서론
Introduction
简体中文
英文原文
INTRODUCTION
DANIEL, that is, "God is my judge"; probably of the blood royal (compare
Da 1:3, with 1Ch 3:1,
where a son of David is named so). Jerusalem may have been his birthplace (though
Da 9:24,
"thy holy city," does not necessarily imply this). He was carried to Babylon among the Hebrew captives brought thither by Nebuchadnezzar at the first deportation in the fourth year of Jehoiakim. As he and his three companions are called
(Da 1:4)
"children," he cannot have been more than about twelve years old when put in training, according to Eastern etiquette, to be a courtier
(Da 1:3, 6).
He then received a new name, by which it was usual to mark a change in one's condition
(2Ki 23:34; 24:17; Ezr 5:14; Es 2:7),
Belteshazzar, that is, "a prince favored by Bel"
(Da 1:7).
His piety and wisdom were proverbial among his countrymen at an early period; probably owing to that noble proof he gave of faithfulness, combined with wisdom, in abstaining from the food sent to him from the king's table, as being polluted by the idolatries usual at heathen banquets
(Da 1:8-16).
Hence Ezekiel's reference to him
(Eze 14:14, 20; 28:3)
is precisely of that kind we should expect; a coincidence which must be undesigned. Ezekiel refers to him not as a writer, but as exhibiting a character righteous and wise in discerning secrets, in those circumstances now found in his book, which are earlier than the time when Ezekiel wrote. As Joseph rose in Egypt by interpreting Pharaoh's dreams, so Daniel, by interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's, was promoted to be governor of Babylonia, and president of the Magian priest-caste. Under Evil-merodach, Nebuchadnezzar's successor, as a change of officers often attends the accession of a new king, Daniel seems to have had a lower post, which led him occasionally to be away from Babylon
(Da 8:2, 27).
Again he came into note when he read the mystic writing of Belshazzar's doom on the wall on the night of that monarch's impious feast. BEROSUS calls the last Babylonian king Nabonidus and says he was not killed, but had an honorable abode in Carmania assigned to him, after having surrendered voluntarily in Borsippa. RAWLINSON has cleared up the discrepancy from the Nineveh inscription. Belshazzar was joint king with his father, Evil-merodach or Nabonidus (called Minus in the inscriptions), to whom he was subordinate. He shut himself up in Babylon, while the other king took refuge elsewhere, namely, in Borsippa. BEROSUS gives the Chaldean account, which suppresses all about Belshazzar, as being to the national dishonor. Had Daniel been a late book, he would no doubt have taken up the later account of BEROSUS. If he gave a history differing from that current in Babylonia, the Jews of that region would not have received it as true. Darius the Mede, or Cyaxares II, succeeded and reigned two years. The mention of this monarch's reign, almost unknown to profane history (being eclipsed by the splendor of Cyrus) is an incidental proof that Daniel wrote as a contemporary historian of events which he knew, and did not borrow from others. In the third year of Cyrus he saw the visions (the tenth through twelfth chapters) relating to his people down to the latest days and the coming resurrection. He must have been about eighty-four years old at this time. Tradition represents Daniel as having died and been buried at Shushan. Though his advanced age did not allow him to be among those who returned to Palestine, yet he never ceased to have his people's interests nearest to his heart
(Da 9:3-19; 10:12).
AUTHENTICITY OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
Da 7:1, 28; 8:2; 9:2; 10:1, 2; 12:4, 5,
testify that it was composed by Daniel himself. He does not mention himself in the first six chapters, which are historical; for in these it is not the author, but the events which are the prominent point. In the last six, which are prophetical, the author makes himself known, for here it was needed, prophecy being a revelation of words to particular men. It holds a third rank in the Hebrew canon: not among the prophets, but in the Hagiographa (Chetubim), between Esther and Ezra, books like it relating to the captivity; because he did not strictly belong to those who held exclusively the profession of "prophets" in the theocracy, but was rather a "seer," having the gift, but not the office of prophet. Were the book an interpolated one, it doubtless would have been placed among the prophets. Its present position is a proof of its genuineness, as it was deliberately put in a position different from that where most would expect to find it. Placed between Esther, and Ezra and Nehemiah, it separated the historical books of the time after the captivity. Thus, Daniel was, as BENGEL calls him, the politician, chronologer, and historian among the prophets. The Psalms also, though many are prophetical, are ranked with the Hagiographa, not with the prophets; and the Revelation of John is separated from his Epistles, as Daniel is from the Old Testament prophets. Instead of writing in the midst of the covenant people, and making them the foreground of his picture, he writes in a heathen court, the world kingdoms occupying the foreground, and the kingdom of God, though ultimately made the most significant, the background. His peculiar position in the heathen court is reflected in his peculiar position in the canon. As the "prophets" in the Old Testament, so the epistles of the apostles in the New Testament were written by divinely commissioned persons for their contemporaries. But Daniel and John were not in immediate contact with the congregation, but isolated and alone with God, the one in a heathen court, the other on a lonely isle
(Re 1:9).
PORPHYRY, the assailant of Christianity in the third century, asserted that the Book of Daniel was a forgery of the time of the Maccabees (170-164 B.C.), a time when confessedly there were no prophets, written after the events as to Antiochus Epiphanes, which it professes to foretell; so accurate are the details. A conclusive proof of Daniel's inspiration, if his prophecies can be shown to have been before the events. Now we know, from JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 10.11.7], that the Jews in Christ's days recognized Daniel as in the canon. Zechariah, Ezra, and Nehemiah, centuries before Antiochus, refer to it. Jesus refers to it in His characteristic designation, "Son of man,"
Mt 24:30
(Da 7:13);
also expressly by name, and as a "prophet," in
Mt 24:15
(compare
Mt 24:21, with Da 12:1,
&c.); and in the moment that decided His life
(Mt 26:64)
or death, when the high priest adjured him by the living God. Also, in
Lu 1:19-26,
"Gabriel" is mentioned, whose name occurs nowhere else in Scripture, save in
Da 8:16; 9:21.
Besides the references to it in Revelation, Paul confirms the prophetical part of it, as to the blasphemous king
(Da 7:8, 25; 11:36),
in
1Co 6:2; 2Th 2:3, 4;
the narrative part, as to the miraculous deliverances from "the lions" and "the fire," in
Heb 11:33, 34.
