Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Amos 第1章

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Amos 第 1 章

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Amos 1 Introduction

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阿摩司引言

狄奧多勒(Theodoret)說:「那一位一位造人心、洞悉人一切行為的,既曉得以色列人心的剛硬與悖逆,便不單藉一位先知與他們理論,更以許多先知和奇人為祂的執事,勸誡他們,預告將來的事,並藉著多人的和諧一致,證明他們預言的真實。」

正如假教師的反駁給了保羅論述自己的機會,照樣,伯特利的祭司對阿摩司的逼迫,也把神召他作先知以前、我們所知的他生平的事顯明了出來。他說:「我原不是先知,也不是先知的兒子」(Amos 7:14)。他並未在撒母耳所創立的先知學校中受過任何訓練;在那普遍背道與敗壞的年日裡,正是藉著這些學校,宗教的知識與宗教的生命才得以存留在以色列的餘民中間。他是個「牧人」;這詞(בקר bâqâr)既始終用指與羊群或山羊群相對的「牛」或「牛群」,其名稱又由「犁田」而來,按其自然含義乃指「放牛的人」,(較不顯然的)也可指「牧羊的人」。他「是提哥亞牧人中的一個」;他在他們中間,外表上也如同他們,與他們毫無分別。

他所牧放的羊(因為他也牧放羊群)也許是他自己的。沒有甚麼可以證明或反證這一點。無論如何,他並不像摩押王那樣是個「牧養眾多羊群的大戶」;猶太人本著他們那「預言惟獨賜給富貴之人」的原則(見 Joel 2:29 的註釋),想把阿摩司說成那樣的人。他像大衛一樣,作個牧人跟隨羊群。然而,他那「收拾桑樹果子」——或更可能說「培植桑樹果子」——的職業,倒表明他是一個受雇而靠鄉村勞作為生的人。這詞大概指使桑樹果子成熟的人為方法——刺激它、刮它、刺它、割傷它。

阿摩司並沒有說這些是他的食物,只說他的工作之一,是盡園丁的本分使果子成熟。可見他多少是個園丁,又是眾牧人中間的一個牧人。他所餵養的羊大概也是作買賣的。羊與山羊的品種 נקד naqad——他那「牧人」的特別名稱 נקד nôqêd 即由此而來——至今在阿拉伯仍以同名著稱;那是一個體小、瘦弱、短腿、醜陋而發育不良的品種,甚至產生了一句諺語:「比 naqad 羊更卑賤」;然而那羊的羊毛卻被視為上品。山羊尤多見於巴林。在阿拉伯人中,牧放這種羊的牧人也以由這品種而來的名稱著稱:羊稱為「naqad」,牧人便稱為「noqad」。

先知的出生地提哥亞,在約瑟夫(Josephus)與耶柔米(Jerome)的時代,已衰落為一座高山上的「村莊」,「小村」,距耶路撒冷十二哩。耶柔米補充說,「這是我們天天看得見的」。耶柔米又說:「它在聖伯利恆——世界的救主降生之地——以南六哩;再往南去,除了幾間粗陋的茅屋和可以搬移的帳棚之外,便再無城邑。那向紅海並波斯人、古實人、印度人疆界延伸的曠野荒漠,便是如此。這乾旱多沙的土地上寸穀不生,所以滿了牧人,為要以羊群的眾多補償土地的貧瘠。」約押從提哥亞請來那位「聰明的婦人」(1 Samuel 14:2),為押沙龍說項;羅波安修築了那城(2 Chronicles 11:6);就是說,那城先前原是(後來也再度成為)一座村莊,故約書亞記沒有提起它;他使它成為東南邊境上的一座堅固城。

鄰近的曠野也以它為名(2 Chronicles 20:20; 1 Macc. 9:33)。除了桑樹以外,那地的橄欖油是猶太地中最好的。戰爭與荒涼把這兩樣,如同巴勒斯坦其他地區的一樣,全都滅絕了。今日的遺址屬於基督教古蹟,是「四、五英畝的廢墟」。它與死海附近的許多其他地方一樣,可藉讀音稍異的舊名 Theku'a,並藉其與耶路撒冷的距離,考定其位置。主後第六世紀,我們聽說提哥亞有一座紀念聖阿摩司的小教堂,撒巴小勞拉中離群獨居的修士們在主日於此領受聖餐。從提哥亞眺望的廣闊全景,既攬死人之地,也攬活人之地——神的憐憫與祂的審判。

往東南望去,「視野僅止於摩押平坦的山嶺,其間常有死海的景象,從那介入其中的嶙峋荒涼的群山縫隙間隱現」。往北可以看見橄欖山;在那時候,那是悅人眼目的景象,因為它俯瞰著神「選擇立為祂名的居所」。然而,提哥亞雖是先知的出生地,卻不是先知的家。他是「提哥亞的牧人」中間的一個(מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛);他們既是牧人,其職業便引他們「離開提哥亞」。在曠野的荒野中、他跟隨羊群的時候,神看見他,向他顯現——正如祂從前向雅各、向摩西所作的——並對他說:「去向我民以色列說預言。」正如眾使徒撇下網和父親、馬太丟下稅關來跟隨耶穌,阿摩司也撇下他的羊群和桑樹的栽培,穿著牧人的衣裳,突然出現在那屬王室卻拜偶像的全國性聖所(Amos 7:13)——國家的殿——之中,斥責國家所認可的偶像崇拜,預告王室之家的滅亡與百姓的被擄。像何西阿一樣,他不得不在以色列最強大之君王的治下、在她毫無陰翳的繁盛之中作這事。伯特利在耶路撒冷以北僅十二哩(提哥亞則在東南十二哩);六、七個小時便足以把這牧人從他的羊群和曠野帶到以色列腐敗的泉源——伯特利的邱壇——使這位受感的農夫與國家偶像崇拜的眾祭司和眾先知當面相對。

在那裡,他無疑曾說「以色列的聖所必然荒廢」(Amos 7:9);也在那裡,像從前那位「神人」一樣,站在「祭壇」對面,更新了針對祭壇的預言,並預言祭壇毀滅之時,必連同其拜偶像的敬拜者一併滅亡(Amos 9:1)。然而,雖然他確曾在伯特利傳講了他預言的一部分,但像他偉大的前輩以利亞和以利沙一樣,他無疑並未把他的職事局限於那裡。他對撒瑪利亞那些奢華的婦女——她們的揮霍靠壓迫窮人來維持(Amos 4:1)——所發的召喚,毫無疑問是在撒瑪利亞本地傳講的。他召喚異教徒從環繞那谷的眾山岡上俯視撒瑪利亞(見 Amos 3:9 的註釋),從那裡觀看她的喧嚷與暴虐,聆聽她宴樂的聲音和受壓迫者的哀號,從而在神與祂的百姓之間施行判斷——這樣的召喚,在撒瑪利亞城內傳講也必最為有效。聽他講道的那些有罪的居民的良心,會把他們四圍的山岡——他們以為是自己與世界之間的安全屏障——充滿了他們罪惡的異教見證人和異教復仇者。

先知惟有藉默示才能知道耶羅波安家將臨的毀滅和以色列的被擄。至於他所斥責的罪,他大概是在他們中間生活時得知的。正如保羅在雅典「看見滿城都是偶像」,「心裡著急」(Acts 17:16),阿摩司的心也必因他那以生動筆觸所描繪的奢侈與貧困並列的悲慘對照而深深激動。他所斥責的罪,特別是都城外表繁盛所伴生的罪:極度的奢侈(Amos 3:12, Amos 3:15; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:4-6)、宴樂(Amos 2:8; Amos 3:9)、富人的放蕩(Amos 2:7);這些富人以壓迫窮人來維持自己不顧後果的揮霍(Amos 2:7-8; Amos 3:9; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:3; Amos 8:4-6)、勒索(Amos 3:10)、乘人之急的苛刻交易(Amos 2:8)、司法的扭曲並賄賂(Amos 2:7; Amos 5:7, Amos 5:12; Amos 2:6; Amos 5:12)、虛假的度量衡(Amos 8:5),以及刻薄、嚴苛、大概還伴有重利的糧食買賣(Amos 8:5-6)。在與罪角力時,阿摩司比何西阿更多處理罪的細節與情節。何西阿觸及過犯的核心;阿摩司則在罪所分枝出的種種細節中,顯明其可憎。他處處描寫生動,在此他指出罪所藉以顯露的日常生活事件,例如窮人被賣所得的卑賤代價——或可說是奢侈品——「一雙鞋」(Amos 2:6; Amos 8:6),或他們以高價、用短兩賣給窮人的「壞了的麥子」(這詞是他鑄造的)(Amos 8:6)。

按照阿摩司置於其預言之前的標題,他的職事落在烏西雅與耶羅波安二世同時在位的二十五年之內(主前809至784年)。這與先前已表達的意見相符,即何西阿在他們罪惡清單中所提到的流血,是耶羅波安二世死後革命中的政治流血,而非個人的兇殺。因為阿摩司雖因伴隨政治繁盛與財富而來的罪(如耶羅波安二世之時)責備以色列,卻沒有提到流血。

