜樣。撒但根據他在地上所觀察到的,被認為已全然不信人所能表現之德行的真實與真誠,於是提出疑問:連約伯事奉神是否出於無私的動機,他也懷疑;神以福氣四面環繞約伯,他的美德不過是環境造成的結果;若挪去他的安逸,他就會顯得與任何別人一樣毫無原則。照這說法,撒但是 Yahweh 的一位多疑臣僕,而非惡靈;他加於約伯的,只是神所吩咐的,並沒有一樣是出於他自己的惡毒。關於這見解,Gesenius 在其《詞典》(Lexicon)中評述道,它「如今已被普遍摒棄」。

這觀點有一個無法克服的反對理由:它與聖經通常歸給撒但的性格不符,尤其與我們面前這段敘述歸給他的性情全然矛盾。他是惡毒的存有者,是控告者,樂於有機會指控一位聖徒假冒為善,樂於獲准使他受折磨,並在獲准的範圍內竭力製造痛苦——惟獨因神明確的命令才被攔阻,不得毀滅他。——在阿拉伯語中,「撒但」這詞常用以指蛇。於是,如 Schultens 所引述的 Gjauhari 說:「阿拉伯人稱蛇為撒但,尤其是那些以冠、頭和可憎外形著稱的蛇。」這詞也應用於任何邪惡的物件或存有者。於是,Schultens 同樣引述的哈里里(Hariri)註疏者說:「凡屬精靈、人類、獸類中一切頑梗悖逆、敵對、遠離善的,都稱為撒但。」——對頭與反對者這一泛義,在這詞的含義中隨處可見。——Dr. Good 對本節評述道:「我們在此另有一個憑據,證明在族長神學的體系裏,惡靈與善靈同樣服在全能者的權下,同樣在既定的時期被傳召,到祂的審判臺前為自己的行為交帳。」

Rosenmuller 對本節的評述十分精當:「當注意的是,撒但與其他天上諸靈一樣,同樣服在神的治理之下,倚賴祂的命令(比較 Job 2:1,那裏說撒但與神的眾子(אלהים בן bên 'ĕlohı̂ym)同樣前來侍立在神面前(לחהיצב lehı̂tyatsēb,即 λειτουργεῖν leitourgein,服事))。Yahweh 使用這鬼魔(hujus daemonis)的服事去執行刑罰,或在祂因別的緣故看為合宜時,把災禍降於人。但他雖對必朽的世人懷怒、意欲加害,仍被描繪為被鎖鏈捆綁,除非神放鬆韁繩,他決不敢觸碰敬虔的人。撒但周遊大地,固然能仔細察看約伯,但要傷害他,除非得了許可,他就不能。」

Original em inglês

Now there was a day - Dr. Good renders this, "And the day came." Tindal." Now upon a time." The Chaldee paraphrasist has presumed to specify the time, and renders it, "Now it happened in the day of judgment (or scrutiny, דדינא ביומא), "in the beginning of the year," that hosts of angels came to stand in judgment before yahweh, and Satan came." According to this, the judgment occurred once a year, and a solemn investigation was had of the conduct even of the angels. In the Hebrew there is no intimation of the frequency with which this occurred, nor of the time of the year when it happened. The only idea is, that "the sons of God" on a set or appointed day came to stand before God to give an account of what they had done, and to receive further orders in regard to what they were to do. - This is evidently designed to introduce the subsequent events relating to Job. It is language taken from the proceedings of a monarch who had sent forth messengers or ambassadors on important errands through the different provinces of his empire, who now returned to give an account of what they had observed, and of the general state of the kingdom. Such a return would, of course, be made on a fixed day when, in the language of the law, their report would be "returnable," and when they would be required to give in an account of the state of the kingdom. If it be said that it is inconsistent with the supposition that this book was inspired to suppose such a poetic fiction, Ireply,

(1) That it is no more so than the parables of the Savior, who often supposes cases, and states them as real occurrences, in order to illustrate some important truth. Yet no one was ever led into error by this.

(2) It is in accordance with the language in the Scripture everywhere to describe God as a monarch seated on his throne, surrounded by his ministers, and sending them forth to accomplish important purposes in different parts of his vast empire.

It is not absolutely necessary, therefore, to regard this as designed to represent an actual occurrence. It is one of the admissible ornaments of poetry; - as admissible as any other poetic ornament. To represent God as a king is not improper; and if so, it is not improper to represent him with the usual accompaniments of royalty, - surrounded by ministers, and employing angels and messengers for important purposes in his kingdom. This supposition being admitted, all that follows is merely in "keeping," and is designed to preserve the verisimilitude of the conception. - This idea, however, by no means militates against the supposition that angels are in fact really employed by God in important purposes in the government of his kingdom, nor that Satan has a real existence, and is permitted by God to employ an important agency in the accomplishment of his purposes toward his people. On this verse, however, see the Introduction, Section 1, (4).

The sons of God - Angels; compare Job 38:7. The whole narrative supposes that they were celestial beings.

Came to present themselves - As having returned from their embassy, and to give an account of what they had observed and done.

Before the Lord - Before יהוה yehovâh. On the meaning of this word, see the notes at Isaiah 1:2. A scene remarkably similar to this is described in 1 Kings 22:19-23. Yahweh is there represented as "sitting on his throne, and all the host of heaven standing by him on his right hand and on his left." He inquires who would go and persuade Ahab that he might go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead? "And there came forth a spirit and stood before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him." This he promised to do by being "a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets."

And Satan came also among them - Margin, "The adversary" came "in the midst of them." On the general meaning of this passage, and the reasons why Satan is introduced here, and the argument thence derived respecting the age and authorship of the book of Job, see the Introduction, Section 4, (4). The Vulgate renders this by the name "Satan." The Septuagint: ὁ διάβολος ho diabolos - the devil, or the accuser. The Chaldee, סטנא saṭenā', "Satan." So the Syriac. Theodotion, ὁ ἀντικείμενος ho antikeimenos - "the adversary." The word rendered "Satan" שׂטן śâṭân is derived from שׂטן śâṭan "Satan," to lie in wait, to be an adversary, and hence, it means properly an adversary, an accuser. It is used to denote one who "opposes," as in war 1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; 1 Samuel 29:4; onc who is an adversary or an accuser in a court of justice Psalm 109:6, and one who stands in the way of another; Numbers 22:22, "And the angel of yahweh stood in the way for an adversary against him" לה לשׂטן leśâṭân lôh, "to oppose him."

It is then used by way of eminence, to denote the "adversary," and assumes the form of a proper name, and is applied to the great foe of God and man - the malignant spirit who seduces people to evil, and who accuses them before God. Thus, in Zechariah 3:1-2, "And he showed me Joshua the priest standing before the angel of the Lord, and Satan standing at his right hand to resist him. And the Loan said unto Satan, The Lord rebuke thee, O Satan;" compare Revelation 12:10, "Now is come salvation - for the accuser ὁ κατηγορῶν ho katēgorōn - that is, Satan, see Revelation 12:9) of our brethren is cast down, which accused them before our God day and night." - The word does not often occur in the Old Testament. It is found in the various forms of a verb and a noun in only the following places. As a verb, in the sense of being an adversary, Psalm 71:13; Psalm 109:4, Psalm 109:20, Psalm 109:29; Zechariah 3:1; Psalm 38:20; as a noun, rendered "adversary" and "adversaries," 1 Kings 5:4; 1 Kings 11:14, 1 Kings 11:23, 1 Kings 11:25; Numbers 22:22, Numbers 22:32; 1 Samuel 29:4; 2 Samuel 19:22; rendered "Satan," 1 Chronicles 21:1; Psalm 109:6; Job 1:6-9, Job 1:12; Job 2:1-4, Job 2:6-7; Zechariah 3:2; and once rendered "an accusation," Ezra 4:6.

It was a word, therefore, early used in the sense of an adversary or accuser, and was applied to anyone who sustained this character, until it finally came to be used as a proper name, to denote, by way of eminence, the prince of evil spirits, as the adversary or accuser of people. An opinion has been adopted in modern times by Herder, Eichhorn, Dathe, Ilgen, and some others, that the being here referred to by the name of Satan is not the malignant spirit, the enemy of God, the Devil, but is one of the sons of God, "a faithful, but too suspicious servant of yahweh." According to this, God is represented as holding a council to determine the state of his dominions. In this council, Satan, a zealous servant of yahweh, to whom had been assigned the honorable office of visiting different parts of the earth, for the purpose of observing the conduct of the subjects of yahweh, makes his appearance on his return with others.

Such was the piety of Job, that it had attracted the special attention of yahweh, and he puts the question to Satan, whether in his journey be had remarked this illustrious example of virtue. Satan, who, from what he has observed on earth, is supposed to have lost all confidence in the reality and genuineness of the virtue which man may exhibit, suggests that he doubts whether even Job serves God from a disinterested motive; that God had encompassed him with blessings, and that his virtue is the mere result of circumstances; and that if his comforts were removed he would be found as destitute of principle as any other man. Satan, according to this, is a suspicious minister of yahweh, not a malignant spirit; he inflicts on Job only what he is ordered to by God, and nothing because he is himself malignant. Of this opinion Gesenius remarks (Lexicon), that it "is now universally exploded."

An insuperable objection to this view is, that it does not accord with the character usually ascribed to Satan in the Bible, and especially that the disposition attributed to him in the narrative before us is wholly inconsistent with this view. He is a malignant being; an accuser; one delighting in the opportunity of charging a holy man with hypocrisy, and in the permission to inflict tortures on him, and who goes as far in producing misery as he is allowed - restrained from destroying him only by the express command of God. - In Arabic the word Satan is often applied to a serpent. Thus, Gjauhari, as quoted by Schultens, says, "The Arabs call a serpent Satan, especially one that is conspicuous by its crest, head, and odious appearance." It is applied also to any object or being that is evil. Thus, the Scholiast on Hariri, as quoted by Schultens also, says, "Everything that is obstinately rebellious, opposed, and removed from good, of genii, human beings, and beasts, is called Satan." - The general notion of an adversary and an opponent is found everywhere in the meaning of the word. - Dr. Good remarks on this verse, "We have here another proof that, in the system of patriarchal theology, the evil spirits, as well as the good, were equally amenable to the Almighty, and were equally cited, at definite periods, to answer for their conduct at his bar."