Thus the book is expressly attested by the New Testament on the three points made the stumbling-block of neologists--the predictions, the narratives of miracles, and the manifestations of angels. An objection has been stated to the unity of the book, namely, that Jesus quotes no part of the first half of Daniel. But
Mt 21:44
would be an enigma if it were not a reference to the "stone that smote the image"
(Da 2:34, 35, 44, 45).
Thus the New Testament sanctions the second, third, sixth, seventh, and eleventh chapters. The design of the miracles in the heathen courts where Daniel was, as of those of Moses in Egypt, was to lead the world power, which seemed to be victorious over the theocracy, to see the essential inner superiority of the seemingly fallen kingdom of God to itself, and to show prostrate Israel that the power of God was the same as of old in Egypt. The first book of Maccabees (compare 1 Maccabees 1:24; 9:27, 40, with
Da 12:1; 11:26,
of the Septuagint) refers to Daniel as an accredited book, and even refers to the Septuagint Alexandrian version of it. The fact of Daniel having a place in the Septuagint shows it was received by the Jews at large prior to the Maccabean times. The Septuagint version so arbitrarily deviated from the Hebrew Daniel, that Theodotius' version was substituted for it in the early Christian Church. JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 11.8.5] mentions that Alexander the Great had designed to punish the Jews for their fidelity to Darius, but that Jaddua (332 B.C.), the high priest, met him at the head of a procession and averted his wrath by showing him Daniel's prophecy that a Grecian monarch should overthrow Persia. Certain it is, Alexander favored the Jews, and JOSEPHUS' statement gives an explanation of the fact; at least it shows that the Jews in JOSEPHUS' days believed that Daniel was extant in Alexander's days, long before the Maccabees. With Jaddua (high priest from 341-322 B.C.) the Old Testament history ends
(Ne 12:11).
(The register of the priests and Levites was not written by Nehemiah, who died about 400 B.C., but was inserted with divine sanction by the collectors of the canon subsequently.) An objection to Daniel's authenticity has been rested on a few Greek words found in it. But these are mostly names of Greek musical instruments, which were imported by Greece from the East, rather than vice versa. Some of the words are derived from the common Indo-Germanic stock of both Greek and Chaldee: hence their appearance in both tongues. And one or two may have come through the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Chaldee. The fact that from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh, the language is Chaldee, but the rest Hebrew, is not an argument against, but for, its authenticity. So in Ezra the two languages are found. The work, if that of one author, must have been composed by someone in the circumstances of Daniel, that is, by one familiar with both languages. No native-born Hebrew who had not lived in Chaldea would know Chaldee so well as to use it with the same idiomatic ease as his native tongue; the very impurities in Daniel's use of both are just such as were natural to one in his circumstances, but unnatural to one in a later age, or to one not half Hebrew, half Chaldean in residence as Daniel was. Those parts of Daniel which concern the whole world are mostly Chaldee, then the language of the world empire. So Greek was made the language of the New Testament, which was designed for the whole world. Those affecting the Jews, mostly Hebrew; and this not so impure as that of Ezekiel. His Chaldee is a mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic. Two predictions alone are enough to prove to us that Daniel was a true prophet. (1) That his prophecies reach beyond Antiochus; namely, he foretells the rise of the four great monarchies, Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, and Rome (the last not being in Daniel's time known beyond the precincts of Italy, or rather of Latium), and that no other earthly kingdom would subvert the fourth, but that it would divide into parts. All this has come to pass. No fifth great earthly monarchy has arisen, though often attempted, as by Charlemagne, Charles V, and Napoleon. (2) The time of Messiah's advent, as dated from a certain decree, His being cut off, and the destruction of the city. "He who denies Daniel's prophecies," says SIR ISAAC NEWTON, "undermines Christianity, which is founded on Daniel's prophecies concerning Christ."
CHARACTERISTICS OF DANIEL. The vision mode of revelation is the exception in other prophets, the rule in Daniel. In Zechariah
(Zec 1:1-6:15),
who lived after Daniel, the same mode appears, but the other form from the seventh chapter to the end. The Revelation of St. John alone is perfectly parallel to Daniel, which may be called the Old Testament Apocalypse. In the contents too there is the difference above noticed, that he views the kingdom of God from the standpoint of the world kingdoms, the development of which is his great subject. This mode of viewing it was appropriate to his own position in a heathen court, and to the relation of subjection in which the covenant-people then stood to the world powers. No longer are single powers of the world incidentally introduced, but the universal monarchies are the chief theme, in which the worldly principle, opposed to the kingdom of God, manifests itself fully. The near and distant are not seen in the same perspective, as by the other prophets, who viewed the whole future from the eschatological point; but in Daniel the historical details are given of that development of the world powers which must precede the advent of the kingdom [AUBERLEN].
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. The exile is the historical basis of Daniel's prophecies, as Daniel implies in the first chapter, which commences with the beginning, and ends with the termination, of the captivity
(Da 1:1, 21;
compare
Da 9:1, 2).