有人認為,阿摩司開始說預言之前兩年那次地震的提及,給了我們一個更明確的年代。那地震必定是一次可怕的災殃,因為在被擄之後兩個半世紀,它仍被人記念。撒迦利亞說(Zechariah 14:5),好像論到聽眾憑傳聞熟知的事一般:「你們逃跑,必如猶大王烏西雅年間的人逃避大地震一樣。」約瑟夫把這地震與烏西雅獻香那件驕傲的罪行連在一起——神因那罪用大痲瘋擊打他。他把它當作史實記述(《猶太古史》ix. 10):「其時大地震動,聖殿裂開,一道明亮的日光射在王的面容上,痲瘋便立刻臨到他。在城前名叫以羅革(Eroge)的地方,山的西半邊斷裂,向東滾了半哩,停在那裡,堵塞了道路和王的園囿。」然而約瑟夫的這段記載全無歷史根據。不必說聖殿本身裂開這樣的大事竟無記載是多麼不可能,單是約瑟夫已把撒迦利亞對將來之事的描述,與烏西雅年間過去的地震混淆了。其年代也無法與歷史調和。因為烏西雅被痲瘋擊打時,「他兒子約坦管理王家的事,治理那地」(2 Chronicles 26:21);而約坦在他父親死時、「開始作王」的時候,才二十五歲(2 Chronicles 27:1)。烏西雅又比耶羅波安多活了二十六年。這樣,在耶羅波安死時,那在父親患痲瘋後替他治理的約坦還沒有出生。可見烏西雅的痲瘋必是在耶羅波安死後若干年才臨到,因而也在地震之後;因為在耶羅波安年間說預言的阿摩司,是在「地震前二年」說預言的。

以賽亞的預言——「六十五年之內,以法蓮必然破壞,不能再成為國民」(Isaiah 7:8)——的一個古代希伯來解釋,假定以賽亞是預告提革拉毗列色或撒珥根治下被擄的開始;又因以賽亞自己的預言到那被擄之間並不足六十五年,便以為以賽亞是從阿摩司的一段預言——「以色列定被擄去離開本地」(Amos 7:11, Amos 7:17)——起算的。他們把阿摩司這段預言定在烏西雅二十五年。這樣,烏西雅剩下的二十七年、約坦的十六年、亞哈斯的十六年、希西家最初的六年,就湊成了六十五年。這計算未必與把地震和烏西雅的痲瘋連在一起的那個錯誤有關。然而,從以賽亞的話——「再過六十五年」——顯然可見,他是從自己說預言的時候起算;因此這預言所指的,不是結束以色列「國」的那次不完全的被擄,而是以撒哈頓手下更完全的遷徙(Ezra 4:2; 2 Chronicles 33:11; 2 Kings 17:24),那時十支派才不再「成為國民」(亞哈斯十四年+希西家二十九年+瑪拿西二十二年,合計六十五年)。這件事也同樣不能確定阿摩司的年代。

阿摩司叫以色列把自己的疆界與甲尼、哈馬、迦特的疆界相比,這也不能決定預言的年代。既然烏西雅拆毀了迦特的城牆(2 Chronicles 26:6),哈馬又被耶羅波安二世收回歸於以色列(2 Kings 14:28),那麼比較的重點,大概在於這些國家當時所受的災禍,與阿摩司用以威脅以色列、而以色列的富人實際上並不相信的那些災禍之間;因為下文說,「你們以為降禍的日子還遠」(Amos 6:3)。這樣,幼發拉底河彼岸那極古老的城甲尼(Genesis 10:10;其後成為泰西封〔Ctesiphon〕),大概近來受了亞述的苦害,正如迦特和哈馬受猶大與以色列的苦害一樣。但這些年代我們一無所知。以賽亞論到亞述人誇口說「迦勒挪豈不像迦基米施麼?哈馬豈不像亞珥拔麼?撒瑪利亞豈不像大馬色麼?」(Isaiah 10:9);但這是論到很久以後、哈馬、大馬色和撒瑪利亞都已落入亞述之手的時代。我們現今對亞述歷史的知識,對這件阿摩司的聽眾熟知的事件,沒有提供任何線索。

然而,儘管阿摩司先知職任的確切時間不能這樣確定,它必定落在耶羅波安的治世之內,因為伯特利的祭司亞瑪謝是在他面前控告阿摩司的(Amos 7:10-11)。因為這整卷預言都暗示以色列正處於繁盛、安逸、安全之中;而耶羅波安一死,國家便立刻陷入無政府狀態。「哈馬口」的提及既屬於以色列(Amos 6:14),就表明這預言是在耶羅波安把它收回歸給以色列之後(2 Kings 14:25);他所斥責的安逸、驕傲、奢侈,表明外邦的欺壓(2 Kings 14:26)已經止息多時。這與預言的標題相符,但不能把年代限定得更窄。他既是在烏西雅與耶羅波安二世一同作王時說預言,他的職事就必落在主前809年至784年之間,即耶羅波安二世在位最後的二十五年。這樣,他的職事大概開始於何西阿之後,卻遠在何西阿結束之前。在某種意義上,他比何西阿既晚又早:晚於何西阿先知職事的最早時期,卻遠早於其最晚時期。

在這段時期之內,沒有甚麼能把阿摩司的活動限制在很短的時間內。伯特利的祭司亞瑪謝的傳話,表明阿摩司那些災禍的話已把以色列震撼到極處。「阿摩司在以色列家中圖謀背叛你,他所說的一切話,以色列擔不起」(Amos 7:10)。也許神差他到伯特利某個大節期之中,正如在耶羅波安的奉獻之節時,神差後來不順從的那位先知,去預告耶羅波安正奉神的名、卻違背神所奉獻之祭壇的被褻瀆一樣。若是這樣,阿摩司可能像以利亞一樣,隨即面對一大群拜偶像的人。然而,亞瑪謝的話按其明顯的含義,似乎表明阿摩司所產生的影響,比在單一地方傳講神的信息所能造成的更為普及。他論到「這地」,就是籠統地論到十個支派,說它「擔不起他所說的一切話」。「圖謀背叛」的控告大概也暗示,有些人不僅被搖動,更因阿摩司的話回轉了,並因依附他和他的信仰而為人所知。

阿摩司似乎也把禁止神的先知說預言的事,當作一種慣常的風氣來講論,遠超出他當場斥責的亞瑪謝那一次的反對。「我從你們子弟中興起先知……你們卻囑咐先知說:不要說預言」(Amos 2:11-12)。再者,嚴格說來,阿摩司自己並非以法蓮之子。Amos 4:1-13 的一連串比喻,似乎是對「他為何在他們中間說預言」這一異議的回答。他會說,在自然界的事上,人並不因結果隨原因而來感到驚奇;神的命令是原因,阿摩司的預言是結果(Amos 3:3-8)。他們「把降禍的日子推到遠處」(Amos 6:3),在眼前的奢侈中忘卻將來的災禍;或自稱神與他們同在:「耶和華萬軍之神照你們所說的與你們同在」(Amos 5:14);或信靠他們對神半心半意的事奉、並幻想神在他們中間,就譏笑阿摩司的凶言,自稱渴望那他用來威脅他們的耶和華的日子;他們說,災禍必不臨到自己:「想望耶和華日子來到的有禍了!你們為何想望耶和華的日子呢?」(Amos 5:18)「我民中的一切罪人,就是那些說『災禍必追不上我們、迎不著我們』的,都必死在刀下」(Amos 9:10)。他們也在行為上顯出恨惡那公開責備他們的人(Amos 5:10);阿摩司像何西阿一樣宣告,他們已經硬心,連智慧本身也只好任憑他們去(Amos 5:13)。這一切都表明先知與百姓之間持續的接觸;可見他的職分不是在幾篇講道——可以這樣說——或幾次受感的神旨宣告中便履行完畢,而必是在他們中間多年牧養的職分。他如今的這卷書(像何西阿的書一樣)是他預言的摘要。

那卷書(因為阿摩司其後親自把他的先知教訓彙集為一個整體)是一個秩序井然的整體。他自己(在標題中)說明,這書是先講說、後記錄的。因為他說,這些是他在先知異象中「看見」的「話語」,是在「地震前二年」;可見這部分預言至少比他的著述早兩年。那可怕的地震大概正是他彙集這些預言的契機。但那地震無疑不僅是一個時間的標記。他若只打算標明日期,大概會像其他先知那樣提猶大王的年份。他自己提到地震(Amos 4:11),是把它列為神不悅的警告之一。這次更具毀滅性的地震,大概是耶羅波安二世繁盛治世期間神不悅的第一個大記號,是阿摩司所預告、其後如波浪般接連臨到以色列、直到末後一次將她擄去之更重審判的頭一個先鋒。以色列已受了兩年的預警;如今「災難的起頭」(Matthew 24:8)已經來到。