Rosenmuller remarks well on this verse, "It is to be observed, that Satan, no less than the other celestial spirits, is subject to the government of God, and dependent on his commands (compare Job 2:1) where Satan equally with the sons of God (אלהים בן bên 'ĕlohı̂ym) is said to present himself before God (לחהיצב lehı̂tyatsēb; that is, λειτουργεῖν leitourgein), to minister. Yahweh uses the ministry of this demon (hujus daemonis) to execute punishment, or when from any other cause it seemed good to him to send evil upon men. But he, although incensed against the race of mortals, and desirous of injuring, is yet described as bound with a chain, and never dares to touch the pious unless God relaxes the reins. Satan, in walking round the earth, could certainly attentively consider Job, but to injure him he could not, unless permission had been given him."

繁體中文

「耶和華問撒但說:你從哪裏來」——這問話似乎不是因撒但不該出現在那裏而發,因為他這樣出現似乎沒有受到責備。他是作為一個服在 Yahweh 管轄之下的靈而來;他與其他靈一同前來,不是要與他們交往、分享他們的福樂,而是要報告自己所作和所觀察的事。詩意的構想是:這事是定期進行的;凡 Yahweh 所使用來向世人施福、降罰或鑒察他們行為的靈,「全都」來站在他面前。為何這問話特別指向「撒但」,經文沒有說明。也許並不是說向他作了甚麼「特別的」查問,而是因為在隨後的事上他將扮演如此重要的角色,所以只記載了向他所作的問話;至於其他靈,既沒有發生與約伯有關的事,他們的查問也就沒有提及。又或者,因為撒但素來以惡毒、多疑、好論神僕人的壞處著稱,所以神的用意是要特別引他注意約伯——一個卓越、無可置疑的德行與敬虔的榜樣。

「我從地上走來走去」——Good 博士譯作「四處巡行」;Noyes 作「遍行各地」。這裏所用的字(שׁוּט shûṭ)本義是:

(1.) 鞭打、笞擊、抽打;

(2.) 搖槳行船,即用槳抽打海面;

(3.) 上下奔走,往來穿行,跑來跑去——如同以臂作槳抽打空氣一般;因此引申為遊歷一地,或為察看而走遍全境,見 2 Samuel 24:2、2 Samuel 24:8。

Good 博士依照 Schultens 所提出的解釋,說這個字「所表達的,不如說是迂迴繞行、周而復始的動作,而非前進後退之行;這個希伯來動詞至今仍見於阿拉伯作者的著作中,每一處都含這種旋繞、環行的意思」。按 Castell,這字在阿拉伯文中意為「加熱、燃燒、使之沸騰、消耗」;繼而指驅使到疲乏——如驅策馬匹——再指繞行、全速奔走、勤勉活潑地行動。這樣,如 Schultens 所引 Carnuso 的話:「一鼓作氣直達目標的行程,稱為 שׁוט(shôṭ)」。在 2 Samuel 24:2,這字用於周行各地、為作人口統計而走遍各處之意:「你起來……走遍以色列眾支派」(邊註作「compass」,「周行」)。在 Numbers 11:8,它用於以色列人往各處收取嗎哪——在嗎哪落下之處快速忙碌地走動,為要收取。在 Zechariah 4:10,它用於「耶和華的眼睛」,說它「遍察全地」——就是說,他如同眼目迅速從一物移到另一物的人那樣鑒察萬事;同樣的說法見於 2 Chronicles 16:9。在 Jeremiah 5:1,它用於人在城中街上快速穿行的動作:「你們當在耶路撒冷的街上跑來跑去」(參 Jeremiah 49:3)。從這些經文可以看出,這裏的意念不是「繞圈」而行,而是急速穿行、輕快匆忙地移動;其「本義」或許正是阿拉伯文所提示的「熱」——由此用於鞭子或笞條,因它產生如火燒的感覺;也用於急速的旅程或行動,因它產生熱與灼。這字表明撒但一直活躍而勤勉,在地上往來各處,以察看全地。迦勒底文譯本在此加上「察看世人之子的作為」。

「往返而來」——就是說,要查明人間的事。論到本節,Rosenmuller 指出:在瑣羅亞斯德的生平中(見 Kleukner 的《Zendavesta》第3卷第11頁),惡魔之首、死亡之使——名叫 Engremeniosch——據說也在世界各地遠近遊行,為要傷害、敵擋良善的人。

Original em inglês

And the Lord said unto Satan, Whence comest thou? - This inquiry does not appear to have been made as if it was improper that Satan should have appeared there, for no blame seems to have been attached to him for this. He came as a spirit that was subject to the control of yahweh; he came with others, not to mingle in their society, and partake of their happiness, but to give an account of what he had done, and of what he had observed. The poetic idea is, that this was done periodically, and that "all" the spirits employed by yahweh to dispense blessings to mortals, to inflict punishment, or to observe their conduct, came and stood before him. Why the inquiry is directed particularly to "Satan," is not specified. Perhaps it is not meant that there was any "special" inquiry made of him, but that, as he was to have so important an agency in the transactions which follow, the inquiry that was made of him only is recorded In respect to the others, nothing occurred pertaining to Job, and their examination is not adverted to. Or it may be, that, as Satan was known to be malignant, suspicious, and disposed to think evil of the servants of God, the design was to direct his attention particularly to Job as an illustrious and indisputable example of virtue and piety.

From going to and fro in the earth - Dr. Good renders this, "from roaming round." Noyes, "from wandering over." The word which is here used (שׁוּט shûṭ) means properly,

(1.) to whip, to scourge, to lash;

(2.) to row, that is, to lash the sea with oars;

(3.) to run up and down, to go here and there, or to and fro, so as to lash the air with one's arms as with oars, and hence, to travel over a land, or to go through it in order to see it, 2 Samuel 24:2, 2 Samuel 24:8.

Dr. Good, in conformity with the interpretation proposed by Schultens, says that "the word imports, not so much the act of going forward and backward, as of making a circuit or circumference; of going round about. The Hebrew verb is still in use among the Arabic writers, and in every instance implies the same idea of gyration or circumambulation." In Arabic, according to Castell, the word means "to heat, to burn, to cause to boil, to consume:" then to propel to weariness, as e. g. a horse, and then to make a circuit, to go about at full speed, to go with diligence and activity. Thus, in Carnuso, as quoted by Schultens, "a course made at one impulse to the goal is called שׁוט shôṭ. In 2 Samuel 24:2, the word is used in the sense of passing around through different places for the purpose of taking a census. "Go now (Margin, "compass") through all the tribes of Israel." In Numbers 11:8, it is applied to the Israelites going about to collect manna, passing rapidly and busily in the places where it fell for the purpose of gathering it.

In Zechariah 4:10, it is applied to "the eyes of Yahweh," which are said to "run to and fro through the earth," that is, he surveys all things as one does whose eye passes rapidly from object to object. The same phrase occurs in 2 Chronicles 16:9. In Jeremiah 5:1, it is applied to the action of a man passing rapidly through the streets of a city. "Run ye to and fro through the streets of Jerusalem "compare Jeremiah 49:3. From these passages it is clear that the idea is not that of going "in a circuit" or circle, but it is that of passing rapidly; of moving with alacrity and in a hurry; and it is not improbable that the "original" idea is that suggested in the Arabic of "heat" - and thence applied to a whip or scourge because it produces a sensation like burning, and also to a rapid journey or motion, because it produces heat or a glow. It means that Satan had been active and diligent in passing from place to place in the earth to survey it. The Chaldee adds to this, "to examine into the works of the sons of men."

And from walking - That is, to investigate human affairs. On this verse it is observed by Rosenmullcr, that in the life of Zoroaster (see Zendavesta by John G. Kleukner, vol. 3: p. 11,) the prince of the evil demons, the angel of death, whose name is "Engremeniosch," is said to go far and near through the world for the purpose of injuring and opposing good people.

繁體中文

「你曾用心察看我的僕人約伯沒有?」——邊註作「將你的心放在他身上」。這邊註是希伯來文的直譯。Schultens 對此評注說,這話的意思不止是觀看或注視——因為從以下數節充分可見,撒但確曾「留心」察看約伯,並且想要傷害他。按他的意見,這話的意思是與約伯作對、存心害他,而耶和華所要問的,是撒但曾否這樣行。但這話更可能的意思是「留心」察看,神所問的,是他有否仔細觀察過約伯。撒但在此被描繪為不信人類的德行、堅稱只要試探以足夠誘人的形式出現,就沒有德行能夠抵擋的那一位。神在此以約伯的例子作為對這見解的完全駁斥。隨後的試煉,正是要考驗約伯的敬虔是否屬於這一類。

「地上再沒有人像他」——意即他是地上德行與敬虔最高的典範。不過,這裏的 כי kîy 一詞或可譯作「因為」:「因為地上再沒有人像他。」這樣,意思就不是他曾注意到「沒有人像他」這一事實,而是神「因為」他在世人中最為傑出,才把注意力引到他身上。

「完全正直」——見 Job 1:1 的註釋。七十士譯本翻譯本節,與 Job 1:1 的譯法相同。

Original em inglês

Hast thou considered my servant Job? - Margin, "Set thine heart on." The margin is a literal translation of the Hebrew. Schultens remarks on this, that it means more than merely to observe or to look at - since it is abundantly manifest from the following verses that Satan "had" attentively considered Job, and had been desirous of injuring him. It means, according to him, to set himself against Job, to fix the heart on him with an intention to injure him, and yahweh means to ask whether Satan had done this. But it seems more probable that the phrase means to consider "attentively," and that God means to ask him whether he had carefully observed him. Satan is represented as having no confidence in human virtue, and as maintaining that there was none which would resist temptation, if presented in a form sufficiently alluring. God here appeals to the case of Job as a full refutation of this opinion. The trial which follows is designed to test the question whether the piety of Job was of this order.

That there is none like him in the earth - That he is the very highest example of virtue and piety on earth. Or might not the word כי kı̂y here be rendered "for?" "For there is none like him in the earth." Then the idea would be, not that he had considered "that" there was none like him, but God directs his attention to him "because" he was the most eminent among mortals.

A perfect and an upright man - See the Notes at Job 1:1. The Septuagint translates this verse as they do Job 1:1.