A new stage in the theocracy begins with the captivity. Nebuchadnezzar made three incursions into Judah. The first under Jehoiakim (606 B.C.), in which Daniel was carried away, subjected the theocracy to the Babylonian world power. The second (598 B.C.) was that in which Jehoiachin and Ezekiel were carried away. In the third (588 B.C.), Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and carried away Zedekiah. Originally, Abraham was raised out of the "sea"
(Da 7:2)
of the nations, as an island holy to God, and his seed chosen as God's mediator of His revelations of love to mankind. Under David and Solomon, the theocracy, as opposed to the heathen power, attained its climax in the Old Testament, not only being independent, but lord of the surrounding nations; so that the period of these two kings was henceforth made the type of the Messianic. But when God's people, instead of resting on Him, seek alliance with the world power, that very power is made the instrument of their chastisement. So Ephraim (722 B.C.) fell by Assyria; and Judah also, drawn into the sphere of the world's movements from the time of Ahaz, who sought Assyrian help (740 B.C.,
Isa 7:1-25)
at last fell by Babylon, and thenceforth has been more or less dependent on the world monarchies, and so, till Messiah, was favored with no revelations from the time of Malachi (four hundred years). Thus, from the beginning of the exile, the theocracy, in the strict sense, ceased on earth; the rule of the world powers superseding it. But God's covenant with Israel remains firm
(Ro 11:29);
therefore, a period of blessing under Messiah's kingdom is now foretold as about to follow their long chastisement. The exile thus is the turning point in the history of the theocracy, which ROOS thus divides: (1) From Adam to the exodus out of Egypt. (2) From the exodus to the beginning of the Babylonian captivity. (3) From the captivity to the millennium. (4) From the millennium to the end of the world. The position of Daniel in the Babylonian court was in unison with the altered relations of the theocracy and the world power, which new relation was to be the theme of his prophecy. Earlier prophets, from the standpoint of Israel, treated of Israel in its relation to the world powers; Daniel, from Babylon, the center of the then world power, treats of the world powers in their relation to Israel. His seventy years' residence in Babylon, and his high official position there, gave him an insight into the world's politics, fitting him to be the recipient of political revelations; while his spiritual experiences, gained through Nebuchadnezzar's humiliation, Belshazzar's downfall, and the rapid decay of the Babylonian empire itself, as well as the miraculous deliverances of himself and his friends (the third through sixth chapters), all fitted him for regarding things from the spiritual standpoint, from which the world's power appears transient, but the glory of God's kingdom eternal. As his political position was the body, the school of magicians in which he had studied for three years
(Da 1:4, 5)
was the soul; and his mind strong in faith and nourished by the earlier prophecies
(Da 9:2),
the spirit of his prophecy, which only waited for the spirit of revelation from above to kindle it. So God fits His organs for their work. AUBERLEN compares Daniel to Joseph: the one at the beginning, the other at the end of the Jewish history of revelation; both representatives of God and His people at heathen courts; both interpreters of the dim presentiments of truth, expressed in God-sent dreams, and therefore raised to honor by the powers of the world: so representing Israel's calling to be a royal priesthood among the nations; and types of Christ, the true Israel, and of Israel's destination to be a light to lighten the whole Gentile world, as
Ro 11:12, 15
foretells. As Achilles at the beginning, and Alexander at the end, of Grecian history are the mirrors of the whole life of the Hellenic people, so Joseph and Daniel of Israel.
CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. Historical and biographical introduction in the first chapter. Daniel, a captive exile, is representative of his nation in its servitude and exile: while his heavenly insight into dreams, far exceeding that of the magi, represents the divine superiority of the covenant-people over their heathen lords. The high dignities, even in the world, which he thereby attained, typify the giving of the earth-kingdom at last "to the people of the saints of the Most High"
(Da 7:27).
Thus Daniel's personal history is the typical foundation of his prophecy. The prophets had to experience in themselves, and in their age, something of what they foretold about future times; just as David felt much of Christ's sufferings in his own person (compare
Ho 1:2-9, 10, 11; 2:3).
So
Jon 1:1-17,
&c. [ROOS]. Hence biographical notices of Daniel and his friends are inserted among his prophecies. The second through twelfth chapters contain the substance of the book, and consist of two parts. The first (the second through seventh chapters) represents the development of the world powers, viewed from a historical point. The second (the eighth through twelfth chapters), their development in relation to Israel, especially in the future preceding Christ's first advent, foretold in the ninth chapter. But prophecy looks beyond the immediate future to the complete fulfilment in the last days, since the individual parts in the organic history of salvation cannot be understood except in connection with the whole. Also Israel looked forward to the Messianic time, not only for spiritual salvation, but also for the visible restoration of the kingdom which even now we too expect. The prophecy which they needed ought therefore to comprise both, and so much of the history of the world as would elapse before the final consummation. The period of Daniel's prophecies, therefore, is that from the downfall of the theocracy at the captivity till its final restoration, yet future--the period of the dominion of the world powers, not set aside by Christ's first coming
(Joh 18:36;
for, to have taken the earth-kingdom then, would have been to take it from Satan's hands,
Mt 4:8-10),
but to be superseded by His universal and everlasting kingdom at His second coming
(Re 11:15).
Thus the general survey of the development and final destiny of the world powers (the second through seventh chapters) fittingly precedes the disclosures as to the immediate future (the eighth through twelfth chapters). Daniel marks the division by writing the first part in Chaldee, and the second, and the introduction, in Hebrew; the former, referring to the powers of the world, in the language of the then dominant world power under which he lived; the latter, relating to the people of God, in their own language. An interpolator in a later age would have used Hebrew, the language of the ancient prophets throughout, or if anywhere Aramaic, so as to be understood by his contemporaries, he would have used it in the second rather than in the first part as having a more immediate reference to his own times [AUBERLEN].
1
Da 1:1-21.
简体中文
Da 1:1-21.
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY BEGINS; DANIEL'S EDUCATION AT BABYLON, &C.
1. third year——比较
Jer 25:1,
「第四年」;约雅敬在年末登基,耶利米将这未满一年算作第一年,但以理却不计这一不完整的年份:因此在耶利米书为「第四年」,在但以理书为「第三年」[JAHN]。然而耶利米
(Jer 25:1; 46:2)
只是说,约雅敬第四年与尼布甲尼撒元年相同,后者在那年在迦基米施击败埃及人;并非说从耶路撒冷掳走俘虏是在约雅敬第四年:这大概发生在约雅敬第三年之末,即迦基米施战役之前不久 [FAIRBAIRN]。尼布甲尼撒掳走俘虏,作为希伯来人臣服的人质。历史书对这第一次被掳没有明确的记载,而巴比伦被掳——即犹大臣服于巴比伦七十年
(Jer 29:10)——
正以此为始。但
2Ch 36:6, 7
记载尼布甲尼撒曾有意「将约雅敬带到巴比伦」,并将「耶和华殿中的器皿」带到那里。但约雅敬死于耶路撒冷,在征服者的意图得以对他执行之前
(Jer 22:18, 19; 36:30),
他的尸体正如所预言的,被迦勒底围城者拖出城门,抛弃不得埋葬。约雅斤年间的第二次被掳,是在八年之后。
英文原文
Da 1:1-21.
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY BEGINS; DANIEL'S EDUCATION AT BABYLON, &C.