阿摩司在書的開頭(如前已指出的)把他的書與先知約珥的書相接。約珥曾預言,作為神審判罪惡的實例,祂必報應推羅、西頓、非利士、以東向猶大所行的惡,又必使埃及荒涼。阿摩司略去埃及,加上大馬色、亞捫、摩押,並猶大本身。也許他總共選了七國,作為一個整體(因為這數目如此常用);也許他包括了神治的一切特殊仇敵——那些因以色列和猶大是神的百姓而恨惡他們的國家——以及神的百姓本身(就其也遠離了自己的神而言)。可以肯定,所斥責的罪都是抵擋神治、即抵擋神之治理的罪。也許阿摩司要向他們顯明這真理:「神是不偏待人的」;祂這全地的審判者,刑罰每一個有罪的國家;並要藉著這神審判的宣告,為罪人如此畏縮逃避的真理作預備——神在祂曾最彰顯其光與愛之處,刑罰也最重(Amos 3:2)。神審判的雷雲,經過四圍的萬國——敘利亞與非利士、推羅、以東、亞捫、摩押——甚至向猶大和耶路撒冷傾瀉了天火,最終停留在以色列之上。總結這一圈對以色列之審判的那段概要,論及他們的罪更為詳盡,因為他們是他使命的主要對象。在那概要中,阿摩司把他在別處責備他們的諸罪彙集為一,並把他們的忘恩負義、與他們熄滅神所賜之光的企圖,擺在他們面前。

我們各章的劃分順乎自然,每章(像何西阿的各章一樣)以禍哉結束。Amos 3:1-15、Amos 4:1-13 和 Amos 5 以三次重複的召喚——「當聽這話」——區分開來。在每一章裡,他向他們擺出他們的一些罪,並在每一章裡宣告神對他們的判決:「所以主耶和華如此說」;「以色列啊,我必向你如此行」;「主耶和華萬軍之神如此說」(Amos 3:11; Amos 4:12; Amos 5:16,如先前的 Amos 2:14)。隨後是兩重的禍哉:「想望……的有禍了」(Amos 5:18);「安逸無慮的有禍了」(Amos 6:1);這兩段同樣以神審判的新判決結束:頭一段論以色列最終「被擄到大馬色以外」;第二段論他們因提革拉毗列色的初次入侵而更切近的苦難(見 Amos 6:14 的註釋)。在 Amos 7,他開始了一系列異象。在頭兩個異象裡,神因先知的代求而饒恕(Amos 7:3, Amos 7:6)。

在第三個異象裡,神表明祂必不再饒恕(Amos 7:8)。隨後是亞瑪謝禁止說預言,以及神對他的判決。在 Amos 8:1-14,阿摩司(好像中間沒有發生甚麼似的)恢復了那被亞瑪謝打斷的異象系列,並且恰好從他被止住之處接續。亞瑪謝是在阿摩司宣告神必不再「寬恕」以色列家、卻要使以色列的偶像聖所荒廢、並使刀劍臨到耶羅波安家時打斷的。阿摩司(恢復敘述)的異象重複了這話:「我必不再饒恕以色列人」(Amos 8:2),並預告偶像之殿的歌聲必變為哀號。阿摩司以一個異象開始最後一章:不但偶像的祭壇和殿要毀滅,它也要成為其敬拜者的毀滅(Amos 9:1)。阿摩司把每個異象都作為主題加以發揮,兩者都以禍哉結束:頭一個以以色列拜偶像者的徹底毀滅結束(Amos 8:14);第二個以以色列有罪的「國」之毀滅結束(Amos 9:8)。與此相連,他加上對以色列「家」的應許:他們雖在萬國中「好像用篩子篩穀」,卻「連一粒也不落在地上」(Amos 9:9)。在此之外,他像何西阿一樣,加上一個結束的應許(他全書中的頭一個):神必建立大衛倒塌的帳幕,使異教徒歸正,並藉此使以色列被擄的歸回,伴隨著那些在約珥書中已象徵屬靈福氣的應許(Amos 9:13)。

阿摩司像何西阿一樣,是為以色列而立的先知。在把猶大圈入神懲治範圍的第二章(因他「厭棄耶和華的律法」,Amos 2:4-5)之後,阿摩司只附帶提及猶大。他在那裡預告耶路撒冷必(如事實所行)被火焚燒。猶大也必包括在「我所從埃及地領上來的全家」這話之內(Amos 3:1),並且有禍哉宣告給那些「在錫安山安逸無慮的」(Amos 6:1)。在其餘地方,「以色列」、「以色列家」、「以色列的處女」、「以色列的聖所」、「雅各」、「雅各家」、同義的「以撒的邱壇」、「以撒家」、「約瑟家」、「約瑟所剩下的人」、「約瑟的苦難」、「撒瑪利亞山」或「撒瑪利亞的眾山」、「撒瑪利亞」本身、「伯特利」(Amos 3:9, Amos 3:12-14; Amos 4:1, Amos 4:4-5, Amos 4:12; Amos 5:1, Amos 5:4, Amos 5:6, Amos 5:15, Amos 5:25; Amos 6:1, Amos 6:6, Amos 6:8, Amos 6:14; Amos 7:2, Amos 7:5, Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:16-17; Amos 8:2, Amos 8:14; Amos 9:7-8),交替出現,作他預言的對象。亞瑪謝譏誚說,他的話既是針對以色列和伯特利而發,在猶大國必受歡迎——這也暗示同樣的事實;阿摩司自己也宣告這是他的使命:「去向我民以色列說預言。」論到別是巴的偶像崇拜時,阿摩司用了「不要過到別是巴」這話(Amos 5:5),把猶大的偶像崇拜加在他們自己的之上。「過到」這話,惟有在以色列中說預言的人才能使用。因此,阿摩司以那不是首先給他們、而是給大衛家、並藉其復興而給以色列的應許,來結束他的預言,這對以色列中的忠信者必更為深刻。阿摩司像何西阿一樣,預告「以色列國」的徹底毀滅,同時又宣告神必不將「雅各家」全然毀滅(Amos 9:8-10),卻要拯救其中的選民。

亞瑪謝的反對格外突出,是人們用以淹沒神聲音的無數「不要說預言」呼喊中一個顯著的實例。耶羅波安沒有理會那控告。他的大捷曾由先知約拿預告給他;他不願干預神的這位先知,雖然他所預告的——不像亞瑪謝曲解他的話那樣——不是「耶羅波安」必「被刀殺」,而是「耶羅波安的家」(Amos 7:9)必如此滅亡。但他這卷書全部都在耶羅波安的治世和以色列國的境內。他是蒙神呼召在那裡作先知的;也沒有絲毫痕跡表明他曾在猶大盡職,或生前退居猶大。

一個相當晚的傳統,把阿摩司列在我們主所說被祂百姓殺害的眾先知之中。那傳統說:「在他(阿摩司)被伯特利的祭司亞瑪謝多次毒打之後(記述者所用的詞,與 Hebrews 11:35 中的相同),那祭司的兒子奧西(Osee)用木樁刺穿了他的太陽穴。他被半死地抬回本地,幾日之後因傷而死,葬在他列祖中間。」但記述此事的匿名希臘作者(儘管此事本身有其可能),在其他事上並無可信的資料,而且耶柔米與亞歷山大的區利羅(Cyril)都對此一無所知。耶柔米只記載,阿摩司的墳墓仍在其出生地提哥亞被人指認。

阿摩司牧人生活的影響,最顯明於他預言中最崇高的部分,即他對全能之神大能作為的描寫(Amos 4:13; Amos 5:8; Amos 9:5-6)。對於自然界那些可畏而驟然的改變——拜偶像者所敬拜的對象忽然被遮蔽,「使地在白晝變黑暗」——他的牧人生活早使他熟悉。繁星滿佈的天,常常見證他的靈與神靜默的交通。以法蓮的拜偶像者在牛犢中敬拜「自然」。阿摩司便樂於向他們展示他的神——他們也自以為所敬拜的那位——是「自然」的創造主,按自己的旨意運用並改變自然。在刑罰不敬虔者的事上,整個自然界也必順服其創造主(Amos 8:8);任何事物也不能向祂藏躲(Amos 9:2-3, Amos 9:5)。牧人生活也必使先知熟悉野獸的危險,正如我們所知大衛年輕時的實情。取自野獸的比喻,大概是他所見或所經歷之事的追憶(Amos 3:4-5, Amos 3:12; Amos 5:19)。但阿摩司是貧瘠而大體無樹的曠野中的牧人,並不像農夫那樣生活。他的家鄉不是產糧之地,也不是香柏樹與橡樹之地;所以那些取自高大樹木(Amos 2:9)、滿載的重車(Amos 2:13)、或篩穀(Amos 9:9)的比喻,並非他生活在自然景物中的直接結果。穀物的病害、蝗蟲、旱災——先知說,神曾把這些差到他們中間——是以色列產糧之地更能感受的打擊,而非提哥亞曠野所能感受的。他責備以色列的麻木不仁,當然是指他們在自己受苦時心硬(Amos 4:7-9);他奉神的名用以威脅他們的審判(Amos 7:1-3),與他在本鄉的牧人生活並無關係。

連耶柔米在立定一個正確原則的同時,也不自覺地以這書開頭的話,作為那種牧人生活所產生比喻的實例,而那些話有一部分是先知約珥的話。他說:「凡操一門技藝的人,都用他技藝的術語說話,各人從他畢生從事的行業中取其比喻,這是自然的。為何這樣說?乃要表明:先知阿摩司——他是牧人中的牧人,而且不是在耕作之地、葡萄園間、樹林中或青草地上,乃在那只有獅子的兇猛與牲畜的毀滅可見的廣大曠野之中——也使用他技藝的語言,稱那可畏可懼之主的聲音為獅子的吼叫,並把以色列眾城的傾覆,比作牧人的荒涼之處或山嶺的乾旱。」