繁體中文

「約伯敬畏神,豈是無故呢?」——「他的信仰是無私的嗎?處在那樣的境遇,誰不樂意敬拜神呢?」其意是:他的敬虔毫無真實可言;信仰在順境中受不到考驗;約伯事奉神已得了豐厚的報償;若神所賜的恩惠被挪去,他便與常人無異。世上表面的德行與宗教,多半是環境的產物;這裏所提的問題,恐怕對許多富足的信仰宣認者也可以恰當地提出;每一位自稱至高者之友的人,「都當」自問:他的信仰是否出於自私與圖利。是因為神賜我們今世巨大的好處嗎?是單單出於感恩嗎?是因祂曾在危險中保全我們、從疾病中恢復我們嗎?還是只因我們盼望天堂,信神在來世必賞賜我們,才事奉神?這一切都可能只是自私的產物;對所有這樣的人,都可以恰當地問:「他們敬畏神,豈是無故呢?」真宗教不只是感恩,也不是環境的產物。它是為宗教本身而愛宗教——不是為賞賜;是因為事奉神本身就是正當的,不是只因天堂滿了榮耀;是因為神配得我們的愛與信,不是只因祂要賜福我們——這樣的宗教必存留於一切外在變遷之中,存到世界毀滅之後。它在貧窮中如同在富足的環境中一樣茂盛;在病痛之榻上如同在強健的健康中一樣;當我們因信仰被毀謗藐視時,如同阿諛之香在四圍焚燒、頌讚之銀聲盈耳之時一樣;在茅屋如同在宮殿;在草鋪上如同在絨褥上一樣。

Original em inglês

Doth Job fear God for nought? - "Is his religion disinterested? Would not anyone be willing to worship God in such circumstances?" The idea is that there was nothing genuine about his piety; that religion could not be tried in prosperity; that Job had an abundant compensation for serving God, and that if the favors conferred on him were taken away, he would be like the rest of mankind. Much of the apparent virtue and religion of the world is the result of circumstances, and the question here proposed "may," it is to be feared, be asked with great propriety of many professors of religion who are rich; it "should" be asked by every professed friend of the Most High, whether his religion is not selfish and mercenary. Is it because God has blessed us with great earthly advantages? Is it the result of mere gratitude? Is it because he has preserved us in peril, or restored us from sickness? Or is it merely because we hope for heaven, and serve God because we trust he will reward us in a future world? All this may be the result of mere selfishness; and of all such persons it may be appropriately asked, "Do they fear God for nought?" True religion is not mere gratitude, nor is it the result of circumstances. It is the love of religion for its own sake - not for reward; it is because the service of God is right in itself, and not merely because heaven is full of glory; it is because God is worthy of our affections and confidence, and not merely because he will bless us - and this religion will live through all external changes, and survive the destruction of the world. It will flourish in poverty as well as when surrounded by affluence; on a bed of pain as well as in vigorous health; when we are calumniated and despised for our attachment to it, as well as when the incense of flattery is burned around us, and the silvery tones of praise fall on our ear; in the cottage as well as the palace; on the pallet of straw as well as on the bed of down.

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Job 1:10

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「你豈不是在他四圍圈上籬笆圍護他」——Good 博士指出,要把這裏的原詞的全部力量表達出來,應當從工程學借一個詞,譯作:「你豈不是在他周圍立起了『柵欄』嗎?」這裏所用的希伯來文(שׂוּך śûk)本義是「圈上籬笆」;圍起或圈護;因而指保護,正如人的房屋或田地以荊棘籬笆、或以木樁柵欄圍起而得防護一樣。這詞以其各種形式,作名詞用時,指「眼中的刺」——Numbers 33:55——即如荊棘之物;指「帶倒鈎的鐵」——Job 41:7——即作魚叉用以捕魚的倒鈎鐵;又指籬笆和荊棘籬——Micah 7:4;Proverbs 15:19;Isaiah 5:5。這裏的觀念,是在約伯和他的財產周圍造一個圍障,使它們免遭危險。Septuagint 譯作 περιέφραξας(periephracas)——在四周設防——即如戰時圍營那樣「環築」或圈圍。敘利亞文和阿拉伯文譯本作:「你豈不是用手保護了他嗎?」迦勒底文作:「你豈不是用你的話保護了他嗎?」Septuagint 把整節譯作:「你豈不是圈住了他身外之物」(τὰ ἔξω αὐτοῦ ta exō autou),即他屬於外面的東西,「並他家內之物」嗎?整節的意思是:他顯然在神的保護之下;神保守了他本人、他的家和他的財產不受掠奪者的侵害,因此他事奉神、敬畏神。

「你賜福他手所做的」——你使他大大亨通。

「他的家產在地上增多」——他的財產(Job 1:3)。旁註作「牲畜」。這裏譯作「增多」的詞,決不能表達原詞的力量。פרץ pârats 一詞本義是打破、撕裂,繼而指如被拘困的水那樣迸裂而出;見 2 Samuel 5:20;比較 Proverbs 3:10:「這樣,你的倉房必充滿有餘;你的酒醡有新酒『盈溢』(פרץ pârats)」——即你的酒醡必滿到溢出,或「衝破」界限,酒便豐豐富富地流出來。據 Schultens 說,阿拉伯人至今仍用這詞指河的出口——即水流最急之處。Golius 為證明這一點,從阿拉伯作家 Gjanhari 引了一聯詩句,其中這詞用來指幼發拉底河的出口:

「他洶湧的財物如山堆將他淹沒, 正如發狂的幼發拉底在其出口處橫掃。」

據 Schultens 說,這詞指河道迸裂而出、把山丘巖石撕裂而開出一條新路的地方。照樣,約伯的羊羣牛羣也彷彿衝破了一切障礙,如洪水氾濫一般散佈在全地;比較 Genesis 30:43;2 Chronicles 31:5;Exodus 1:7;Job 16:14。

Original em inglês

Hast thou not made an hedge about him? - Dr. Good remarks, that to give the original word here its full force, it should be derived from the science of engineering, and be rendered, "Hast thou not raised a "palisado" about him?" The Hebrew word used here (שׂוּך śûk) properly means "to hedge"; to hedge in or about; and hence, to protect, as one is defended whose house or farm is hedged in either with a fence of thorns, or with an enclosure of stakes or palisades. The word in its various forms is used to denote, as a noun, "pricks in the eyes" Numbers 33:55; that is, that which would be like thorns; "barbed irons" Job 41:7, that is, the barbed iron used as a spear to take fish; and a hedge, and thorn hedge, Micah 7:4; Proverbs 15:19; Isaiah 5:5. The idea here is, that of making an enclosure around Job and his possessions to guard them from danger. The Septuagint renders it περιέφραξας periephracas, to make a defense around," to "circumvallate" or inclose, as a camp is in war. In the Syriac and Arabic it is rendered, "Hast thou not protected him with thy hand? The Chaldee, "Hast thou protected him with thy word? The Septuagint renders the whole passage, "Hast thou not encircled the things which are without him" (τὰ ἔξω αὐτοῦ ta exō autou) that is, the things abroad which belong to him, "and the things within his house." The sense of the whole passage is, that he was eminently under the divine protection, and that God had kept himself, his family, and property from plunderers, and that therefore he served and feared him.

Thou hast blessed the work of his hands - Thou hast greatly prospered him.

And his substance is increased in the land - His property, Job 1:3. Margin, "cattle." The word "increased" here by no means expresses the force of the original. The word פרץ pârats means properly to break, to rend, then to break or burst forth as waters do that have been pent up; 2 Samuel 5:20, compare Proverbs 3:10, "So shall thy barns be filled with plenty, and thy presses "shall burst out" פרץ pârats with new wine;" that is, thy wine-fats shall be so full that they shall overflow, or "burst" the barriers, and the wine shall flow out in abundance. The Arabians, according to Schultens, employ this word still to denote the mouth or "embouchure" - the most; rapid part of a stream. So Golius, in proof of this, quotes from the Arabic writer Gjanhari, a couplet where the word is used to denote the mouth of the Euphrates:

"His rushing wealth o'er flowed him with its heaps;

So at its mouth the mad Euphrates sweeps."

According to Sehultens, the word denotes a place where a river bursts forth, and makes a new way by rending the hills and rocks asunder. In like manner the flocks and herds of Job had burst, as it were, every barrier, and had spread like an inundation over the land; compare Genesis 30:43; 2 Chronicles 31:5; Exodus 1:7; Job 16:14.

11

Job 1:11

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「你且伸手」——即為要傷害他、奪去他的財產而伸手。

「毀他一切所有的」——古德博士(Dr. Good)譯作「擊打」。武加大譯本與七十士譯本作「觸摸」。此處所用的希伯來文字 נגע nâga‛ 本義為「觸摸」;繼而指以暴力加於人身,Genesis 26:11;Joshua 9:19;再進而指擊打、傷害、攻擊;見 Genesis 32:26, 33;1 Samuel 6:9;Job 19:21;比較 Isaiah 53:4 的註釋。此處顯然意為擊打或攻擊;其中的觀念是:神若奪去約伯的財產,也必隨之奪去他的敬虔——而這試煉正是要看看這後果是否會隨之發生。

「他必當面棄掉你」——即他會公開地、當眾這樣行。此處譯作「棄掉」的字 ברך bārak,與 Job 1:5 所用的相同,那處通常譯作「祝福」;見 Job 1:5 的註釋。古德博士力主此處應譯作「祝福」,並以問句翻譯:「那麼,他果真會當面祝福你嗎?」但在這一點上,他大概孤立無援。明顯的意義是:約伯必會公開否認神,在他的寶座上咒詛他;他的一切敬虔不過是由他豐厚的興旺所造成,不過是感恩與自私而已;他的財產若被奪去,他必公開地、明認地與那如今作他恩主者為敵。

Original em inglês

But put forth thine hand now - That is, for the purpose of injuring him, and taking away his property.

And touch all that he hath - Dr. Good renders this, "and smite." The Vulgate and the Septuagint, "touch." The Hebrew word used here נגע nâga‛ means properly to "touch;" then to touch anyone with violence Genesis 26:11; Joshua 9:19, and then to smite, to injure, to strike; see Genesis 32:26, 33; 1 Samuel 6:9; Job 19:21; compare the notes at Isaiah 53:4. Here it means evidently to smite or strike; and the idea is, that if God should take away the property of Job, he would take away his religion with it - and the trial was to see whether this effect would follow.

And he will curse thee to thy face - He will do it openly and publicly. The word rendered "curse" here ברך bārak is the same as that used in Job 1:5, and which is usually rendered "bless;" see the notes at Job 1:5. Dr. Good contends that; it should be rendered here "bless," and translates it as a question: "Will he then, indeed, bless thee to thy face?" But in this he probably stands alone. The evident sense is, that Job would openly renounce God, and curse him on his throne; that all his religion was caused merely by his abundant prosperity, and was mere gratitude and selfishness; and that if his property were taken away, he would become the open and avowed enemy of him who was now his benefactor.