1. third year--compare
Jer 25:1,
"the fourth year; Jehoiakim came to the throne at the end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons as the first year, but which Daniel leaves out of count, being an incomplete year: thus, in Jeremiah, it is "the fourth year"; in Daniel, "the third" [JAHN]. However, Jeremiah
(Jer 25:1; 46:2)
merely says, the fourth year of Jehoiakim coincided with the first of Nebuchadnezzar, when the latter conquered the Egyptians at Carchemish; not that the deportation of captives from Jerusalem was in the fourth year of Jehoiakim: this probably took place in the end of the third year of Jehoiakim, shortly before the battle of Carchemish [FAIRBAIRN]. Nebuchadnezzar took away the captives as hostages for the submission of the Hebrews. Historical Scripture gives no positive account of this first deportation, with which the Babylonian captivity, that is, Judah's subjection to Babylon for seventy years
(Jer 29:10),
begins. But
2Ch 36:6, 7,
states that Nebuchadnezzar had intended "to carry Jehoiakim to Babylon," and that he "carried off the vessels of the house of the Lord" thither. But Jehoiakim died at Jerusalem, before the conqueror's intention as to him was carried into effect
(Jer 22:18, 19; 36:30),
and his dead body, as was foretold, was dragged out of the gates by the Chaldean besiegers, and left unburied. The second deportation under Jehoiachin was eight years later.
2
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简体中文
2. 示拿——巴比伦的古名
(Ge 11:2; 14:1;Isa 11:11;Zec 5:11)。
尼布甲尼撒只取了“一部分器皿”,因为他无意完全倾覆该朝,而是要使其进贡,并留下敬拜耶和华公共崇拜所绝对需要的器皿。后来所有的器皿都被取走,并在居鲁士手下归回
(Ezr 1:7)。
他的神——即彼勒。他的庙,正如异教徒中常见的情形,被当作王的“宝库”。
英文原文
2. Shinar--the old name of Babylonia
(Ge 11:2; 14:1; Isa 11:11; Zec 5:11).
Nebuchadnezzar took only "part of the vessels," as he did not intend wholly to overthrow the state, but to make it tributary, and to leave such vessels as were absolutely needed for the public worship of Jehovah. Subsequently all were taken away and were restored under Cyrus
(Ezr 1:7).
his god--Bel. His temple, as was often the case among the heathen, was made "treasure house" of the king.
3
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简体中文
3. 太监长——在土耳其称为kislar aga。
王的后裔——参预言
2Ki 20:17, 18。
英文原文
3. master of . . . eunuchs--called in Turkey the kislar aga.
of the king's seed--compare the prophecy,
2Ki 20:17, 18.
4
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简体中文
4. 毫无瑕疵——在东方观念中,俊美的外貌与心智能力相连。“少年人”指十二或十四岁的少年。
教导……迦勒底的……文字言语——他们的语言与文学,即亚兰—巴比伦语。异教的学问并非毫无价值,这从与摩西作对的埃及术士、寻找耶稣的东方博士可以看出,他们或许从东方所写的
Da 9:24
等处得着了关于“犹太人的王”的传统。正如摩西学了埃及智者的学问,但以理也学了迦勒底的学问,使他的心思熟悉隐秘的学问,从而发展他从天所得、明白异象的恩赐
(Da 1:4, 5, 17)。
英文原文
4. no blemish--A handsome form was connected, in Oriental ideas, with mental power. "Children" means youths of twelve or fourteen years old.
teach . . . tongue of . . . Chaldeans--their language and literature, the Aramaic-Babylonian. That the heathen lore was not altogether valueless appears from the Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses; the Eastern Magi who sought Jesus, and who may have drawn the tradition as to the "King of the Jews" from
Da 9:24,
&c., written in the East. As Moses was trained in the learning of the Egyptian sages, so Daniel in that of the Chaldeans, to familiarize his mind with mysterious lore, and so develop his heaven-bestowed gift of understanding in visions
(Da 1:4, 5, 17).
5
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简体中文
5. 王的膳——东方的王习惯于以自己桌上的食物款待许多随从与被掳的王族
(Jer 52:33, 34)。
希伯来文的“膳”含有珍馐之意。
侍立在王面前——作为侍候的朝臣;并非作为太监。
英文原文
5. king's meat--It is usual for an Eastern king to entertain, from the food of his table, many retainers and royal captives
(Jer 52:33, 34).
The Hebrew for "meat" implies delicacies.
stand before the king--as attendant courtiers; not as eunuchs.
6
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简体中文
6. 犹大支派的人——最高贵的支派,因为“王的后裔”属于此支派(参
Da 1:3)。
英文原文
6. children of Judah--the most noble tribe, being that to which the "king's seed" belonged (compare
Da 1:3).
7
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简体中文
7. 给他们起名——为要表明他们新的身份,使他们忘记以前的信仰与国家
(Ge 41:45)。
但正如约瑟的情形(法老称他为撒发那忒巴内亚),但以理也是如此——表明他与异教朝廷关系的名字(“伯提沙撒”,即“彼勒的王子”),无论多么奉承,都不是圣经所保留的;圣经所保留的,是表明他与神关系的名字(“但以理”,神是我的审判者,他预言的主题正是神对异教世界强权的审判)。
哈拿尼雅——即“耶和华已施恩”。
沙得拉——源自巴比伦语Rak,即“王”,也就是“太阳”;与
(Ge 41:43,
旁注)
的Abrech同根,即“受太阳神启示或照亮”。
米沙利——即“谁像神?”谁能与神相比?
米煞——巴比伦人保留了希伯来文原名米沙利的第一个音节;但用Shak——巴比伦女神,称为示沙克
(Jer 25:26; 51:41),
对应于地,或作维纳斯,即爱与欢乐的女神——取代了El,即神;居鲁士正是在她的筵席期间攻取巴比伦。
亚撒利雅——即“耶和华已帮助”。
亚伯尼歌——即“发光之火的仆人”。如此,这些神的仆人被异教者献给他们的四大主要神明[HERODOTUS, Clio];彼勒(首席神)、太阳神、地神、火神。最后一位,正是三少年因拒绝叩拜金像而被交给的
(Da 3:12)。
迦勒底文译本将
Isa 14:12
的“明亮之星”译为Nogea,与Nego相同。因此这些名字在起初就表明了异教权能表面的得胜,但在耶和华与其子民面前必确实覆亡。
英文原文
7. gave names--designed to mark their new relation, that so they might forget their former religion and country
(Ge 41:45).
But as in Joseph's case (whom Pharaoh called Zaphnath-paaneah), so in Daniel's, the name indicative of his relation to a heathen court ("Belteshazzar," that is, "Bel's prince"), however flattering to him, is not the one retained by Scripture, but the name marking his relation to God ("Daniel," God my Judge, the theme of his prophecies being God's judgment on the heathen world powers).
Hananiah--that is, "whom Jehovah hath favored."