實情也許是:阿摩司在自然景物中的宗教生活,像大衛一樣,使他慣於用取自自然這本巨畫冊的言語表達思想——這畫冊既同樣出於神手所寫,便如此奇妙地表達神的事。當他先知的生活把他帶到耕作自然的其他景物之中,他那慣於解讀物質世界與道德世界之關係的靈魂,便同等自如地從他所見的、或從他所記憶的,取用他比喻的語言。他是我們所稱的「自然之子」,被他的神賦予能力與智慧。把牧人生活導致先知連外表文體也遜於他人歸咎於他,是更嚴重的錯謬。連異教徒也說過,「言語隨思想而來」;何況思想與言語既是由神聖靈一同澆灌於靈魂之中,就更是如此。相反,幾乎沒有一位先知在文體上比阿摩司更熾烈,也幾乎無人更奇妙地結合了自然與道德兩個世界、神的全能與全知(Amos 4:13)。

異象若要敘述,用散文敘述最為有效。它們的效力部分繫於其單純;言辭的藻飾可能把它們的意義掩蓋埋沒。因此,《阿摩司書》的許多部分自然都是散文。可以說,阿摩司或撒迦利亞異象中的詩意,是在思想裡,不是在言語裡。阿摩司責備以色列富足的罪人時,也選用散文體。然而在這之中,還有甚麼比那召喚以色列的異教仇敵去佈滿撒瑪利亞四圍的山岡、觀看她的罪惡的話(Amos 3:9)更有詩意?還有甚麼比那幅連神的名也不敢提的絕望圖畫(Amos 6:9-10)更生動?還有甚麼比那召喚以色列去——若他們願意——同時犯罪又為罪獻祭的話(Amos 4:4)更大膽?還有甚麼比那驟然的轉折——「在地上萬族中,我只認識你們;因此,我必追討你們的一切罪孽」(Amos 3:2)——更有力量?或那驟然的召喚——「我必向你如此行」(Amos 4:12)(這沉默〔「這樣行」是指甚麼〕比言語更驚心)——「以色列啊,你當預備迎見你的神」?還有甚麼比那奢華富人圖畫的結尾更悽惻——他述說了他們如何把奢侈堆疊於奢侈之上之後,以他們所沒有作的事結束:「卻不為約瑟的苦難擔憂」(Amos 6:6)?

奧古斯丁選阿摩司作樸素無華之雄辯的實例。他舉了保羅的例子之後,說:「這些事,由教授們教導時,便被視為偉大,以高價買來,在盛大的誇耀中售出。我恐怕我這些議論也帶有同樣自誇的氣味。但我所要應對的,是那些持虛假學問之人;他們輕看我們的作者,不是因為這些作者沒有,而是因為他們不炫耀那種他們過分看重的雄辯。

「我看我必須論先知的雄辯說些話。我這樣作,主要取材於那位先知的書;他說自己是牧人或放牛之人,被神從那裡取來,差去對祂的百姓說預言。

「當這位農夫,或農夫先知,責備那些不敬虔、驕傲、奢華、因而最不顧弟兄之愛的人時,他大聲喊道:『安逸無慮的人有禍了,等等。』那些因學問與雄辯而輕看我們先知為無學問、不知修辭的人——他們若曾有這類話可說,或須向這樣的人說話——他們中間凡不願癡愚的,誰願意換另一種說法呢?因為健全的耳朵,還能渴求甚麼超出這裡所說的呢?首先,這斥責本身,是何等轟然投擲而出,如同要喚醒他們麻木的感官!」

所以,他分析過這些經節之後說:「這是何等美,對那些閱讀而明白的人有何等感受,對一個自己感受不到的人說,是無用的。在我所選的這一處,還可以找到更多修辭規則的例證。但一位好的聽者,從對這些規則的詳盡討論所得的教益,不如從對它們火熱的誦讀所得的點燃。因為這些不是出於人的技巧所構成,乃是從神的心思中以雄辯的智慧傾瀉而出;智慧不求雄辯,雄辯也不離智慧。」「因為,正如一些最雄辯而敏銳之人所能看見並述說的,凡作為修辭技藝而學到的,若不是首先在演說家的天才中發現,就不會被觀察、記錄並歸納成這體系;那麼,這些若也發現在那些奉『那創造天才者』所差遣的人裡面,又有何可驚呢?所以我們可以坦然承認,我們正典的作者與教師不僅有智慧,也有與其身分相稱的雄辯。」

耶柔米把保羅論自己的話——「言語粗俗,知識卻不粗俗」(2 Corinthians 11:6)——應用在阿摩司身上,大概主要想到的是後半句,因為他補充說:「因為那藉眾先知說話的同一聖靈,也在他裡面說話。」羅斯博士(Dr. Lowth)說得恰切(其《論希伯來詩藝》序講 xxi):「耶柔米稱阿摩司言語粗俗而知識不粗俗,是把保羅對自己謙卑自陳的話應用在他身上;許多人憑這權威,便以為這位先知全然粗俗、無雄辯、無修飾。其實大不然!讓任何公正的判斷者讀他的著作,不想是誰寫的,只想他寫的是甚麼,他就必認為我們的牧人『一點不在最大的使徒以下』;在思想的高超與心靈的宏偉上,幾乎與最高者相等;在措辭的光輝與結構的優美上,幾乎不遜於任何人。因為這同一位神聖的靈,以祂的默感在宮廷中感動以賽亞和但以理,在羊圈旁感動大衛和阿摩司;祂總是選擇合宜的神旨詮釋者,有時從嬰孩和吃奶的口中完全了讚美。對有的人祂使用其雄辯,有的人祂使他成為雄辯家。」

的確有人注意到,在結構的規整上,他有一種獨屬於自己的優雅。他把頭兩章沉重預言所鑄成的分節詩體(strophic form),大大增其莊嚴;第四章重複出現的重擔——「你們仍不歸向我,這是耶和華說的」(Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-11)——則自有一種深沉的哀惻。的確,在顧及預言的外在形式而把它們結為一體的事上,沒有別的先知比這位受感的牧人更細心。阿摩司(用人的說法與其說是詩人,不如說)是神聖的演說家。單是前面舉過的那些有力的轉折之一,就足以給一位屬人的演說家蓋上印記;更何況這些轉折,從先知的時代直到今日,已把那些浸透於罪中的靈魂徹底搖撼。論到屬人的雄辯,曾有人說:「他發出閃電,鳴出雷聲,使希臘翻騰。」這位牧人震撼的不只是一國,而是全世界;不是憑一場轉瞬即逝的地震,而是憑著那以電流般的力量湧貫於他言語中的敬畏神之情。

有人設想阿摩司有方言上的差異,或牧人生活影響了他的發音。但所涉及的只是五個字。在其中三個,他的拼法與希伯來文別處所見的只差一個字母;有兩處的差異在於使用不同的噝音,第三處在於使用較弱的喉音。此外,他使用了以撒一名較軟的發音,這發音也見於耶利米書和一篇詩篇;在另一個字上,他與兩篇詩篇相同,採用帶喉音的字根,而不用希伯來文中常見的帶強噝音的字根。在這五例中,有四例阿摩司使用較軟的形式;第五例,我們只知道那兩個噝音從前的發音不同,卻無法推測其差別何在。那兩個噝音在好幾個希伯來字中互換,且找不到任何可循的規則。在另一個噝音上,阿摩司的改變恰與以法蓮人相反——以法蓮人只能把「示播列」發成「西播列」,只會發「s」而不會發「sh」;但以法蓮人根本發不出「sh」音,而阿摩司的變化僅限於一個字。與阿摩司這些實例類似的變化,也見於聖經其他的字。整體而言,我們可以推測,在阿摩司所居住的猶大南部,存在一種較軟的發音;但惟一穩妥的結論乃是:這些字是何等極度審慎地按先知所說所寫的原樣傳留給我們。

前已指出,阿摩司與何西阿一同表明:摩西律法的一切節期與祭祀、祭司、先知、聖殿,在以色列中都存留著,只是被扭曲為牛犢崇拜。連三年一輪的什一奉獻,他們也不敢廢除。阿摩司還補充了幾項更細微的禮儀特徵:他們在獻有酵之感謝祭的事上有相同的條例(Amos 4:5);他們的祭壇同樣有角(如律法所規定的),祭牲的血要彈在壇角上(Amos 3:14;見 Exodus 27:2; Exodus 29:12; Leviticus 4:25);他們也有祭壇的碗(Amos 6:6),就是摩西時代會眾首領所獻的那一種(Numbers 7:13),祭牲的血從其中彈出,而他們的富人至少有時搶了來盛酒喝。

他們中間不但有真先知,也有神興起的真拿細耳人;他們企圖用詭詐或強暴使拿細耳人背誓(Amos 2:12),可見他們感到這些敬虔之人敵擋自己的影響力沉重。阿摩司責備他們的富人違反人與人之間的律法時,是以摩西律法在這一方面也同樣在他們中間被承認為前提。因為在他的話中——「阻礙謙卑人的道路」(Amos 2:7; Amos 5:12;見 Exodus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:19; Deuteronomy 24:17; Deuteronomy 27:19)、「在城門口屈枉窮乏人」(Amos 2:8;見 Exodus 22:26-27)、「收受賄賂」(Amos 5:12,指為富人的惡行收取代贖之物)——他保留了五經特有的用語;在「在各壇旁鋪人所當的衣服,臥在其上」(Amos 2:8;見 Exodus 22:26-27)、「使伊法變小」(Amos 8:5;見 Deuteronomy 25:14-15)等話中也是如此。「詭詐的天平」(Amos 8:5)與律法所吩咐的「公道的天平」(Leviticus 19:36)正相反。