12

Job 1:12

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他所有的一切都在你手中——頁邊註依希伯來文作「手中」。即:這一切都現今交給了你,因為顯然直到此時,撒但連約伯的財產都無權傷害。他抱怨神在約伯所有的一切周圍圍上了籬笆。如今這一切都交託在他手裏,好叫他得以充分試驗約伯的信心。這項許可既及於他的財產,也及於他的兒女。

只是不可伸手加害他——約伯本人不致遭受疾病的侵襲,他的性命也不得被奪去。撒但的主要指控是:約伯之所以有德,只因為神以如此多的福分環繞他,尤其因為神賜他如此多的財產。因此,這試煉所要察驗的,僅是他的敬虔是否不過是這些福分的產物。

於是撒但從耶和華面前退去——即從那聚集的會議中退出;見 Job 1:6 的註釋。

Original em inglês

All that he hath is in thy power - Margin, as in Hebrew "hand." That is, all this is now committed to thee, for it is manifest that hitherto Satan had no power to injure even his property. He complained that God had made a hedge around all that Job possessed. Now it was all entrusted to him in order that he might make full trim of the faith of Job. The grant extended to his sons and daughters as well as to his property.

Only upon himself put not forth thine hand - Job himself was not to be visited with sickness nor was his life to be taken. The main accusation of Satan was, that Job was virtuous only because God encompassed him with so many blessings, and especially because he had endowed him with so much property. The trial, therefore, only required that it should be seen whether his piety was the mere result of these blessings.

So Satan went forth from the presence of the Lord - That is from the council which had been convened; see the notes at Job 1:6.

13

Job 1:13

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有一天——即輪到在長兄家中設宴的定期日子來到的那一天;參 Job 1:4 的註釋。

並喝酒——這一細節在 Job 1:4 中省略了。它表明酒被視為宴席中不可少的一部分,而約伯所憂懼的 Job 1:5 所述那不幸的後果,正是因飲酒而起的。

Original em inglês

And there was a day - That is, on the day on which the regular turn came for the banquet to be held in the house of the older brother; compare the notes at Job 1:4.

And drinking wine - This circumstance is omitted in Job 1:4. It shows that wine was regarded as an essential part of the banquet, and it was from its use that Job apprehended the unhappy results referred to in Job 1:5.

14

Job 1:14

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「有報信的來見約伯」——希伯來文 מלאך malʾâkh,這詞通常譯作「天使」,在此恰當地譯作「報信的」。這詞的本義是「奉差遣的人」。

「牛正耕地」——希伯來文作「牲畜」(בקר bāqār),不僅包括「牛」,大概也包括「母牛」;見 Job 1:3 的註釋。

「驢在旁邊吃草」——希伯來文 אתון ʾăthôn,「母驢」。這裏特別標明了「性別」;古德博士主張譯文中也當把這一點譯出。七十士譯本也是如此:αἱ θήλειαι ὄνοι hai thēleiai onoi。耶柔米也是如此:「asinoe」。標明性別的原因,是母驢因產奶的緣故,比公驢貴重得多。因此旅行也多選用母驢;見 Job 1:3 的註釋。

「在牠們旁邊」——希伯來文作「在牠們手旁」,即在牠們旁邊;希伯來文 יד yād 常用於這個意義;比較 Isaiah 33:21 的註釋。

Original em inglês

And there came a messenger unto Job - Hebrew מלאך mal'âk; the word usually rendered "angel," appropriately rendered "messenger" here. The word properly means "one who is sent."

The oxen were plowing - Hebrew "the cattle" (בקר bâqâr) including not merely "oxen," but probably also "cows;" see the notes at Job 1:3.

And the asses - Hebrew אתון 'âthôn "she-asses." The "sex" is here expressly mentioned and Dr. Good maintains that it should be in the translation. So it is in the Septuagint αἱ θήλειαι ὄνοι hai thēleiai onoi. So Jerome, "asinoe." The reason why the sex is specified is, that female asses, on account of their milk, were much more valuable than males. On this account they were preferred also for traveling; see the notes at Job 1:3.

Beside them - Hebrew "By their hands," that is, by their sides, for the Hebrew יד yâd is often used in this sense; compare the notes at Isaiah 33:21.

15

Job 1:15

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示巴人 - 希伯來文為 שׁבא shebâ',武加大譯本作 "Suboei"。七十士譯本則給出一種意譯:καὶ ἐλθόντες οἱ αἰχμαλωτεύοντες ἠχμαλώτευσαν kai elthonia hoi aichmalōteuontes ēchmalōteusan,即「擄掠的人來到,便擄掠了他們」,或說擄走了他們。關於示巴與西巴的位置,見 Isaiah 43:3 註釋;Isaiah 45:14 註釋;Isaiah 9:6 註釋。這裏所指的人,無疑是幸福阿拉伯某地的居民。聖經中提到名為示巴的有三個人。

(1) 古實的孫子;Genesis 10:7。

(2) 約坍的兒子;Genesis 10:28。

(3) 亞伯拉罕由基土拉所生之子約珊的兒子。

"Calmet." 這裏所說的示巴大概位於阿拉伯南部;從敘事看來,此處提到的示巴人顯然是一個劫掠的部族。這些部族慣於為劫掠而遊走全境,從幼發拉底河岸直到埃及的邊鄙,這並非不可能。今日的貝都因阿拉伯人與古時阿拉伯的居民有驚人的相似;許多世紀以來,阿拉伯居民的風俗並未改變,因為東方人的習慣代代相傳,始終如一。敘利亞譯本只簡單譯作「有一大群人猛然撲向他們」,而略去了「示巴」一詞。

忽然闖來 - 帶著強暴,或出其不意地猛撲他們。今日阿拉伯部族為劫掠而攻擊商隊、旅人或村莊,正是用的這種方式。

擄去 - 作為擄物帶走。如今也常有人作這樣突然的侵入,擄走大量戰利品。

用刀殺了僕人 - 希伯來文 נערים na‛arı̂ym,,即「年輕人」。נער na‛ar 一詞本義是「男孩」,可用於剛出生的嬰孩(Exodus 2:6;Judges 13:5, Judges 13:7),也可用於少年人(Genesis 34:19;Genesis 41:12)。後來它便像希臘文的 πἆς pais 一樣,用來指僕人或奴隸(Genesis 24:2;2 Kings 5:20);參 Acts 5:6。同樣,在北美洲南部各州,"boy" 一詞也常用來指奴隸。在此,它顯然指那些受聘耕種約伯的土地、看守他的牛群的僕人。經文並沒有暗示他們是奴隸。耶柔米譯作 "pueros"(男孩們);七十士譯本同樣作 τοῦς παὶδας tous paidas。

惟有我一人獨自逃脫 - 獨自一人,בד bad。沒有別人與我同在。值得注意的是,每個逃脫的僕人所報的信息都相同(Job 1:16-17;Job 1:19)。迦勒底語譯本對此給出了一個非常奇特的譯法——顯然出於要解釋一切、並指明所涉及一切人物之「名字」的意圖:「牛正在耕田,扎馬爾加德女王勒拉特忽然撲向他們,把它們擄走了。」

Original em inglês

And the Sabeans - Hebrew שׁבא shebâ', Vulgate, "Suboei." The Septuagint gives a paraphrase, καὶ ἐλθόντες οἱ αἰχμαλωτεύοντες ἠχμαλώτευσαν kai elthonia hoi aichmalōteuontes ēchmalōteusan, "And the plunderers coming, plundered them," or made them captive. On the situation of Sheba and Seba, see Isaiah 43:3, note; Isaiah 45:14, note; Isaiah 9:6, note. The people here referred to were, undoubtedly, inhabitants of some part of Arabia Felix. There are three persons of the name of Sheba mentioned in the Scriptures.

(1) A grandson of Cush; Genesis 10:7.

(2) A son of Joktan; Genesis 10:28.

(3) A son of Jokshan, the son of Abraham by Keturah.

"Calmet." The Sheba here referred to was probably in the southern part of Arabia, and from the narrative it is evident that the Sabeans here mentioned were a predatory tribe. It is not improbable that these tribes were in the habit of wandering for purposes of plunder over the whole country, from the banks of the Euphrates to the outskirts of Egypt. The Bedawin Arabs of the present day resemble in a remarkable manner the ancient inhabitants of Arabia, and for many centuries the manners of the inhabitants of Arabia have not changed, for the habits of the Orientals continue the same from age to age. The Syriac renders this simply, "a multitude rushed" upon them;" omitting the word "Sabean."

Fell upon them - With violence; or rushed unexpectedly upon them. This is the way in which the Arab tribes now attack the caravan, the traveler, or the village, for plunder.

And took them away - As plunder. It is common now to make such sudden incursions, and to carry off a large booty.

They have slain the servants - Hebrew נערים na‛arı̂ym, "the young men." The word נער na‛ar, properly means a "boy," and is applied to an infant just born, Exodus 2:6; Judges 13:5, Judges 13:7; or to a youth, Genesis 34:19; Genesis 41:12. It came then to denote a servant or slave, like the Greek παῖς pais; Genesis 24:2; 2 Kings 5:20; compare Acts 5:6. So the word "boy" is often used in the Southern States of North America to denote a slave. Here it evidently means the servants that were employed in cultivating the lands of Job, and keeping his cattle. There is no intimation that they were slaves. Jerome renders it "pueros, boys;" so the Septuagint τοῦς παὶδας tous paidas.

And I only am escaped alone - By myself, בד bad. There is no other one with me. It is remarkable that the same account is given by each one of the servants who escaped, Job 1:16-17, Job 1:19. The Chaldee has given a very singular version of this - apparently from the desire of accounting for everything, and of mentioning the "names" of all the persons intended. "The oxen were plowing, and Lelath, queen of Zamargad, suddenly rushed upon them, and carried them away."

16

Job 1:16

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他還說話的時候 —— 這一切都顯出撒但行動的迅速,以及他要藉災禍的突兀與沉重來「壓倒」約伯的意圖。其目的似乎是要叫約伯來不及從一種試煉的打擊中復原,另一種試煉便已臨到。若給他一點間歇,他或許能重新凝聚力量以忍受試煉;但苦難接連迅速臨到時,便更難承受。——然而,義人不僅因苦難之重、也因苦難之速與之疊加而受試煉,並非罕見之事。「災禍從不單行」已成為諺語。

神的火 —— 邊註作「大火」;顯然指閃電或雷火。希伯來原文作「神的火」;但這話大概是以類似「神的香柏樹」(意即高大的香柏樹)或「神的山」(意即極高的山)的方式使用的。所指大概就是閃電;比較 Numbers 16:35; 並見 Isaiah 29:6 的註釋。

從天上 —— 即從天空或空中。聖經中「天」一詞常這樣使用;見 Matthew 16:1 的註釋。

把群羊燒滅 —— 閃電能毀滅牲畜和人,這無人能否認;不過說羊群和僕人實際被燒盡燒毀,也可能是那驚惶失措的報信者言過其實。——這段記述使我們相信,這些事雖在神的許可之下,卻在撒但的控制之下;撒但對閃電與風的權柄(Job 1:19),可以用來印證 Ephesians 2:2 所說他是「空中掌權者的首領」那句話。

Original em inglês

While he was yet speaking - All this indicates the rapidity of the movement of Satan, and his desire to "overwhelm" Job with the suddenness and greatness of his calamities. The. object seems to have been to give him no time to recover from the shock of one form of trial before another came upon him. If an interval had been given him he might have rallied his strength to bear his trials; but afflictions are much more difficult to be borne when they come in rapid succession. - It is not a very uncommon occurrence, however, that the righteous are tried by the rapidity and accumulation as well as the severity of their afflictions. It has passed into a proverb that "afflictions do not come alone."