Shadrach--from Rak, in Babylonian, "the King," that is, "the Sun"; the same root as in Abrech
(Ge 41:43,
Margin), "Inspired or illumined by the Sun-god."
Mishael--that is, "who is what God is?" Who is comparable to God?
Meshach--The Babylonians retained the first syllable of Mishael, the Hebrew name; but for El, that is, GOD, substituted Shak, the Babylonian goddess, called Sheshach
(Jer 25:26; 51:41),
answering to the Earth, or else Venus, the goddess of love and mirth; it was during her feast that Cyrus took Babylon.
Azariah--that is, "whom Jehovah helps."
Abed-nego--that is, "servant of the shining fire." Thus, instead of to Jehovah, these His servants were dedicated by the heathen to their four leading gods [HERODOTUS, Clio]; Bel, the Chief-god, the Sun-god, Earth-god, and Fire-god. To the last the three youths were consigned when refusing to worship the golden image
(Da 3:12).
The Chaldee version translates "Lucifer," in
Isa 14:12,
Nogea, the same as Nego. The names thus at the outset are significant of the seeming triumph, but sure downfall, of the heathen powers before Jehovah and His people.
8
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8. 但以理……不让自己因……王的膳而玷污——但以理被特别提出,因他是“立志”(这词含坚决的决心)不染污秽的发起者,如此便显出他已具备先知事奉所需的品格。其他三个少年无疑也有分于此志。当时的习俗是将饮食的一小部分泼在地上,作为献给诸神的初熟之祭,如此将整席献给它们(参
De 32:38)。
参与这样的筵席就等于认可了偶象崇拜,即使在律法上洁净与不洁净食物的区分已被废除之后,这仍是禁止的
(1Co 8:7, 10; 10:27, 28)。
如此这些少年的信心就使得预言中要临到犹太人的灾祸
(Eze 4:13;Ho 9:3)
被翻转,归于神的荣耀。AUBERLEN 说,但以理与他三个朋友如沙漠中的绿洲般突现。如摩西一般,但以理“宁可和神的百姓同受苦害,也不愿暂时享受罪中之乐”
(Heb 11:25;
见
Da 9:3-19)。
那要讲解神圣启示的人,不可吃这世上的美味,也不可喝这世上使人沉醉的杯。这使他同胞耳中的名如挪亚与约伯一样亲切——他们同样在悖逆的世代中独自敬虔
(Eze 14:14; 28:3)。
求——原则坚定之时,我们应当以温柔寻求我们的目的,而非以借口忠诚、实为夸张的见证去招惹对抗。
英文原文
8. Daniel . . . would not defile himself with . . . king's meat--Daniel is specified as being the leader in the "purpose" (the word implies a decided resolution) to abstain from defilement, thus manifesting a character already formed for prophetical functions. The other three youths, no doubt, shared in his purpose. It was the custom to throw a small part of the viands and wine upon the earth, as an initiatory offering to the gods, so as to consecrate to them the whole entertainment (compare
De 32:38).
To have partaken of such a feast would have been to sanction idolatry, and was forbidden even after the legal distinction of clean and unclean meats was done away
(1Co 8:7, 10; 10:27, 28).
Thus the faith of these youths was made instrumental in overruling the evil foretold against the Jews
(Eze 4:13; Ho 9:3),
to the glory of God. Daniel and his three friends, says AUBERLEN, stand out like an oasis in the desert. Like Moses, Daniel "chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season"
(Heb 11:25;
see
Da 9:3-19).
He who is to interpret divine revelations must not feed on the dainties, nor drink from the intoxicating cup, of this world. This made him as dear a name to his countrymen as Noah and Job, who also stood alone in their piety among a perverse generation
(Eze 14:14; 28:3).
requested--While decided in principle, we ought to seek our object by gentleness, rather than by an ostentatious testimony, which, under the plea of faithfulness, courts opposition.
9
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9. 神……使但以理蒙恩——别人对敬虔人的恩惠,是神的作为。约瑟的情形也是如此
(Ge 39:21)。
特指对以色列
(Ps 106:46;
参
Pr 16:7)。
英文原文
9. God . . . brought Daniel into favour--The favor of others towards the godly is the doing of God. So in Joseph's case
(Ge 39:21).
Especially towards Israel
(Ps 106:46;
compare
Pr 16:7).
10
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10. 脸面更难看——看起来更不健康。
与你们同年纪的——即你们同龄或同辈的人;字面意为“圈子”。
害我的命——专制的东方暴君在恼怒其命令被违背后的发作中,可下令即刻将违命者斩首。
英文原文
10. worse liking--looking less healthy.
your sort--of your age, or class; literally, "circle."
endanger my head--An arbitrary Oriental despot could, in a fit of wrath at his orders having been disobeyed, command the offender to be instantly decapitated.
11
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11. 米勒撒——更佳作管家或酒政长,亚施毗拿委托他每日为少年人供应饮食[GESENIUS]。此词在波斯仍在使用。
英文原文
11. Melzar--rather, the steward, or chief butler, entrusted by Ashpenaz with furnishing the daily portion to the youths [GESENIUS]. The word is still in use in Persia.
12
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简体中文
12. 素菜——希伯来文指一切由种子长成的植物,即笼统的植物性食物[GESENIUS]。
英文原文
12. pulse--The Hebrew expresses any vegetable grown from seeds, that is, vegetable food in general [GESENIUS].
13
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简体中文
13-15. 印证了
De 8:3:
“人活着不是单靠食物,乃是靠耶和华口里所出的一切话。”
英文原文
13-15. Illustrating
De 8:3,
"Man doth not live by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord."
17
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17. 神赐给他们知识——
(Ex 31:2, 3;1Ki 3:12;Job 32:8;Jas 1:5, 17)。
但以理能明白……异象——神如此使一个被藐视的约民在最被他们自詡的学问上,胜过了迦勒底的智者。如约瑟在法老宫中
(Ge 40:5; 41:1-8)。
但以理在这些对自己“聪明”的称赞中,并非出于虚荣,而是受神的引导,如同一个被提升超脱自己的人。见我的导论,“本书内容”。
英文原文
17. God gave them knowledge--
(Ex 31:2, 3; 1Ki 3:12; Job 32:8; Jas 1:5, 17).
Daniel had understanding in . . . dreams--God thus made one of the despised covenant-people eclipse the Chaldean sages in the very science on which they most prided themselves. So Joseph in the court of Pharaoh
(Ge 40:5; 41:1-8).