他責備他們那種特殊的污穢——律法在原則上已明禁的(Deuteronomy 23:1)——時,使用了律法中屢屢重複的禁令用語:「褻瀆我的聖名」(Amos 2:7; Leviticus 20:3)。在他所提的刑罰上,他使用的正是神用以宣告那些刑罰的詞語。譯作「旱風、霉爛」的那兩個特別的字(Amos 4:9; Deuteronomy 28:22),只見於申命記、根據申命記而發的所羅門的祈禱(1 Kings 8:37),以及暗指阿摩司的哈該書(Haggai 2:17)。在「我傾覆你們,如同神傾覆所多瑪、蛾摩拉一樣」這話中(Amos 4:11; Deuteronomy 29:23),申命記特有的字、形式與威脅都保留了下來。「你們建造石頭房屋,卻不得住在其中;栽種美好的葡萄園,卻不得喝所出的酒」這威脅,是把申命記中的話融合並加以擴充(Amos 5:11; Deuteronomy 28:30, Deuteronomy 28:39)。描述他們不悔改的那個特別用語,也是取自同一卷書(Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-10;見 Deuteronomy 4:29)。

「苦膽和茵蔯」的比喻(Amos 6:12,出自 Deuteronomy 29:18)也是如此——那是兩種苦植物,他們竟把公平和公義變成了這等苦物。還有其他五經語句的迴響,交織在阿摩司的話中,表明五經既存在於先知的記憶裡,也存在於以色列聽眾的記憶裡(見 Amos 2:2, Amos 2:10-11; Amos 3:2; Amos 6:1; Amos 7:16; Amos 9:8, Amos 9:12)。的確,在埃及為奴四百年之後,那些因神與眾族長交往而成聖之地點的傳統,甚至他們與「兄弟以東」的關係(Amos 1:11),大概都已失傳。創世記並非收錄當時流行的此類傳說,而是必已使它們復甦。別是巴的偶像崇拜(如何西阿所暗示的)、基列的偶像崇拜,以及耶羅波安揀選伯特利本身作牛犢崇拜之地,都表明拜偶像者對這歷史有所認識並相信;這歷史他們必定是從五經中學來的。無疑,耶羅波安的政策之一,正是要憑神向他們列祖所施的憐憫,設立具有傳統聖性的對抗場所,與耶路撒冷聖殿的專一主張相頡頏——正如穆罕默德利用對亞伯拉罕的記憶,來確立他對耶路撒冷的權益主張一樣。但這些傳統也必須是百姓所領受的,而不是從他們中間生發的;它們不是從埃及帶出來的。那為奴、卑賤、耽於聲色、喜好偶像的百姓,沒有心去珍守他們偉大列祖純正宗教的記憶——那些列祖所敬拜的,是無形像、自有永有的神。

阿摩司既使用五經的語言、又引用約珥書,照樣,更可能的乃是:他在頭一批預言的重擔——「我要降火在……家中,燒滅……的宮殿」——裡,取用了何西阿眾所周知的話(Hosea 8:14),並藉此賦予二人的預言以統一性;而不是說,那除了五經語言外不用別種語言的何西阿,在他採用這形式的惟一地方,竟把阿摩司的「重擔」限縮到猶大一例。再者,在何西阿書中,宣告猶大城邑宮殿遭毀的話,與猶大建造它們時的錯謬心態直接相連;而在阿摩司書中,這些話是孤立的。此外,兩位先知的用語並不互相倚賴,惟一例外是二人都有「詭詐的天平」一語(Hosea 12:8〔英文聖經作 Hosea 12:7〕;Amos 8:5);這語原是與律法中神所吩咐的「公道的天平」相對而造的,並且最先見於所羅門的箴言(Proverbs 11:1; Proverbs 20:23)。

在後來的先知中,耶利米用自己的話,向大馬色更新了阿摩司的預言;只是,大概因著提革拉毗列色手下的毀滅,對哈薛的記憶已經磨滅,耶利米便不按哈薛稱呼它,而以那城本身與便哈達之名稱之(Jeremiah 49:27)。阿摩司的話曾一次應驗,其民被遷到吉珥。大概逃亡者又重新住滿了那城;耶利米有意指明,藉阿摩司所宣告的判決尚未用盡。大概也是基於同樣的理由,耶利米責備亞捫人犯了相似的罪,特別是犯了阿摩司曾因其而向它宣告禍哉的那罪——圖謀侵吞以色列的疆土(Amos 1:13; Jeremiah 49:1)——時,使用了阿摩司的話:「他們的王和首領必一同被擄去」(Amos 1:15; Jeremiah 49:3)。同樣,哈該責備他那時代的猶太人在神的懲治下不知悔改,所用的話與阿摩司的並無實質差異(Amos 4:9; Haggai 2:17)。這樣重複講給歸回之猶太人的阿摩司的話,恍如從以色列荒涼的產業中發出聲響:「不要再犯罪,恐怕你遭遇的更加利害。」

阿摩司話語的其他迴響,只不過是聖經和諧的一部分——先知們也以此互相表明他們彼此的合一:他們使用彼此的言語。

阿摩司的教導當時所具有的能力,國家的祭司亞瑪謝已向耶羅波安強調了。亞瑪謝雖輕看阿摩司本人,卻向耶羅波安承認了這事實:「以色列擔不起他所說的一切話。」無疑,正如猶太人因「敵擋不住司提反以智慧和聖靈所說的話」而向他切齒(Acts 6:10),神也以能力伴隨祂僕人向祂百姓所說的話。他們已經見過神的話向耶羅波安一世、巴沙、亞哈的家應驗。如今同樣的厄運重新向「耶羅波安的家」宣告,與它一同宣告的,還有十支派被分散的預言(Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17)——那是何西阿同時所預告的(Hosea 1:6; Hosea 9:17)。以色列的這兩位先知互相印證,卻也不給自己留下逃避的餘地。他們把預言的全部聲譽,都押在這一明確的結局上。我們知道這話已在耶羅波安家應驗;而耶羅波安家比其前其後的任何王朝都更穩固。

我們知道十支派那空前未有的被擄。他們若真的沒有被擄,預言就早已蒙羞;而預言的勝利也正與此相稱。每一步都是隨後之事的分期兌付與憑據。耶羅波安之子撒迦利雅的死,是整體應驗的第一步;隨後,大概在普勒攻打米拿現的入侵中(2 Kings 15:19),亞瑪謝的厄運也接踵而至。神並不急於為自己的話辯白。至於舍伯那(Isaiah 22:17-18)、亞瑪謝、假先知亞哈和西底家(Jeremiah 29:20-22)、示瑪雅(Jeremiah 29:32)、巴施戶珥(Jeremiah 20:6),或其他假先知(Jeremiah 14:15),祂都沒有逐一記下個別的報應。有時,如哈拿尼亞的事(Jeremiah 28:17),聖經記下了神審判個別應驗的實情;但多數時候,神判決的執行都被略過不提。罪犯的判決,除非獲得緩刑,本身就包含著執行。事實既已深印於目擊者心中,審判的記錄於我們便已足夠。

隨後,在提革拉毗列色手下,論到大馬色的預言(Amos 1:5)與論到基列的預言(Amos 6:14)應驗了。在撒珥根手下,論到十支派的預言應驗了(Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17; Amos 9:8)。論到猶大的預言(Amos 2:5)還等了一百三十三年,才由尼布甲尼撒應驗。再過幾年,他又執行了阿摩司所預告、臨到他們仇敵——摩押、亞捫、以東、推羅——的神的審判(Amos 1:9; Amos 2:3)。至於論到非利士的預言(Amos 1:6-8),埃及諸王、亞述諸王,以及馬其頓的亞歷山大大帝,相繼予以應驗。人的意志何等繁多,事件何等眾多,都要成就這牧人先知樸素的言語。阿摩司預告事件;他也確實說明了審判為何要來。阿摩司沒有預告審判何時來、藉誰而來。然而,他絕對地預告了事件本身,而事件也果然臨到。像約珥一樣,他預告異教徒的歸正,並且在相當程度上預見了以賽亞的預言——神要藉著大衛家傾覆之後的復興,成就這事。王家直到傾覆之後才在世界的救贖中被使用,這是對人類偉大的一個奇特評註!王宮必須先變成拿撒勒的茅舍,世界的救贖主才能降生——祂的榮耀與國度不屬這世界;祂來,不是要從我們取去甚麼,只取我們的性情,好使它成聖;只取我們的苦難,好替我們承擔。然而,屬血氣的人在祂來以先不能預見這事,正如在祂來到之後,屬血氣的人也不能相信。

英文原文

Introduction to Amos

Theodoret: "He who made, one by one, the hearts of men, and understands all their works, knowing the hardness and contrariousness of the heart of Israel, reasons with them not through one prophet only, but, employing as His ministers many prophets and wondrous men, admonishes them and foretells the things to come, evidencing through the harmony of many the truthfulness of their predictions."