The fire of God. - Margin, "A great fire;" evidently meaning a flash of lightning, or a thunderbolt. The Hebrew is "fire of God;" but it is probable that the phrase is used in a sense similar to the expression, "cedars of God," meaning lofty cedars; I or "mountains of God," meaning very high mountains. The lightning is I probably intended; compare Numbers 16:35; see the note at Isaiah 29:6.

From heaven - From the sky, or the air. So the word heaven is often used in the Scriptures; see the notes at Matthew 16:1.

And hath burnt up the sheep - That lightning might destroy herds and men no one can doubt; though the fact of their being actually consumed or burned up may have been an exaggeration of the much affrighted messenger. - The narrative leads us to believe that these things were under the control of Satan, though by the permission of God; and his power over the lightnings and the winds Job 1:19 may serve to illustrate the declaration, that he is the "Prince of the power of the air," in Ephesians 2:2.

17

Job 1:17

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「迦勒底人」——七十士譯本把這詞譯作 αἱ ἱπεῖς hai hippeis——「騎兵」。他們為何這樣表達,不得而知。或許迦勒底人被認為以騎兵著稱,其劫掠遠征主要以此為人所知。但七十士譯本對經文所作的一切改動,無法一一說明理由。敘利亞譯本與迦勒底語譯本則正確地譯作「迦勒底人」。迦勒底人(希伯來文 כשׂדים kaśdı̂ym)是巴比倫古時的居民。據 Vitringa(Commentary in Isa. tom. i. p. 412, c. xiii. 19)、Gesenius(Commentary zu Isaiah 23:13)與 Rosenmuller(Bib. Geog. 1, 2, p. 36ff),迦勒底人(或作 Casdim)原是一個好戰的民族,起初居住於亞述以北的卡爾杜齊山區,以及美索不達米亞北部。據 Xenophon(Cyrop. iii. 2, 7),迦勒底人住在亞美尼亞鄰近的山地;在小居魯士的戰役和希臘萬人軍的撤退中,他們也見於同一地區(Xen. Anaba. iv. 3, 4; v. 5, 9; viii. 8, 14)。

他們與希伯來人有親族關係,見 Genesis 22:22;那裏提到 כשׂד keśed(「Kasdim」一名的由來)——這民的祖先——是拿鶴的兒子,因而是亞伯拉罕的姪兒。再者,亞伯拉罕本人正是從迦勒底的吾珥(כשׂדים אוּר 'ûr kaśdı̂ym,「卡斯丁人的吾珥」)遷往迦南的(Genesis 11:28);而在 Judith 5:6,希伯來人自己也說是出於迦勒底人。以西結稱美索不達米亞北部哈博河一帶的地區為「迦勒底人之地」(Ezekiel 1:3);耶利米稱他們為「古時的國民」(Jeremiah 5:15);見 Isaiah 23:13 的註釋。迦勒底人是兇猛好戰的民族;他們被亞述人制服之後,其中一部分似乎被安置在巴比倫,以抵禦鄰近阿拉伯人的侵擾。後來「他們」壓過了亞述宗主,長成迦勒底(即巴比倫)大帝國。然而另有一部分似乎留居故土,在波斯人治下享有若干自由。Gesenius 認為,至少自中世紀以來居住在那些地區的庫爾德人,大概就是那民的後裔。先知哈巴谷對迦勒底人有一段極生動的描寫,足以說明我們眼前的經文,並表明直到他的時代,他們仍保持着約伯時代那種劫掠兇殘的性格(Job 1:6-11):

「因為我必興起迦勒底人,

就是那殘忍暴躁之民,

通行遍地,

佔據那不屬自己的住處。

他威武可畏,

判斷和勢力都任意發出。

他的馬比豹更快,

比晚上的豺狼更猛。

馬兵踴躍爭先,

都從遠方而來,

飛跑如鷹抓食。

都為行強暴而來,

定住臉面向前,

將擄掠的人聚集,多如塵沙。

他們譏誚君王,

笑話首領,

嗤笑一切保障,

築壘攻取。」

這好戰的民族最終在亞述帝國中取得了優勢。約於主前五九七年,巴比倫的副王尼波帕拉薩爾脫離亞述而獨立,與瑪代王居阿克薩雷斯結盟,在其援助下攻取了尼尼微和整個亞述。從那時起,巴比倫帝國崛起,迦勒底人的歷史也就成了巴比倫的歷史。——Rob. Calmet. 然而在約伯的時代,他們是一個為劫掠而遠行的遊掠之族。他們來自北方或東方,正如示巴人來自南方一樣。

「分作三隊」——直譯是「三個頭」。就是說,他們為劫掠的緣故把自己分成三隊。也許約伯的三千駱駝(Job 1:3)分佔三處彼此相遠之地,而說話者的用意,是要表明全部都被擄去了。

「忽然闖來,把駱駝擄去」——邊註作「衝來」。此處所用的字,不同於 Job 1:15 譯作「闖來」的那個字。這裏用的字 פשׁט pâshaṭ,意為展開、擴張。它用於敵軍(1 Chronicles 14:9, 1 Chronicles 14:13);用於鋪滿一地的蝗蟲(Nahum 3:15);並用於一支軍隊或一夥劫掠者(Judges 9:33, Judges 9:44; 1 Samuel 27:8)。此處正是這個意思。

Original em inglês

The Chaldeans - The Septuagint translates this, αἱ ἱππεῖς hai hippeis), "the horsemen." Why they thus expressed it is unknown. It may be possible that the Chaldeans were supposed to be distinguished as horsemen, and were principally known as such in their predatory excursions. But it is impossible to account for all the changes made by the Septuagint in the text. Tho Syriac and the Chaldee render it correctly, "Chaldeans." The Chaldeans (Hebrew כשׂדים kaśdı̂ym) were the ancient inhabitants of Babylonia. According to Vitringa (Commentary in Isa. tom. i. p. 412, c. xiii. 19), Gesenius (Commentary zu Isaiah 23:13), and Rosenmailer (Bib. Geog. 1, 2, p. 36ff), the Chaldees or Casdim were a warlike people who orignally inhabited the Carduchian mountains, north of Assyria, and the northern part of Mesopotamia. According to Xenophon (Cyrop. iii. 2, 7) the Chaldees dwelt in the mountains adjacent to Armenia and they were found in the same region in the campaign of the younger Cyrus, and the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks. Xen. Anaba. iv. 3, 4; v. 5, 9; viii. 8, 14.

They were allied to the Hebrews, as appears from Genesis 22:22, where כשׂד keśed (whence "Kasdim") the ancestor of the people is mentioned as a son of Nabor, and was consequently the nephew of Abraham. And further, Abraham himself emigrated to Canaan from Ur of the Chaldees כשׂדים אוּר 'ûr kaśdı̂ym, "Ur of the Kasdim"), Genesis 11:28; and in Judith 5:6, the Hebrews themselves are said to be descended from the Chaldeans. The region around the river Chaboras, in the northern part of Mesopotamia, is called by Ezekiel EZechariah 1:3 "the land of the Chaldeans;" Jeremiah Jer 5:15 calls them "an ancient nation;" see the notes at Isaiah 23:13. The Chaldeans were a fierce and warlike people, and when they were subdued by the Assyrians, a portion of them appear to have been placed in Babylon to ward off the incursions of the neighboring Arabians. In time "they" gained the ascendency over their Assyrian masters, and grew into the mighty empire of Chaldea or Babylonia. A part of them, however, appear to have remained in their ancient country, and enjoyed under the Persians some degree of liberty. Gesenius supposes that the Kurds who have inhabited those regions, at least since the middle ages, are probably the descendants of that people. - A very vivid and graphic description of the Chaldeans is given by the prophet Habakkuk, which will serve to illustrate the passage before us, and show that they retained until his times the predatory and fierce character which they had in the days of Job; Job 1:6-11 :

For lo I raise up the Chaldeans,

A bitter and hasty nation,

Which marches far and wide in the earth.

To possess the dwellings which are not theirs.

They are terrible and dreadful,

Their judgments proceed only from themselves.

Swifter titan leopards are their horses,

And fiercer than the evening wolves.

Their horsemen prance proudly around;

And their horsemen shall come from afar and fly,

Like the eagle when he pounces on his prey.

They all shall come for violence,

In troops their glance is ever forward!

They gather captives like the sand!

And they scoff at kings,

And princes are a scorn unto them.

They deride every strong hold;

They cast up mounds of - earth and take it.

This warlike people ultimately obtained the ascendency in the Assyrian empire. About the year 597 B.C. Nabopolassar, a viceroy in Babylon, made himself independent of Assyria, contracted an alliance with Cyaxares, king of Media, and with his aid subdued Nineveh, and the whole of Assyria. From that time the Babylonian empire rose, and the history of the Chaldeans becomes the history of Babylon. - "Rob. Calmet." In the time of Job, however, they were a predatory race that seem to have wandered far for the sake of plunder. They came from the North, or the East, as the Sabeans came from the South.

Made out three bands - literally, "three heads." That is, they divided tbemselves, for the sake of plunder, into three parties. Perhaps the three thousand camels of Job JObadiah 1:3 occupied three places remote from each other, and the object of the speaker is to say that the whole were taken.

And fell upon the camels - Margin, "And rushed." The word is different from that which in Job 1:15 is rendered "fell." The word used here פשׁט pâshaṭ means to spread out, to expand. It is spoken of hostile troops, 1 Chronicles 14:9, 1 Chronicles 14:13; of locusts which spread over a country, Nahum 3:15; and of an army or company of marauders. Judges 9:33, Judges 9:44; 1 Samuel 27:8. This is its sense here.

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Job 1:18

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「吃飯喝酒」——見 Job 1:4、Job 1:13 的註釋。

Original em inglês

Eating and drinking wine - ; the notes at Job 1:4, Job 1:13.