Daniel, in these praises of his own "understanding," speaks not through vanity, but by the direction of God, as one transported out of himself. See my
Introduction,
"CONTENTS OF THE BOOK."
18
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18. 领他们进——即不仅但以理与他三个朋友,还有其他少年
(Da 1:3, 19,
“他们中间”)。
英文原文
18. brought them in--that is, not only Daniel and his three friends, but other youths
(Da 1:3, 19,
"among them all").
19
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19. 侍立在王面前——即被升擢到靠近宝座的恩宠地位。
英文原文
19. stood . . . before the king--that is, were advanced to a position of favor near the throne.
20
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20. 十倍——字面意为“十手”。
术士——正确译为“圣书吏,精通圣卷,一类埃及祭司”[GESENIUS];源自希伯来文字根“笔”。英文译本中的“magicians”来自mag,即“祭司”。术士是米底亚人六部之一。
用法术的——希伯来文作“念咒的”,源自字根“隐藏”,即行秘术的人。
英文原文
20. ten times--literally, "ten hands."
magicians--properly, "sacred scribes, skilled in the sacred writings, a class of Egyptian priests" [GESENIUS]; from a Hebrew root, "a pen." The word in our English Version, "magicians," comes from mag, that is, "a priest." The Magi formed one of the six divisions of the Medes.
astrologers--Hebrew, "enchanters," from a root, "to conceal," pactisers of the occult arts.
21
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21. 但以理……直到……居鲁士元年——
(2Ch 36:22;Ezr 1:1)。
并非他没有继续到那年之后,这话旨在标明:这位最早被掳到巴比伦的人之一,活到了被掳的结束。见我的导论,“巴比伦被掳之意义”。在
Da 10:1
提到他在“居鲁士第三年”仍活着。见旁注,关于“直到”的用法
(Ps 110:1, 112:8)。
英文原文
21. Daniel continued . . . unto . . . first year of Cyrus--
(2Ch 36:22; Ezr 1:1).
Not that he did not continue beyond that year, but the expression is designed to mark the fact that he who was one of the first captives taken to Babylon, lived to see the end of the captivity. See my
Introduction,
"SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY." In
Da 10:1
he is mentioned as living "in the third year of Cyrus." See Margin Note, on the use of "till"
(Ps 110:1, 112:8).
INTRODUCTION
DANIEL,即「神是我的审判者」之意;可能具有王室血统(比较
Da 1:3 与 1Ch 3:1,
其中提到大卫的一个儿子也以此为名)。耶路撒冷可能是他的出生地(尽管
Da 9:24
的「你的圣城」并不一定暗示这一点)。他在犹太人第一次被掳时,即约雅敬第四年,被尼布甲尼撒带往巴比伦的希伯来俘虏之中。由于他和他的三个同伴被称为
(Da 1:4)
「小孩子」,他在受训时按东方宫廷礼仪被培养为朝臣
(Da 1:3, 6),
年龄不可能超过十二岁左右。
随后他得了一个新名,标志着身份境遇的改变
(2Ki 23:34; 24:17; Ezr 5:14; Es 2:7),
即伯提沙撒,意为「为彼勒所宠爱的王子」
(Da 1:7)。
他的敬虔与智慧在同胞中早已有口皆碑,可能正是因他表现出那高尚的、兼具智慧的忠贞榜样——拒绝享用王赐的膳食,因这些食物被异教筵席常见的偶像崇拜所玷污
(Da 1:8-16)。
因此以西结对他的引用
(Eze 14:14, 20; 28:3)
正是我们所预料的那种;这必然是出于无意的设计上的巧合。以西结并非把他当作作者来引用,而是当作在他现今书卷中那些早于以西结写作时期的事迹中,展现出公义且善于辨明隐秘事的品格之人。正如约瑟因解法老的梦而在埃及高升,但以理因解尼布甲尼撒的梦,被擢升为巴比伦的省长,并担任玛代祭司阶层的首长。在尼布甲尼撒的继任者以未米罗达手下,由于新王登基常伴随官员更替,但以理似乎职位较低,致使他有时需离开巴比伦
(Da 8:2, 27)。