As the contradiction of false teachers gave occasion to Paul to speak of himself, so the persecution of the priest of Bethel has brought out such knowledge as we have of the life of Amos, before God called him to be a prophet. "I," he says, "was no prophet, neither was I a prophet's son" Amos 7:14. He had not received any of the training in those schools of the prophets which had been founded by Samuel, and through which, amid the general apostasy and corruption, both religious knowledge and religious life were maintained in the remnant of Israel. He was a "herdsman," whether (as this word, בקר bâqâr, would naturally mean being used always of the "ox" or "herd" in contrast with the "flocks" of sheep or goats, and the name being derived from "plowing") "a cowherd" or (less obviously) "a shepherd." He was "among the herdsmen of Tekoah"; among them, and, outwardly, as they, in nothing distinguished from them.

The sheep which he tended (because he also kept sheep) may have been his own. There is nothing to prove or to disprove it. Anyhow, he was not like the king of Moab, "a sheep-master" , as the Jews, following out their principle, that "prophecy was only bestowed by God upon the rich and noble" (see the note at Joel 2:29), wish to make him. Like David, he was following the sheep , as their shepherd. But his employment as "a gatherer" (or, more probably, "a cultivator") "of sycamore fruit" designates him instead as one living by a rural employment for hire. Probably, the word designates the artificial means by which the sycamore fruit was ripened, irritating, scraping, puncturing, wounding it .

Amos does not say that these were his food, but that one of his jobs was to perform a gardener's function in maturing the figs. So he was something of a gardener and a shepherd among other shepherds. The sheep which he fed were also probably a matter of trade. The breed of sheep and goats, נקד naqad in keeping with his special name of shepherd נקד nôqêd, was derived, is still known by the same name in Arabia; a race, small, thin, short-legged, ugly, and stunted. It furnished a proverb, "viler than a naqad"; yet the wool of the sheep was accounted the very best. The goats were found especially in Bahrein. Among the Arabs also, the shepherd of these sheep was known by a name derived from them. They were called "naqad;" and their shepherd was called a "noqad" .

The prophet's birthplace, Tekoah, was a town which, in the time of Josephus and of Jerome, had dwindled into a "village" , "a little village" , on a high hill, twelve miles from Jerusalem, "which," Jerome adds, "we see daily." "It lay" Jerome says , "six miles southward from holy Bethlehem where the Saviour of the world was born, and beyond it is no village except some rude huts and movable tents. Such is the wide waste of the desert which stretches to the Red Sea, and the bounds of the Persians, Ethiopians, and Indians. And no grain whatever being grown upon this dry and sandy soil, it is all full of shepherds, in order, by the multitude of the flocks, to make amends for the barrenness of the land." From Tekoah Joab brought the "wise woman" 1 Samuel 14:2 to intercede for Absalom; Rehoboam built it 2 Chronicles 11:6; i. e., whereas it had been before (what it afterward again became) a village, and so was not mentioned in the Book of Joshua, he made it a fortified town toward his southeastern border.

The neighboring wilderness was called after it (2 Chronicles 20:20; 1 Macc. 9:33). Besides its sycamores, its oil was the best in Judah . War and desolation have extirpated both from this as well as from other parts of Palestine . Its present remains are Christian , "ruins of 4 or 5 acres." It, as well as so many other places near the Dead Sea, is identified by the old name, slightly varied in pronunciation, Theku'a, as also by its distance from Jerusalem . In the sixth century a.d. we hear of a chapel in memory of the holy Amos at Tekoa , where the separated monks of the lesser laura of Saba communicated on the Lord's day. The wide prospect from Tekoa embraced both the dead and the living - God's mercies and His judgments.

To the Southeast "the view is bounded only by the level mountains of Moab, with frequent bursts of the Dead Sea, seen through openings among the rugged and desolate mountains which intervene." On the North, the Mount of Olives is visible, at that time dear to sight, as overhanging the place, which God had "chosen to place His Name there." Tekoah, however, although the birthplace, was not the home of the prophet. He was "among the herdsmen from Tekoah" (מתקוע mı̂teqôa‛) their employment, as shepherds, leading them away "from Tekoah." In the wilds of the desert while he was following his sheep, God saw him and revealed Himself to him, as he had to Jacob and to Moses, and said to him, "Go prophesy unto My people Israel." And, just as the apostles left their nets and their father, and Matthew abandoned the receipt of custom, and followed Jesus, so Amos left his sheep and his cultivation of sycamores, and appeared suddenly in his shepherd's dress at the royal but idolatrous Amos 7:13 sanctuary, the temple of the state, to denounce the idolatry sanctioned by the state, to foretell the extinction of the Royal family, and the captivity of the people. This, like Hosea, he had to do in the reign of the mightiest of the sovereigns of Israel, in the midst of her unclouded prosperity. Bethel was only twelve miles north of Jerusalem , since Tekoah was twelve miles toward the southeast. Six or seven hours would suffice to transport the shepherd from his sheep and the wilderness to that fountain of Israel's corruption, the high places of Bethel, and for the inspired peasant to confront the priests and the prophets of the state-idolatry.

There doubtless he said, "the sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste" Amos 7:9; and there, like the former "man of God," while standing opposite "the altar," he renewed the prophecy against it, and prophesied that in its destruction it should involve its idolatrous worshipers Amos 9:1. Yet although he did deliver a part of his prophecy at Bethel, still, like his great predecessors Elijah and Elisha, doubtless he did not confine his ministry there. His summons to the luxurious ladies of Samaria, whose expenses were supported by the oppressions of the poor Amos 4:1, was without question delivered in Samaria itself. The call to the pagan to look down into Samaria from the heights which girt in the valley out of which it rose (see the notes at Amos 3:9), thence to behold its din and its oppressions, to listen to the sound of its revelries and the wailings of its oppressed, and so to judge between God and His people, would also be most effectively given within Samaria. The consciences of the guilty inhabitants to whom he preached would populate the heights around them, their wall of safety, as they deemed, between them and the world, with pagan witnesses of their sins, and pagan avengers.

The prophet could only know the coming destruction of the house of Jeroboam and the captivity of Israel by inspiration. The sins which he rebuked, he probably knew from being among them. As Paul's "spirit was stirred in him" at Athens, "when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry" Acts 17:16, so the spirit of Amos must have been stirred to its depths by that grievous contrast of luxury and penury side by side, which he describes in such vividness of detail. The sins which he rebukes are those of the outward prosperity especially of a capital, the extreme luxury Amos 3:12, Amos 3:15; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:4-6, revelries Amos 2:8; Amos 3:9, debauchery Amos 2:7, of the rich, who supported their own reckless expenditure by oppression of the poor Amos 2:7-8; Amos 3:9; Amos 4:1; Amos 5:11; Amos 6:3; Amos 8:4-6, extortion Amos 3:10, hard bargains with their necessities Amos 2:8, perversion of justice Amos 2:7; Amos 5:7, Amos 5:12, with bribing, Amos 2:6; Amos 5:12, false measures Amos 8:5, a griping, hard-fisted, and probably usurious sale of grain Amos 8:5-6. In grappling with sin, Amos deals more with the details and circumstances of it than Hosea. Hosea touches the center of the offence; Amos shows the hideousness of it in the details into which it branches out. As he is everywhere graphic, so here he points out the events of daily life in which the sin showed itself, as the vile price or, it may be, the article of luxury, "the pair of sandals" Amos 2:6; Amos 8:6, for which the poor was sold, or the "refuse of wheat" (he coins the term) which they sold, at high prices and with short measure to the poor Amos 8:6.

According to the title which Amos prefixes to his prophecy, his office fell within the 25 years, during which Uzziah and Jeroboam II were contemporaries (809-784 B. C). This falls in with the opinion already expressed that the bloodshed mentioned by Hosea in the list of their sins, was instead political bloodshed in their revolutions after the death of Jeroboam II, than individual murder. For Amos, while upbraiding Israel for the sins incidental to political prosperity and wealth (such as was the time of Jeroboam II) does not mention bloodshed.

It has been thought that the mention of the earthquake, two years before which Amos began his prophecy, furnishes us with a more definite date. That earthquake must have been a terrible visitation, since it was remembered after the captivity, two and a half centuries afterward. "Ye shall flee," says Zechariah Zechariah 14:5, as of a thing which his hearers well knew by report, "as ye fled before the earthquake in the days of Uzziah king of Judah." Josephus connects the earthquake with Uzziah's act of pride in offering the incense, for which God struck him with leprosy. He relates it as a fact (Antiquities ix. 10): "Meanwhile a great earthquake shook the ground, and, the temple parting, a bright ray of the sun shone forth, and fell upon the king's face, so that immediately the leprosy came over him. And before the city, at the place called Eroge, the Western half of the hill was broken off and rolled half a mile to the mountain Eastward, and there stayed, blocking up the ways and the king's gardens." This account of Josephus, however, is altogether unhistorical. Not to argue from the improbability, that such an event as the rending of the temple itself should not have been mentioned, Josephus has confused Zechariah's description of an event yet future with the past earthquake under Uzziah. Nor can the date be reconciled with the history. For when Uzziah was stricken with leprosy, "Jotham, his son, was over the king's house, judging the people of the land" 2 Chronicles 26:21. But Jotham was only 25 years old at his father's death, "when he himself began to reign" 2 Chronicles 27:1. And, Uzziah survived Jeroboam by 26 years. So Jotham, who judged for his father after his leprosy, was not born when Jeroboam died. Uzziah then must have been stricken with leprosy some years after Jeroboam's death; and consequently, after the earthquake also, since Amos, who prophesied in the days of Jeroboam, prophesied "two years before the earthquake."