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Job 1:19

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不料,有狂風從曠野颳來——這樣的旋風在東方各國並不比美國少見。事實上,它們在近赤道的地區多於遠離赤道的地區,在炎熱的國家多於緯度較高的國家。

「從曠野」——邊註作「從旁側」,即從曠野的旁側。邊註中譯作「從旁側」的詞(עבר ‛âbar)本義是「從對面、從那邊」,古德博士(Dr. Good)也是這樣譯。עבר ‛âbar 一詞字面上指河流或海的彼岸、那一邊的地區或國度——是人必須「渡過」才能到達的(Judges 11:18;Genesis 2:10-11;Deuteronomy 1:1、Deuteronomy 1:5);引申指對面、那一邊;見 Isaiah 18:1 的註釋。在這裡,這是說旋風橫掃曠野而來。在亞拉伯廣闊的平原上,它有機會積聚其摧毀之力,把面前的一切席捲淨盡。這裡譯作「曠野」的希伯來詞 מדבר mı̂dbâr,並不精確對應我們所說的「荒野」。我們通常用「荒野」指完全未經開墾、為森林所覆蓋、野獸棲息之地。希伯來詞更確切地指「沙漠」——無人居住之地、貧瘠多沙之鄉,不過有時也適於放牧。在許多經文裡,這詞譯作「空曠的田野」或「空曠的平原」反而貼切;可比較 Joel 2:22;Psalm 65:13;Jeremiah 23:10;Isaiah 42:11;Genesis 14:6;Genesis 16:7;Exodus 3:1;Exodus 13:18;Deuteronomy 11:24;另比較 Isaiah 32:15;Isaiah 35:1-2。

「擊打房屋的四角」——它來時如旋風通常的樣式,或如旋風一般;它彷彿從四面八方同時襲來,把面前的一切摧毀殆盡。

「房屋倒塌在少年人身上」——這裡譯作「少年人」的詞,與 Job 1:15、Job 1:17 中譯作「僕人」的 הנערים hana‛arı̂ym 是同一個詞。然而,報信人在此用這詞所指的無疑是約伯的兒女,這沒有合理的懷疑餘地。值得注意的是,他的女兒並未特別提及;但她們可能已包含在這裡所用的 נערים na‛arı̂ym 一詞之中——這詞的意義可能與我們所說的「年輕人」相同,兼指兩性。艾希霍恩(Eichhorn)也正是這樣譯的,作「倒在那些年輕人身上」。

Original em inglês

There came a great wind - Such tornadoes are not less common in Oriental countries than in the United States. Indeed they abound more in regions near the equator than they do in those which are more remote; in hot countries than in those of higher latitude.

From the wilderness - Margin, "From aside." That is, from aside the wilderness. The word here rendered "from aside" in the margin (מדבר mı̂dbâr ) means properly "from across," and is so rendered by Dr. Good. The word עבר ‛âbar means literally a region or country beyond, or on the other side, sc. of a river or a sea, which one must "pass;" Judges 11:18; Genesis 2:10-11; Deuteronomy 1:1, Deuteronomy 1:5. Then it means on the other side, or beyond; see the notes at Isaiah 18:1. Here it means that the tornado came sweeping across the desert. On the ample plains of Arabia it would have the opportunity of accumulating its desolating power, and would sweep everything before it. The Hebrew word here rendered "wilderness," מדבר mı̂dbâr, does not express exactly what is denoted by our word. We mean by it usually, a region wholly uncultivated, covered with forests, and the habitation of wild beasts. The Hebrew word more properly denotes a "desert;" an uninhabited region, a sterile, sandy country, though sometimes adapted to pasture. In many places the word would be well translated by the phrases "open fields," or "open plains;" compare Joel 2:22; Psalm 65:13; Jeremiah 23:10; Isaiah 42:11; Genesis 14:6; Genesis 16:7; Exodus 3:1; Exodus 13:18; Deuteronomy 11:24; compare Isaiah 32:15; Isaiah 35:1-2.

And smote the four corners of the house - Came as a tornado usually does, or like a whirlwind. It seemed to come from all points of the compass, and prostrated everything before it.

And it fell upon the young men - The word here rendered" young men" is the same which is rendered in Job 1:15, Job 1:17, servants הנערים hana‛arı̂ym. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that the messenger by the word here refers to the children of Job. It is remarkable that his daughters are not particularly specified, but they may be included in the word used here נערים na‛arı̂ym, which may be the same in signification as our phrase "young people," including both sexes. So it is rendered by Etchhorn: Es sturtzo tiber den jungen Leuten zusammen.

20

Job 1:20

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於是約伯起來——聖經中「起來」一語常用以指開始做某事,並不一定暗示那人先前坐著;見2 Samuel 13:13。

撕裂外袍——這裡譯作「外袍」的字 מעיל meʿı̂yl,指外面的或外層的衣裳。東方人的衣著主要包括貼身的內衣或長衣——與我們的「襯衫」沒有太大分別,只是袖子較寬——其下穿著寬大的褲子(尼布爾,Reisebescreib. i. 157)。在這些衣服之外,他們常披一件寬鬆飄垂的外袍。這袍無袖,下垂及踝;行走或活動時,用腰帶束在中間;勞作時通常把它脫下。這裡所說的外袍,有時為婦女所穿(2 Samuel 13:18);有時為出身與地位尊貴的人及君王所穿(1 Samuel 15:27;1 Samuel 18:4;1 Samuel 24:5、1 Samuel 24:11);祭司也穿(1 Samuel 28:14),尤其是大祭司在以弗得之下穿著(Exodus 28:31)。見布勞恩《de vest. Sacerd.》ii. 5;施羅德《de vest. mulier. Hebraea》頁267;哈特曼《Hebraerin》iii. 頁512;以及烏戈林編《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》Tom. i. 509、iii. 74、iv. 504、viii. 90、1000、xii. 788、xiii. 306;並比較Matthew 5:40的註釋及上文所引的尼布爾。撕裂衣裳以表哀慟的習俗,不僅行於猶太人,也行於希臘人與羅馬人(李維 i. 13;蘇埃托尼烏斯《尤利烏斯·凱撒傳》33)。這習俗也行於波斯人(庫爾提烏斯 B. x. c. 5, sect. 17)。見克里斯蒂安·博爾迪希,載《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》Tom. xii. 頁145;又Tom. xiii. 551、552、560,xxx. 1105、1112。這習俗行於異教徒的另一證據,論埃及人見狄奧多羅斯·西庫盧斯 Lib. i. p. 3, c. 3;論波斯人見 Lib. xvii.;Quin. Curt. iii. 11;希羅多德 Lib. iii.(Thalia)、Lib. viii.(Urania),那裡論到波斯人。普魯塔克在其《安東尼傳》中論到克婁巴特拉的深悲時說:περιέρρηξατο τοὺς πέπλους επ' αὐτῷ perierrēxato tous peplous ep' autō。希羅狄安 Lib. i. 亦然:καὶ ῥηξαμένη εσθῆτα kai rēxamenē esthēta。斯塔提烏斯在《格勞科斯》中說:

Tu modo fusus humi, lucem aversaris iniquam, Nunc torvus pariter vestes, et pectora rumpis.

維吉爾也說:

Tunc pius Aeneas humeris abscindere vestem, Auxilioque vocare Deos, et tendere palmas. (《埃涅阿斯紀》v. 685)

Demittunt mentes; it scissa veste Latinus, Conjugis attonitus fatis, urbisque ruina, (《埃涅阿斯紀》12:609)

猶維納利斯《諷刺詩》x. 亦云:

ut primos edere planctus Cassandra inciperet, scissaque Polyxena palla.

古典作家與猶太文獻中為數眾多的其他引文,可見於烏戈林的《Sacerdotium Hebraicum》cap. vi.(《Thesau. Antiq. Sacrar.》Tom. xiii. 頁550以下)。

剃了頭——這也是表達極度悲慟的常見方式。有時是正式地剪去頭髮,有時是猛烈地連根拔出,有時連鬍鬚也拔掉或剃去。其觀念似乎是:居喪者當除去平日視為最裝飾的東西;比較Jeremiah 7:29;Isaiah 7:20。琉善說,埃及人在他們的神阿皮斯死時剪髮表哀,敘利亞人也在阿多尼斯死時照樣行。奧林皮奧多魯斯對本節評注說:以長髮為妝飾的民,在居喪時把它剪去;而平常留短髮的民,在那樣的場合反任它長長。見羅森米勒《Morgenland》「in loc.」。關於希伯來人居喪習俗——特別是拔髮之俗——的詳盡描述,可見馬丁·蓋爾《de Hebraeorum Luctu》,尤其第八章(《Thesau. Antiq. Sacra.》xxxiii. 頁147以下)。這裡的意思是:約伯滿懷極度的悲傷,並以他時代通行的方式表達這悲傷。人的本性要求憂傷有「某種」外在的表達,而信仰並不禁止它。凡對憂傷給予合宜表達的人,乃是向神所賦予他的本性致以應有的敬意;凡在災禍之時企圖從自己的面貌、言談、衣著與居所中除去一切表明其心靈憂傷之事的人,乃是與那本性為敵。耶穌在拉撒路的墳前哭了;信仰並非要把人心變成麻木不仁、不能哀慟。敬虔如各樣德行一樣,總是加增心靈對痛苦的感受力。哲學與罪破壞感受力,信仰卻加深它。哲學是憑原則而行——因它的大目標正是使心對一切感受死去;罪則自然而然產生同樣的效果。酒醉的人、放縱的人、貪婪的人,不能為人生溫柔的情景所感動。罪咎使他們的情感癱瘓麻木。但信仰讓人感受,然後在扶持心靈、把安慰傾入破碎悲哀之心的過程中顯出它的大能。它來是要擦去居喪者的眼淚,不是要禁止那眼淚流下;是要把安慰的香膏澆入心裡,不是要教導人心冷漠無情。

伏在地上——約書亞在大災之時也是如此俯伏在地敬拜(Joshua 7:6)。東方人那時一如現在,慣於伏地以示崇敬。約伯這樣行,似乎一方面是悲傷的表達,一方面是敬拜的舉動——在大試煉之中莊嚴地俯伏在神面前。

下拜——敬拜神。他把自己降服於祂的旨意。敬虔的人在試煉中別無可去之處,也不願去別處,只願到那擊打他的神那裡去。

Original em inglês

Then Job arose - The phrase to arise, in the Scriptures is often used in the sense of beginning to do anything. It does not necessarily imply that the person had been previously sitting; see 2 Samuel 13:13.