当他读出墙上那晚伯沙撒不敬虔筵席的神秘灭亡判语时,他再度声名大噪。BEROSUS 称末代巴比伦王为拿波尼度,并说他未被杀,而是自愿在博尔西帕投降后,获赐卡曼尼亚一處体面的居所。RAWLINSON 根据尼尼微铭文澄清了这一矛盾。伯沙撒与其父(以未米罗达或拿波尼度,铭文中称为 Minus)同为君王,但居于从属地位。他闭守巴比伦城内,而另一位王则逃往他处,即博尔西帕。BEROSUS 所述乃迦勒底人的记载,故意隐瞒一切关于伯沙撒的事,因为此事有损国体。倘若但以理书是晚期作品,他无疑会采纳 BEROSUS 较晚的记述。若他所记与当时巴比伦所流传的史事不同,那地的犹太人便不会接受其为真实。玛代人大利乌,即亚斯提亚革二世,继位后作王两年。提及这位在世俗历史中几乎湮没无闻(被居鲁士的荣耀所掩盖)的君王之治,正是一个偶然的旁证,证明但以理是作为他所亲历之事的当代史家而写作,并非取自他人。在居鲁士第三年,他看见了关于他百姓直到末日和将来复活的异象(第十至十二章)。此时他必已约八十四岁。按传统记载,但以理在书珊去世并安葬。他虽年事已高不能随被掳归回者返回巴勒斯坦,却始终将他百姓的利益放在心上
(Da 9:3-19; 10:12)。
AUTHENTICITY OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
Da 7:1, 28; 8:2; 9:2; 10:1, 2; 12:4, 5
见证本书为但以理本人所著。他在前六章(属历史性质)中并未提及自己,因为在这些篇章中,焦点并非作者,而是事件本身。在后六章(属预言性质)中,作者表明自己的身份,因为此处有此必要——预言乃是向特定之人启示言语。本书在希伯来正典中居第三位:不列于先知书之中,而归于圣卷(Ketubim)之内,位于以斯帖记与以斯拉记之间,这些同属被掳时期的书卷之间;因为他严格说来并不专属于神政体中专职的「先知」职分,而更像是一位「先见」,拥有先知的恩赐,却没有先知的职任。倘若本书是后人伪托之作,无疑会被列入先知书中。它现今的位置正是其真实性的证据,因为它被刻意安放在多数人所意想不到的位置。它被置于以斯帖记与以斯拉记、尼希米记之间,分隔了被掳之后时期的历史书。如此,但以理正如 BENGEL 所称,是众先知中的政治家、年代学家和史学家。诗篇虽有许多属预言性质,也归于圣卷而非先知书;约翰的启示录也与他的书信分开,正如但以理与旧约先知分开一样。他没有在立约之民中间写作,以他们为画面的前景,而是在异教宫廷中写作,让世界列国占据前景,而神的国虽最终成为最具意义的主题,却被置于背景之中。他在异教宫廷中的独特地位,正反映在他在正典中的独特地位。正如旧约的「先知」,新约的使徒书信,也是由受神差遣之人为其同时代之人所写。但以理和约翰却未与会众直接接触,而是被隔离、独自与神同在——一个在异教宫廷,一个在荒凉的孤岛上
(Re 1:9)。
PORPHYRY,第三世纪攻击基督教者,声称但以理书是马加比时代(主前170-164年)的伪作,那个时代公认已无先知;本书是在事件发生后才写成关于安提阿古·伊皮法尼的事,却自称是预言;其细节如此精准。若能证明但以理的预言是在事件之前所说,便是其灵感的有力证据。如今我们从 JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 10.11.7] 得知,基督时代的犹太人已承认但以理在正典之中。撒迦利亚、以斯拉、尼希米,在安提阿古之前数百年就已引用本书。耶稣用祂特有的称呼「人子」时引用了本书
Mt 24:30
(Da 7:13);
又明确以名字称祂为「先知」
Mt 24:15
(比较
Mt 24:21 与 Da 12:1,
等等);并在决定祂一生
(Mt 26:64)
生死的那一刻,当大祭司凭着永生神起誓问祂时,也引用了本书。此外,在
Lu 1:19-26
中提到的「加百列」,其名在圣经中除
Da 8:16; 9:21
外别处从未出现。除了启示录中对本书的引用外,保罗也印证了本书的预言部分,论及那亵渎之王
(Da 7:8, 25; 11:36),
见于
1Co 6:2; 2Th 2:3, 4;
又印证了记叙部分,论及脱离「狮子」和「火」的奇妙拯救,见于
Heb 11:33, 34。
如此,新约在三个新派学者所质疑的要点上——预言、神迹记叙和天使的显现——明确地为本书作证。有人对本书的统一性提出异议,说耶稣并未引用但以理书前半部分。但
Mt 21:44
若不是指「打碎这像的石头」
(Da 2:34, 35, 44, 45),
就难以解释了。
如此,新约认可了第二、三、六、七、十一章。在但以理所处的异教宫廷中行神迹的目的,正如摩西在埃及所行的神迹一样,是要使那看似胜过神政体的世界强权认识到,看似倾覆的神国之内在本质远胜于它;并向俯伏的以色列显明,神的能力与古时在埃及一样。马加比一书(比较 1 Maccabees 1:24; 9:27, 40,与
Da 12:1; 11:26,
即七十士译本)引用但以理书为公认的经卷,甚至引用了其中的七十士译本亚历山大版本。但以理书被收入七十士译本这一事实,表明早在马加比时代之前,犹太人普遍已接纳它。七十士译本版本对希伯来文但以理书偏离甚大,以致早期基督教会以狄奥多田(Theodotius)的译本取而代之。JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 11.8.5] 提到,亚历山大大帝本想因犹太人对大利乌的忠心而加以惩罚,但大祭司雅杜亚(主前332年)率队列迎接他,向他展示但以理关于希腊君王将倾覆波斯的预言,因而平息了他的怒气。亚历山大确实厚待犹太人,JOSEPHUS 的记述为这事实提供了说明;至少它表明 JOSEPHUS 时代的犹太人相信,在亚历山大时代,远在马加比家族之前,但以理书就已经存在。旧约历史终于雅杜亚(主前341-322年作大祭司)
(Ne 12:11)。
(祭司和利未人的名册并非尼希米所写——尼希米约于主前400年去世——而是后来编纂正典者受神的默示所加添。)有人以本书中出现的少数希腊文词汇质疑其真实性。但这些大多是希腊乐器的名称,是希腊从东方引进的,而非反向传播。其中一些词汇源于希腊文与迦勒底文共同的印欧语系词根,故在两种语言中皆有出现。还有一两个可能是经由小亚细亚的希腊人传入迦勒底文。从第二章第四节到第七章末使用迦勒底文,其余部分用希伯来文,这一事实不但不反驳、反而支持其真实性。以斯拉记中同样出现这两种语言。若本书出自一人之手,作者必是处在但以理的境遇中之人,即精通两种语言之人。没有一个未曾久居迦勒底的本土希伯来人,能把迦勒底文运用得像母语一样地道流畅;但以理在使用两种语言时所出现的那些瑕疵,正是处于他那种境遇之人所自然产生的,而对于一个较晚时代的人,或一个不像但以理那样半居希伯来、半居迦勒底之人来说,却是不自然的。但以理书中论及全世界的部分大多用迦勒底文写成,因那是当时世界帝国的语言。正如希腊文被定为新约的语言,因新约是为全世界预备的。论及犹太人的部分则大多用希伯来文;且其希伯来文不像以西结的那样不纯。他的迦勒底文是希伯来文与亚兰文的混合。仅凭两个预言便足以向我们证明但以理是真先知。(一)他的预言超越了安提阿古;即他预言了四大帝国——巴比伦、玛代波斯、希腊、罗马——的兴起(最后一位在但以理时代尚未越过意大利、更准确说是拉丁姆区域的范围),并预言无其他属地国度能倾覆第四国,该国将分裂为几部分。这一切都已应验。尽管查理曼、查理五世、拿破仑等人屡次尝试,却始终未曾出现第五大属地帝国。(二)弥赛亚降临的时间,从某一谕旨起算,祂的被剪除,以及圣城的毁灭。「否认但以理预言的人,」SIR ISAAC NEWTON 说,「就动摇了基督教,因为基督教正是建立在但以理关于基督的预言之上。」