An ancient Hebrew interpretation of the prophecy of Isaiah, "within threescore and five years shall Ephraim be broken that it is no more a people" Isaiah 7:8, assumed that Isaiah was foretelling the commencement of the captivity under Tiglath-Pileser or Sargon, and since the period of Isaiah's own prophecy to that captivity was not 65 years, supposed that Isaiah counted from a prophecy of Amos, "Israel shall surely be led captive out of his own land" Amos 7:11, Amos 7:17. They placed this prophecy of Amosin the 25th year of Uzziah. Then his remaining 27 years, Jotham's 16 years, Ahaz' 16 years, and the first 6 years of Hezekiah would have made up the 65 years. This calculation was not necessarily connected with the error as to the supposed connection of the earthquake and the leprosy of Uzziah. However, it is plain from the words of Isaiah, "in yet threescore and five years," that he is dating from the time when he uttered the prophecy; and so the prophecy relates, not to the imperfect captivity which ended the "kingdom" of Israel, but to that more complete deportation under Esarhaddon Ezra 4:2; 2 Chronicles 33:11; 2 Kings 17:24, when the ten tribes ceased to be "anymore a people" (Ahaz-14 years + Hezekiah-29 years + Manasseh-22 years equals 65 years total). Neither then does this fix the date of Amos.

Nor does the comparison, which Amos bids Israel make between his own borders, and those of Calneh, Hamath and Gath, determine the date of the prophecy. Since Uzziah broke down the walls of Gath 2 Chronicles 26:6, and Hamath was recovered by Jeroboam II to Israel 2 Kings 14:28, it is probable that the point of comparison lay between the present disasters of these nations, and those with which Amos threatened Israel, and which the rich men of Israel practically did not believe. For it follows, "ye that put far away the evil day" Amos 6:3. It is probable then that Calneh (the very ancient city Genesis 10:10 which subsequently became Ctesiphon,) on the other side of the Euphrates, had lately suffered from Assyria, as Gath and Hamath from Judah and Israel. But we know none of these dates. Isaiah speaks of the Assyrian as boasting that "Calno" was "as Carchemish Isaiah 10:9, Hamath as Arpad, Samaria as Damascus." But this relates to times long subsequent, when Hamath, Damascus, and Samaria, had fallen into the hands of Assyria. Our present knowledge of Assyrian history gives us no clue to the event, which was well known to those to whom Amos spoke.

Although, however, the precise time of the prophetic office of Amos cannot thus be fixed, it must have fallen within the reign of Jeroboam, to whom Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, accused him Amos 7:10-11. For this whole prophecy implies that Israel was in a state of prosperity, ease, and security, whereas it fell to a state of anarchy immediately upon Jeroboam's death. "The mention of the entering in of Hamath" Amos 6:14 as belonging to Israel implies that this prophecy was after Jeroboam had recovered it to Israel 2 Kings 14:25; and the ease, pride, luxury, which he upbraids, evince that the foreign oppressions 2 Kings 14:26 had ceased for some time. This agrees with the title of the prophecy, but does not limit it further. Since he prophesied while Uzziah and Jeroboam II reigned together, Amos' prophetic office must have fallen between 809 b.c. and 784 b.c. - in the last 25 years of the reign of Jeroboam II. His office, then, began probably after that of Hosea, and closed long before its close. He is, in a manner then, both later and earlier than Hosea, later than the earliest period of Hosea's prophetic office, and far earlier than the latest.

Within this period, there is nothing to limit the activity of Amos to a very short time. The message of Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, implies that Amos' words of woe had shaken Israel through and through. "Amos hath conspired against thee in the midst of the house of Israel; the land is not able to bear all his words" Amos 7:10. It may be that God sent him to the midst of some great festival at Bethel, as, at Jeroboam's dedication-feast, He sent the prophet who afterward disobeyed Him, to foretell the desecration of the altar, which Jeroboam was consecrating, in God's Name, against God. In this case, Amos might, at once, like Elijah, have been confronted with a great. concourse of the idol-worshipers. Yet the words of Amaziah seem, in their obvious meaning, to imply that Amos had had a more pervading influence than would be produced by the delivery of God's messsage in one place. He says of "the land," that is, of all the ten tribes generally, it "is not able to bear all his words." The accusation also of a "conspiracy" probably implies, that some had not been only shaken, but they had been converted by the words of Amos, and were known by their adherence to him and his belief.

Amos seems also to speak of the prohibition to God's prophets to prophesy, as something habitual, beyond the one opposition of Amaziah, which he rebuked on the spot. "I raised up of your sons for prophets; but ye commanded the prophets, saying, Prophesy not" Amos 2:11-12. Nor, strictly speaking, was Amos a son of Ephraim. The series of images in Amos 4:1-13 seem to be an answer to the objection as to why he prophesied among them. People, he would say, were not, in the things of nature, surprised that the effect followed the cause. God's command was the cause; Amos' prophesying was the effect Amos 3:3-8. "Then they put away from them the evil day" Amos 6:3, forgetting future evil in present luxury; or they professed that God was with them; "the Lord, the God of hosts, shall be with you, as ye have spoken" Amos 5:14; or trusting in their half-service of God and His imagined presence among them, they jeered at Amos' prophecies of ill, and professed to desire the Day of the Lord, with which he threatened them; they said that evil would not reach them; "Woe unto you that desire the Day of the Lord! To what end is it to you?" Amos 5:18. "All the sinners of My people shall die by the sword, which say, the evil shall not overtake nor prevent us" Amos 9:10. They showed also in deed that they hated those who publicly reproved them Amos 5:10; and Amos, like Hosea, declares that they are hardened, so that wisdom itself must leave them to themselves Amos 5:13. All this implies a continued contact between the prophet and the people, so that his function was not discharged in a few sermons, so to say, or inspired declarations of God's purpose, but must have been that of a pastor among them over the course of several years. His present book (like Hosea's book) is a summary of his prophecies.

That book (since Amos himself subsequently gathered his prophetic teaching into a whole) is one well-ordered whole. He himself (in the title) states that it had been spoken before it was written. For in that he says, these are "the words" which in prophetic vision he "saw, two years before the earthquake," this portion of his prophecies must have preceded his writings by those two years at least. That terrible earthquake was probably the occasion of his collecting those prophecies. But that earthquake doubtless was no mere note of time. If he had intended only a date, he would probably have named (as other prophets do) the year of the king of Judah. He himself mentions earthquakes Amos 4:11, as one of the warnings of God's displeasure. This more destructive earthquake was probably the first great token of God's displeasure during the prosperous reign of Jeroboam II, the first herald of those heavier judgments which Amos had predicted, and which broke upon Israel, wave after wave, until the last, carried him away captive. For two years, Israel had been forewarned; now "the beginning of sorrows" Matthew 24:8 had set in.

Amos, at the beginning of his book (as has been already noticed) joins on his book with the book of the prophet Joel. Joel had foretold, as instances of God's judgments on sin, how He would recompense the wrong, which Tyre, Zidon, Philistia and Edom had done to Judah, and that He would make Egypt desolate. Amos, omitting Egypt, adds Damascus, Amman and Moab, and Judah itself. It may be, that he selects seven nations in all, as a sort of whole (since that number is so often used), or that he includes all the special enemies of the theocracy, the nations who hated Israel and Judah, because they were the people of God, and God's people itself, as far as it too was alienated from its God. Certainly, the sins denounced are sins against the theocracy or government of God. It may be, that Amos would exhibit to them the truth, that "God is no respecter of persons;" that He, the Judge of the whole earth, punishes every sinful nation; and that he would, by this declaration of God's judgments, prepare them for the truth, from which sinful man so shrinks; - that God punishes most, where He had most shown His light and love Amos 3:2. The thunder-cloud of God's judgments, having passed over all the nations round about, Syria and Philistia, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Moab, and even discharged the fire from heaven on Judah and Jerusalem, settles finally upon Israel. The summary which closes this circle of judgments on Israel, is fuller in regard to their sins, since they were the chief objects of his mission. In that summary Amos gathers into one the sins with which he elsewhere upbraids them, and sets before them their ingratitude and their endeavors to extinguish the light which God gave them.

Our chapters follow a natural division, in that each (like those of Hosea) ends in woe. Amos 3:1-15, Amos 4:1-13, and Amos 5 are distinguished by the threefold summons - "Hear ye this word!" In each, he sets before them some of their sins, and in each he pronounces God's sentence upon them. "Therefore thus saith the Lord God; Therefore thus will I do unto thee, O Israel; Therefore the Lord, the God of hosts, the Lord, saith thus" (Amos 3:11; Amos 4:12; Amos 5:16, as before, Amos 2:14). On this follows a twofold woe, "Woe unto you that desire" Amos 5:18; "Woe to them that are at ease" Amos 6:1; both which sections alike end in renewed sentences of God's judgment; the first, of the final captivity of Israel "beyond Damascus;" the second, of their nearer afflictions through the first invasion of Tiglath-pileser (see the note at Amos 6:14). In Amos 7 he begins a series of visions. In the first two visions, God forgives, at the intercession of the prophet Amos 7:3, Amos 7:6.