And rent his mantle - The word here rendered "mantle" מעיל me‛ı̂yl means an upper or outer garment. The dress of Orientals consists principally of an under garment or tunic - not materially differing from the "shirt" with us - except that the sleeves are wider, and under this large and loose pantaloons. Niebuhr, Reisebescreib. 1. 157. Over these garments they often throw a full and flowing mantle or robe. This is made without sleeves; it reaches down to the ankles; and when they walk or exercise it is bound around the middle with a girdle or sash. When they labor it is usually laid aside. The robe here referred ire was worn sometimes by women, 2 Samuel 13:18; by men of birth and rank, and by kings, 1 Samuel 15:27; 1 Samuel 18:4; 1 Samuel 24:5, 1 Samuel 24:11; by priests, 1 Samuel 28:14, and especially by the high priest under the ephod, Exodus 28:31. See Braun de vest Sacerd. ii. 5. Schroeder de vest. muller.

Hebrew p. 267; Hartmann Ilcbraerin, iii. p. 512, and Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. by Ugolin, Tom. i. 509, iii. 74, iv. 504, viii. 90, 1000, xii. 788, xiii. 306; compare the notes at Matthew 5:40, and Niebuhr, as quoted above. The custom of rending the garment as an expression of grief prevailed not only among the Jews but also among the Greeks and Romans 54y i. 13. Suetonius, in "Jul. Caes." 33. It prevailed also among the Persians. Curtius, B. x. c. 5, section 17. See Christian Boldich, in Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. Tom. xii. p. 145; also Tom. xiii. 551, 552, 560, xxx. 1105, 1112. In proof also that the custom prevailed among the Pagan, see Diod. Sic. Lib. i. p. 3, c. 3, respecting the Egyptians; Lib. xvii. respecting the Persians; Quin. Curt. iii. 11; Herod. Lib. iii. in Thalia, Lib. viii. in Urania, where he speaks of the Persians. So Plutarch in his life of Antony, speaking of the deep grief of Cleopatra, says, περίεῤῥηξατο τοῦς πέπλους επ ̓ αὐτῷ perierrēcato tous piplous ep' autō. Thus, Herodian, Lib. i.: καῖ ῥηξαμένη εσθῆτα kai rēcamenē esthēta. So Statius in Glaucum:

Tu mode fusus humi, lucem aversaris iniquam,

Nunc torvus pariter vestes, et pectora rumpis.

So Virgil:

Tune pins Aeneas humeris abscindere vestem,

Auxilioque vocare Deos, et tendere palmas.

Aeneid v. 685.

Demittunt mentes; it scissa veste Latinus,

Conjugis attonitus fatis, urbisque ruina,

Aeneid 12:609.

So Juvenal, Sat. x.:

ut primos edere planctus

Cassandra inciperet, scissaque Polyxena palla.

Numerous other quotations from the Classical writers, as well as from the Jewish writings, may be seen in Ugolin's Sacerdotium Hebraicum, cap. vi. Thesau. Antiq. Sacrar. Tom. xiii. p. 550ff.

And shaved his head - This was also a common mode of expressing great sorrow. Sometimes it was done by formally cutting off the hair of the head; sometimes by plucking it violently out by the roots, and sometimes also the beard was plucked out, or cut off. The idea seems to have been that mourners should divest themselves of that which was usually deemed most ornamental; compare Jeremiah 7:29; Isaiah 7:20. Lucian says that the Egyptians expressed their grief by cutting off their hair on the death of their god Apis, and the Syrians in the same manner at the death of Adonis. Olympiodorus remarks on this passage, that the people among whom long hair was regarded as an ornament, cut it off in times of mourning; but those who commonly wore short hair, suffered it on such occasions to grow long. See Rosenmuller, Morgenland, "in loc." A full description of the customs of the Hebrews in times of mourning, and particularly of the custom of plucking out the hair, may be seen in Martin Geier, de Hebraeorum Luctu, especially in chapter viii.

Thesau. Antiq. Sacra. xxxiil. p. 147ff. The meaning here is that Job was filled with excessive grief, and that he expressed that grief in the manner that was common in his day. Nature demands that there should be "some" external expression of sorrow; and religion does not forbid it. He pays a tribute to the nature with which God has endowed him who gives an appropriate expression to sorrow; he wars against that nature who attempts to remove from his countenance, conversation, dress, and dwelling, everything that is indicative of the sorrows of his soul in a time of calamity. Jesus wept at the grave of Lazarus; and religion is not designed to make the heart insensible or incapable of grief. Piety, like every kind of virtue, always increases the susceptibility of the soul to suffering. Philosophy and sin destroy sensibility; but religion deepens it. Philosophy does it on principle - for its great object is to render the heart dead to all sensibility; sin produces the same effect naturally. The drunkard, the licentious man, and the man of avarice, are incapable of being affected by the tender scenes of life. Guilt has paralyzed their feelings and rendered tthem dead. But religion allows people to feel, and then shows its power in sustaining the soul, and in imparting its consolations to the heart that is broken and sad. It comes to dry up the tears of the mourner, not to forbid those tears to flow; to pour the balm of consolation into the heart, not to teach the heart to be unfeeling.

And fell down upon the ground - So Joshua in a time of great calamity prostrated himself upon the earth and worshipped, Joshua 7:6. - The Orientals were then in the habit, as they are now, of prostrating themselves on the ground as an act of homage. Job seems to have done this partly as an expression of grief, and partly as an act of devotion - solemnly bowing before God in the time of his great trial.

And worshipped - Worshipped God. He resigned himself to his will. A pious man has nowhere else to go in trial; and he will desire to go nowhere else than to the God who has afflicted him.

21

Job 1:21

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繁體中文

「我赤身出於母胎」——即一無所有、毫無財產,因為上下文要求如此理解;比較 1 Timothy 6:7:「因為我們沒有帶甚麼到世上來,也不能帶甚麼去。」類似的說法也見於普林尼(Pliny):"Hominem natura tantum nudum."(《Nat. Hist.》proem. 卷七)。約伯感到自己已被剝奪淨盡,並且他離開世界時,必如進入世界時一樣赤身。

「我母親的胎」——指大地,即萬人的母親。他既說到要歸回那裏,可知他所指的乃是大地。迦勒底文譯本在此加上 קבוּרתא לבית lebēyt qebûratāʾ——「到墳墓之家」。大地常被稱為人類的母親;見 Cicero《De Nat. Deor.》ii. 26;比較 Psalm 139:15。古德博士(Dr. Good)指出:「萬物源出於大地這一觀念,在世上極早的時期,便引入了對大地的迷信崇拜,以 Dameter 即『母神』之名尊崇之;這是一個迦勒底詞語,大概在約伯自己在世之時,已通行於以東(Idumea)。希臘人正是由此得出他們的 Δημήτηρ Dēmētēr(得墨忒耳),或如他們有時所寫的 Γημήτηρ Gēmētēr(蓋墨忒耳),即『大地之母』,並且每年為她設立兩個宗教節期,其排場與隆重均屬非凡。」因此盧克萊修(Lucretius)說:

Linquitur, ut merito maternum nomen adepta Terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuncta creata. (v. 793.)

——「因此大地配得母親這親愛之名, 因為眼目所享受的一切,都是從她而出的。」

關於古人對「天」與「地」之「聖婚」(ἱερός γάμος gamos hieros)——萬物被認為皆由這一結合而生——的見解之完整說明,見 Creuzer《Symbolik und Mythologie der alt. Völk.》Erst. Theil, p. 26 以下。

「也必赤身歸回」——被剝奪淨盡,我要歸到人類共同的母親那裏去。這是極其優美的言辭;出於約伯之口,表達了最順服的敬虔。這不是抱怨的言語,而是與一種深刻的信念相連——他知道失去財產當追溯至神,並且神有權隨己意行事。

「賞賜的是耶和華」——希伯來文 יהוה yehovâh。他來到世上時一無所有,他所得的一切都是藉神美好的護理而得的。既是「他」所賜,他就有權收回。這是約伯的心境,也是在任何地方真順服的言語。凡對自己的所有持正確看法的人,必感到這一切都當追溯至神,並且他何時喜悅,就有權將其收回。

「收取的也是耶和華」——這不是出於偶然,不是僥倖的結果,也不能歸咎於風暴、狂風與人的惡情。這是智慧設計的結果;無論誰是此事的施行者或工具,都當歸於神統管萬有的護理。約伯為何不向示巴人發烈怒?為何不責怪迦勒底人?為何不咒詛暴風與狂風?為何不因兒女們自陷於危險而責備他們?為何不猜疑撒但的惡毒?為何不暗示這災禍可歸於厄運、晦氣,或人事的不良治理?這些念頭沒有一個臨到約伯。他隨即把自己財產的喪失與兒女的失去歸於神,並因深信一位智慧而聖潔的君王掌管他的事、且他所收回的不過是他所賜的,而得著安慰。

「耶和華的名是應當稱頌的」——即願耶和華受稱頌——在希伯來文中,人的「名」常用以指其本人。敘利亞譯本、亞拉伯譯本,以及七十士譯本的若干抄本在此加上「永遠」。施米德(Schmid)說:「在此可以注意到撒但的目的——要誘使約伯棄絕神——與這試煉的結果——引導約伯稱頌神——之間的對照。」到目前為止,撒但已告失敗;約伯承受了這災禍的衝擊,並表明他事奉神,並非因為從他手中得了甚麼好處。

Original em inglês

And said, Naked came I out - That is, destitute of property, for so the connection demands; compare 1 Timothy 6:7; "For we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry nothing out." A similar expression also occurs in Pliny, "Hominem natura tanturn nudism." Nat. Hist. proem. L. vii. Job felt that he was stripped of all, and that he must leave the world as destitute as he entered it.

My mother's womb - The earth - the universal mother. That he refers to the earth is apparent, because he speaks of returning there again. The Chaldee adds קבוּרתא לבית lebēyt qebûratā' - "to the house of burial." The earth is often called the mother of mankind; see Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 26; compare Psalm 139:15. Dr. Good remarks, that "the origin of all things from the earth introduced, at a very early period of the world, the superstitious worship of the earth, under the title of Dameter, or the "Mother-goddess," a Chaldee term, probably common to Idumea at the time of the existence of Job himself. It is hence the Greeks derive their Δημήτνρ Dēmētēr (Demeter), or as they occasionally wrote it Γημήτηρ Gēmētēr (Ge-meter), or Mother Earth, to whom they appropriated annually two religious festivals of extraordinary pomp and solemnity. Thus, Lucretius says,

Linquitur, ut merito materhum nomen adepta

Terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuneta creata.

v. 793.

  • "Whence justly earth

Claims the dear name of mother, since alone

Flowed from herself whate'er the sight enjoys."

For a full account of the views of the ancients in regard to the "marriage" (ἱερός γάμος gamos hieros)of the "heaven" and the "earth," from which union all things were supposed to proceed, see Creuzer's Symbolik und Mythologie der alt. Volk. Erst. Theil, p. 26, fg.