CHARACTERISTICS OF DANIEL. 异象的启示方式在其他先知中是例外,在但以理书中却是常规。晚于但以理的撒迦利亚
(Zec 1:1-6:15)
也采用同样的方式,但从第七章至末了则改用另一种形式。惟有约翰的启示录与但以理书完全平行,故但以理书可称为旧约的启示录。在内容上也有上述差异:他从世界列国的视角来看神的国,而这些列国的发展正是他的重要主题。这种视角与他本人在异教宫廷中的地位,以及立约之民当时对世界强权所处的臣服关系相适应。不再是零星地个别引入世上的权势,而是以普世帝国为主题,在其中与神国对立的属世原则得以完全显明。他不像其他先知那样从末世论的观点统观整个未来,将近处与远处置于同一透视之中;而是在但以理书中,对于世界强权在神国降临之前必须经历的发展过程,给出了历史性的细节 [AUBERLEN]。
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. 被掳是但以理预言的历史基础,正如但以理在第一章所暗示的——该章从被掳之始开始,终于被掳之末
(Da 1:1, 21;
比较
Da 9:1, 2)。
被掳开启了神政体的新阶段。尼布甲尼撒曾三次入侵犹大。第一次在约雅敬年间(主前606年),但以理于此次被掳,使神政体臣服于巴比伦世界强权。第二次(主前598年)约雅斤和以西结于此次被掳。第三次(主前588年),尼布甲尼撒毁灭耶路撒冷并掳走西底家。最初,亚伯拉罕从列国的「海」
(Da 7:2)
中被兴起,如同归神为圣的岛屿,他的后裔被选为神向人类启示祂慈爱的媒介。在大卫和所罗门治下,神政体作为与异教强权相对的体制,在旧约中达到顶峰,不仅独立自主,更统辖周围列国;因此这两位君王的时期从此成为弥赛亚时代的预表。但当神的百姓不倚靠神,反而寻求与世界强权结盟时,那强权便成为惩罚他们的工具。如此,以法莲(主前722年)亡于亚述;犹大亦然,从亚哈斯寻求亚述帮助之时(主前740年,
Isa 7:1-25)
被卷入世界动向的漩涡,终亡于巴比伦,此后或多或少依赖世上的列国,直到弥赛亚时代之前,从玛拉基之后四百年间再无启示。如此,从被掳之始,严格意义上的神政体在地上便告终止;世界强权的统治取代了它。但神与以色列所立的约依然坚定
(Ro 11:29);
因此,在弥赛亚国度之下的一段蒙福时期,如今被预言将紧随他们漫长的惩罚而来。被掳因此成为神政体历史的转折点,ROOS 将其划分为:(一)从亚当到出埃及。(二)从出埃及到巴比伦被掳之始。(三)从被掳到千年国。(四)从千年国到世界末了。但以理的地位处于巴比伦宫廷之中,与神政体和世界强权之间改换的关系相一致,而这新的关系正是他预言的主题。较早的先知从以色列的立场论以色列与世界强权的关系;但以理则从当时世界强权的中心巴比伦,论世界强权与以色列的关系。他在巴比伦七十年之久,且身居高位,使他对世界政治有深刻的洞见,适于领受政治性的启示;而他在属灵上的经历——藉着尼布甲尼撒的降卑、伯沙撒的倾覆、巴比伦帝国本身的迅速衰亡,以及他自己和友人奇妙的拯救(第三至六章)——都使他适于从属灵的角度看事物,从这角度看,世界的权势显得短暂,而神国度的荣耀却是永恒。正如他的政治地位是他的身体,他曾经在其中学习三年的术士学派
(Da 1:4, 5)
是他的魂;而他在信心中刚强、被早期预言所滋养的心思
(Da 9:2),
是他预言的灵,只等从上头来的启示之灵点燃。神正是这样为祂的器皿预备其工。AUBERLEN 将但以理比作约瑟:一位在启示之犹太历史的开端,一位在其末了;两人都在异教宫廷中代表神和祂的百姓;两人都解释了神所赐之梦中模糊的真理预感,因而被世界强权高举;如此代表以色列蒙召在列国中作君尊的祭司;并且是基督——真以色列——以及以色列注定要作照亮外邦世界之光的预表,正如
Ro 11:12, 15
所预言。正如亚崔斯在希腊历史的开端、亚历山大在其末了,是希利尼民族整个生命的镜子;照样约瑟和但以理之于以色列。
CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. 历史性与传记性的引言在第一章。但以理作为一名被掳的俘虏,代表了他那处于奴役和流亡中的国家:而他对梦境属天的洞见,远胜术士,代表了立约之民对其异教统治者属神的优越性。他由此在世上所获得的高位,预表了地将上的国度最终赐给「至高者的圣民」
(Da 7:27)。
如此,但以理的个人历史成为他预言的预表性基础。先知们必须在自身和他们的时代中,经历一些他们所预告关于未来的事;正如大卫在自己身上亲身感受了基督的许多苦楚(比较
Ho 1:2-9, 10, 11; 2:3)。
如此
Jon 1:1-17
等等 [ROOS]。因此但以理和他友人的传记性记载被插入他的预言之中。第二至十二章包含全书的主干,分为两部分。第一部分(第二至七章)从历史角度展示世界强权的发展。第二部分(第八至十二章)论其与以色列的关系,尤其是在基督首次降临之前的未来,于第九章中预告。但预言越过眼前的未来,远眺末日的完全应验,因为救恩历史中有机的各部分若不与整体相连,便无法理解。况且以色列所期盼的弥赛亚时代,不仅是属灵的拯救,更是国度有形的复兴,这也是我们如今仍在等候的。因此他们所需的预言理当兼顾两者,并涵盖在最终成全之前将要过去的那段世界历史。故但以理预言的时期,是从被掳时神政体的倾覆,直到其尚在未来的最终复兴——即世界强权掌权的时期,这时期并未因基督的首次降临而被取代
(Joh 18:36;
因为那时若接管地上的国度,便是从撒但手中接受
Mt 4:8-10),
而要等到祂第二次降临,被祂普遍而永恒的国度所取代
(Re 11:15)。
如此,对世界强权发展与最终结局的概括性鸟瞰(第二至七章),恰当地放在了对眼前未来的揭示(第八至十二章)之前。但以理以迦勒底文写第一部分,以希伯来文写第二部分及引言,藉此标记这分界:前者论及世界强权,用他当时所居世界强权的语言;后者论及神的百姓,用他们自己的语言。后世的一位伪托者会全篇使用希伯来文——即古代先知的语言——或者若想为同时代的人所理解而用亚兰文,他也会用在第二部分而非第一部分,因为第二部分与他们当时的时代更直接相关 [AUBERLEN]。