And naked - Stripped of all, I shall go to the common mother of the race. This is exceedingly beautiful language; and in the mouth of Job it was expressive of the most submissive piety. It is not the language of complaint; but was in him connected with the deep feeling that the loss of his property was to be traced to God, and that he had a right to do as he had done.

The Lord gave - Hebrew יהוה yehovâh. He had nothing when he came into the world, and all that he had obtained had been by the good providence of God. As "he" gave it, he had a right to remove it. Such was the feeling of Job, and such is the true language of submission everywhere. He who has a proper view of what he possesses will feel that it is all to be traced to God, and that he has a right to remove it when he pleases.

And the Lord hath taken away - It is not by accident; it is not the result of haphazard; it is not to be traced to storms and winds and the bad passions of people. It is the result of intelligent design, and whoever has been the agent or instrument in it, it is to be referred to the overruling providence of God. Why did not Job vent his wrath on the Sabeans? Why did he not blame the Chaldeans? Why did he not curse the tempest and the storm? Why did he not blame his sons for exposing themselves? Why not suspect the malice of Satan? Why not suggest that the calamity was to be traced to bad fortune, to ill-luck, or or to an evil administration of human affairs? None of these things occurred to Job. He traced the removal of his property and his loss of children at once to God, and found consolation in the belief that an intelligent and holy Sovereign presided over his affairs, and that he had removed only what he gave.

Blessed be the name of the Lord - That is, blessed be yahweh - the "name" of anyone in Hebrew being often used to denote the person himself. The Syriac, Arabic, and some manuscripts of the Septuagint here adds "forever." - "Here," says Schmid, "the contrast is observable between the object of Satan, which was to induce Job to renounce God, and the result of the temptation which was to lead Job to bless God." Thus, far Satan had been foiled, and Job had sustained the shock of the calamity, and showed that he did not serve God on account of the benefits which be had received from him.

22

Job 1:22

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繁體中文

「在這一切的事上」——指他在這次事件中的全部感受與表達。

「約伯並不犯罪」——他表達了正當的感受,顯出了他本當有的順服。

「也不以神為愚妄」——邊註作「以愚妄歸於神」。武加大譯本作「他也沒有說任何頂撞神的愚妄話」。七十士譯本譯作「他沒有把愚妄(ἀφροσύνην aphrosunēn)(「湯普森」(Thompson)譯作:輕率)歸給(或作:加給,ἔδωκεν edōken)神」。古德博士(Dr. Good)譯作「也不向神吐露一句怨言」,並指出直譯應為「不向神吐出泡沫」。廷代爾(Tindal)譯作「不愚妄地向神發怨言」。希伯來文 תפלה tīphlâh 一詞,出自現已廢用的詞根 תפל tâphêl,「吐出」;由此指無味、寡淡、未經調味。因此這名詞本義為所吐之物,繼而指無味或寡淡之物,再而指愚妄。東方作家把機智與智慧描寫為辛辣而有味;比較希臘人「阿提卡之鹽」(Attic salt)一語,意即機智或智慧。聖經中「愚妄」一詞常指罪惡,因為罪惡乃是至極的愚妄。這裏正是此義,意思說約伯沒有說任何「不當」的話。撒但失敗了,它在神面前作了虛假的控告。約伯「並沒有」愚妄地抱怨神,也「並沒有」當面咒詛他。

從約伯受苦的這段富於教訓的敘述中,我們可以學到:

(一)真敬虔能在失去財產與朋友時毫無怨言地承受。信仰並非建立在這些事物上,它們的失去不能動搖它。它扎根於靈魂更深之處,單憑外在的變遷不能摧毀它。

(二)我們受苦時,不可把怒氣發洩在風與浪上、發洩在同胞的欺詐與背信上、發洩在商業界的困頓與變動上、發洩在瘟疫與風暴上。這一切或其中任何一樣,都可能是奪去我們財產或朋友的工具,但我們應當把災禍最終追溯到神。風暴、狂風與巨浪,惡靈與我們的同胞,所能行的決不過神所准許的。它們都受約束,被限制在適當的界限之內。它們不是由偶然支配,而是處於一位有智之存在的掌管之下,是聖潔之神智慧的安排。

(三)神有權收回我們的安慰。他賜下這些,不是要作我們永久的產業,而是要在他喜悅時收回。我們蒙准在他的地上行走這麼久——即使此後不得再行走——這是恩慈的明證;我們蒙准呼吸他的空氣這麼久——即使此後不得再吸——他的日月星辰我們得觀看這麼久——即使此後不得再借其光行走——他賜給我們的朋友之交我們得享受這麼久——即使此後不再享受——這都是恩慈的明證。暫時所賜的,賜予者可隨意收回;我們的一切安慰,都不過是憑神的美好意旨而持有。

(四)我們看見真順服的本質。它不在於我們總能看見受苦的「理由」;它在於向一位聖潔而智慧之神的旨意屈從,在於感到他有「權利」收回他所賜的。一切都是他的,他何時喜悅,何時便可取去。它可以、也應當毫無怨言地獻上——而「因為」神如此定意而這樣行,才是真順服。

(五)我們看見試煉中「安慰」的真源頭。它不在於相信萬事由偶然與僥倖調度,甚至也不在於相信萬事受物理定律支配。對於風暴如何掃去財產、瘟疫如何奪去朋友,我們可以有最清晰的哲學見解;我們可以明白這一切所循的法則,但這不能給人安慰。惟有當我們看出有一位「有智的存在」掌管這些事件,並看見它們是他計劃與旨意的結果時,我們才能在試煉中尋得安慰。當我的財產被焚毀時,我明白火燃燒的定律,於我有何滿足?當我的孩子死去時,我知道疾病「如何」作用於人體,於我有何滿足?當朋友接連被安置墓中時,我知道瘟疫「如何」侵襲身體,於我有何滿足?這是「哲學」;這就是這世界所能供給的安慰。我所要的,是比出於無意識法則之知識更高的安慰。我要得着確據,知道這是有智設計的結果,並且這設計與良善的目的相連——這惟有在信仰中才能尋見。

(六)我們看見信仰在試煉之時扶持人的「能力」。這位聖者何等平靜而順服!何等安寧而甘於順命!除敬虔之外,別無他物能成就此事。哲學使感覺遲鈍、使感性麻木、使靈魂冰冷,卻不能賜下安慰。惟有對神的信靠、感到他是公義的、並對他旨意深切的聖潔順服,才能在這樣的試煉中產生支持的力量。我們也能像約伯一樣得着這力量;在這樣一個充滿災禍與憂傷的世界上,這是不可或缺的。

Original em inglês

In all this - In all his feelings and expressions on this occasion.

Job sinned not - He expressed just the feelings and manifested just the submission which he ought to do.

Nor charged God foolishly - Margin, "Attributed folly to God." Vulgate, "Neither did he speak any foolish thing against God." The Septuagint renders it, "and he did not impute (or give, ἐδωκεν edōken) folly (ἀφροσύνην aphrosunēn) (indiscretion, 'Thompson') to God." Good renders this, "nor vented a murmur against God;" and remarks that the literal rendering would be, "nor vented froth against God. Tindal renders it, "nor murmured foolishly against God." The Hebrew word תפלה tı̂phlâh is derived from the obsolete root תפל tâphêl, "to spit out;" and hence, to be insipid, tasteless, not seasoned. The noun, therefore, means properly that which is spit out; then that which is insipid or tasteless; and then folly. Wit and wisdom are represented by Oriental writers as pungent and seasoned; compare the expression among the Greeks of "Attic salt," meaning wit or wisdom. The word "folly" in the Scriptures often means wickedness, for this is supreme folly. Here it has this sense, and means that Job did not say anything "wrong." Satan was disappointed and had borne a false accusation before God. He did "not" charge God foolishly, and he did "not" curse him to his face.

From this instructive narrative of the manner in which Job received afflictions, we may learn

(1) That true piety will bear the removal of property and friends without murmuring. Religion is not based on such things, and their removal cannot shake it. It is founded deeper in the soul, and mere external changes cannot destroy it.

(2) When we are afflicted, we should not vent our wrath on winds and waves; on the fraud and perfidy of our fellow-men; on embarrassments and changes in the commercial world; on the pestilence and the storm. Any or all of these may be employed as instruments in taking away our property or our friends, but we should trace the calamity ultimately to God. Storms and winds and waves, malignant spirits and our fellow-men, do no more than God permits. They are all restrained and kept within proper limits. They are not directed by chance, but they are under the control of an intelligent Being, and are the wise appointment of a holy God.

(3) God has a right to remove our comforts. He gave them - not to be our permanent inheritance, but to be withdrawn when he pleases. It is a proof of goodness that we have been permitted to tread his earth so long - though we should be allowed to walk it no more; to breathe his air so long - though we should be permitted to inhale it no more; to look upon his sun and moon and stars so long - though we should be permitted to walk by their light no more; to enjoy the society of the friends whom he has given us so long - though we should enjoy that society no longer. A temporary gift may be removed at the pleasure of the giver, and we hold all our comforts at the mere good pleasure of God.

(4) We see the nature of true resignation. It is not because we can always see the "reason" why we are afflicted; it consists in bowing to the will of a holy and intelligent God, and in the feeling that he has a "right" to remove what he has given us. It is his; and may be taken away when he pleases. It may be, and should be yielded, without a complaint - and to do this "because" God wills it, is true resignation.

(5) We see the true source of "comfort" in trials. It is not in the belief that things are regulated by chance and hap-hazard; or even that they are controlled by physical laws. We may have the clearest philosophical view of the mode in which tempests sweep away property, or the pestilence our friends; we may understand the laws by which all this is done, but this affords no consolation. It is only when we perceive an "intelligent Being" presiding over these events, and see that they are the result of plan and intention on his part, that we can find comfort in trial. What satisfaction is it for me to understand the law by which fire burns when my property is swept away; or to know "how" disease acts on the human frame when my child dies; or how the plague produces its effects on the body when friend after friend is laid in the grave? This is "philosophy;" and this is the consolation which this world furnishes. I want some higher consolation than that which results from the knowledge of unconscious laws. I want to have the assurance that it is the result of intelligent design, and that this design is connected with a benevolent end - and that I find only in religion.

(6) We see the "power" of religion in sustaining in the time of trial. How calm and submissive was this holy man! How peaceful and resigned! Nothing else but piety could have done this. Philosophy blunts the feelings, paralyses the sensibilities, and chills the soul; but it does not give consolation. It is only confidence in God; a feeling that he is right; and a profound and holy acquiescence in his will, that can produce support in trials like these. This we may have as well so Job; and this is indispensable in a world so full of calamity and sorrow as this is.