In the third vision God interprets that He would no longer forgive Amos 7:8. Upon this followed the prohibition from Amaziah to prophesy, and God's sentence against him. In Amos 8:1-14, Amos resumes (as though nothing had intervened), the series of visions, upon which Amaziah had broken in. He resumes them exactly where he had been stopped. Amaziah interrupted when Amos declared that God would not "pass by" the house of Israel "anymore," but would desolate the idol-sanctuaries of israel and bring a sword against the house of Jeroboam. The vision (in which Amos resumes) renews the words, "I will not again pass by them anymore" Amos 8:2, and foretells that the songs of the idol-temple should be turned into howlings. Amos heads the last chapter with a vision, that not only should the idol-altar and temple be destroyed, but that it should be the destruction of its worshipers Amos 9:1. Amos makes each of these visions a theme which he expands, both ending in woe; the first, with the utter destruction of the idolaters of Israel Amos 8:14; the second, with that of the sinful "kingdom" of Israel Amos 9:8. With this he unites the promise to the "house" of Israel, that, "sifted" as they would be "among the nations, not one grain would fall to the earth" Amos 9:9. To this he, like Hosea, adds a closing promise (the first in his whole book) that God would raise the fallen tabernacle of David, convert the pagan, and therewith restore the captivity of Israel, amid promises, which had already (in Joel) symbolized spiritual blessings Amos 9:13.

Amos, like Hosea, was a prophet for Israel. After the second chapter in which he includes Judah in the circle of God's visitations, because he had "despised the law of the Lord" Amos 2:4-5, Amos only notices him incidentally. He there foretells that Jerusalem should (as it was) be burned with fire. Judah also must be included in the words, "against the whole family which God brought up out of the land of Egypt" Amos 3:1, and "woe" is pronounced against those who are "at ease in Zion Amos 6:1. Elsewhere, "Israel," "the house of Israel," "the virgin of Israel," "the sanctuaries of Israel," "Jacob," "the house of Jacob," and (in the same sense) "the high places of Isaac," "the house of Isaac"; "the house of Joseph," "the remnant of Joseph," "the affliction of Joseph," "the mountain," or "the mountains of Samaria," "Samaria" itself, "Bethel" Amos 3:9, Amos 3:12-14; Amos 4:1, Amos 4:4-5, Amos 4:12; Amos 5:1, Amos 5:4, Amos 5:6, Amos 5:15, Amos 5:25; Amos 6:1, Amos 6:6, Amos 6:8, Amos 6:14; Amos 7:2, Amos 7:5, Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:16-17; Amos 8:2, Amos 8:14; Amos 9:7-8, occur interchangeably as the object of his prophecy. Amaziah's taunt, that his words, as being directed against Israel and Bethel, would be acceptable in the kingdom of Judah, implies the same; and Amos himself declares that this was his commission, "go, prophesy unto My people Israel." In speaking of the idolatry of Beersheba, Amos uses the word, "pass not over to Beersheba" Amos 5:5, adding the idolatries of Judah to their own. The word, "pass not over," could only be used by one prophesying in Israel. Therefore, it must have been the more impressive to the faithful in Israel, that Amos closed his prophecy by the promise, not to them primarily, but to the house of David, and to Israel through its restoration. Amos, like Hosea, foretells the utter destruction of "the kingdom of Israel," even while pronouncing that God would not utterly destroy "the house of Jacob" Amos 9:8-10, but would save the elect within it.

The opposition of Amaziah stands out, as one signal instance of the manifold cry, "Prophesy not," with which people to drown the Voice of God. Jeroboam left the complaint unheeded. His great victories had been foretold to him by the prophet Jonah; and he would not interfere with the prophet of God, although he predicted, not as Amaziah distorted his words, that "Jeroboam" should "die by the sword," but that "the house of Jeroboam" Amos 7:9 would so perish. But his book is all comprised within the reign of Jeroboam and the kingdom of Israel. He was called by God to be a prophet there; nor is there even the slightest trace of his having exercised his function in Judah, or having retired there in life.

A somewhat late tradition places Amos among the many prophets whom our Lord says His people killed. The tradition bore, "that after he (Amos) had been beaten often (the writer uses the same word which occurs in Hebrews 11:35) by Amaziah the priest of Bethel, the son of that priest, Osee, pierced his temples with a stake. He was carried half-dead to his own land, and, after some days, died of the wound, and was buried with his fathers." But the anonymous Greek writer who relates it, (although it is in itself probable) has not, in other cases, trustworthy information, and Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria knew nothing of it. Jerome relates only that the tomb of Amos was still shown at Tekoa, his birthplace.

The influence of the shepherd-life of Amos appears most in the sublimest part of his prophecy, his descriptions of the mighty workings of Almighty God Amos 4:13; Amos 5:8; Amos 9:5-6. With those awful and sudden changes in nature, whereby what to the idolaters was an object of worship, was suddenly overcast, and "the day made dark with night," his shepherd-life had made him familiar. The starry heavens had often witnessed the silent conversation of his soul with God. In the calf, the idolaters of Ephraim worshiped "nature." Amos then delights in exhibiting to them His God, whom they too believed that they worshiped, as the Creator of "nature," wielding and changing it at His Will. All nature too should be obedient to its Maker in the punishment of the ungodly Amos 8:8, nor should anything hide from Him Amos 9:2-3, Amos 9:5. The shepherd-life would also make the prophet familiar with the perils from wild beasts which we know of as facts in David's youth. The images drawn from them were probably reminiscences of what he had seen or encountered Amos 3:4-5, Amos 3:12; Amos 5:19. But Amos, a shepherd in a barren and for the most part treeless wild, lived not as a farmer. His was not a country of grain, nor of cedars and oaks; so that images from stately trees Amos 2:9, a heavy-laden wain Amos 2:13, or the sifting of corn Amos 9:9, were not the direct results of his life amid sights of nature. The diseases of grain, locusts, drought, which, the prophet says, God had sent among them, were inflictions which would be felt in the grain-countries of Israel, rather than in the wilderness of Tekoah. The insensibility for which he upbraids Israel was, of course, their hardness of heart amid their own sufferings Amos 4:7-9; the judgments, with which he threatens them in God's Name Amos 7:1-3, can have no bearing on his shepherd-life in his own land.

Even Jerome, while laying down a true principle, inadvertently gives as an instance of the images resulting from that shepherd-life, the opening words of his book, which are in part words of the prophet Joel. "It is natural," he says, "that all who exercise an art, should speak in terms of their art, and that each should bring likenesses from that wherein he hath spent his life. Why say this? In order to show, that Amos the prophet too, who was a shepherd among shepherds, and that, not in cultivated places, or amid vineyards, or woods, or green meadows, but in the wide waste of the desert, where were witnessed the fierceness of lions and the destruction of cattle, used the language of his art, and called the awful and terrible Voice of the Lord, the roaring of lions, and compared the overthrow of the cities of Israel to the lonely places of shepherds or the drought of mountains."

The truth may be, that the religious life of Amos, amid scenes of nature, accustomed him, as well as David, to express his thoughts in words taken from the great picture-book of nature, which, as being also written by the Hand of God, so wonderfully expresses the things of God. When his prophet's life brought him among other scenes of cultivated nature, his soul, so practiced in reading the relations of the physical to the moral world, took the language of his parables alike from what he saw, or from what he remembered. He was what we should call "a child of nature," endued with power and wisdom by his God. Still more mistaken has it been, to attribute to the prophet any inferiority even of outward style, in consequence of his shepherd-life. Even a pagan has said, "words readily follow thought;" much more, when thoughts and words are poured into the soul together by God the Holy Spirit. On the contrary, scarcely any prophet is more glowing in his style, or combines more wonderfully the natural and moral world, the Omnipotence and Omniscience of God Amos 4:13.

Visions, if related, are most effectively related in prose. Their efficacy depends, in part, on their simplicity. Their meaning might be overlaid and hidden by ornament of words. Thus, much of the Book of Amos, then, is naturally in prose. The poetry, so to speak, of the visions of Amos or of Zechariah is in the thoughts, not in the words. Amos has also chosen the form of prose for his upbraidings of the wealthy sinners of Israel. Yet, in the midst of this, what more poetic than the summons to the pagan enemies of Israel, to populate the heights around Samaria, and behold its sins Amos 3:9? What is more graphic than that picture of utter despair which did not dare to name the Name of God Amos 6:9-10? What is bolder than the summons to Israel to come, if they desired, at once to sin and to atone for their sin Amos 4:4? What is more striking in power than the sudden turn, "You only have I known. Therefore I will punish you for all your iniquities" Amos 3:2? Or the sudden summons "because I will do this unto thee" Amos 4:12 (the silence (what the "this" is) is more thrilling than words) "prepare to meet thy God, O Israel?" Or what is more pathetic than the close of the picture of the luxurious rich, when, having said, how they heaped luxuries one upon another, he ends with what they did not do; "they are not grieved for the afflictions of Joseph" Amos 6:6?

Augustine selects Amos, as an instance of unadorned eloquence. Having given instances from Paul, he says , "These things, when they are taught by professors, are accounted great, bought at a great price, sold amid great boasting. I fear these discussions of mine may savor of the like boasting. But I have to do with men of a spurious learning, who think meanly of our writers, not because they have not, but because they make no show of the eloquence which these prize too highly.

"I see that I must say something of the eloquence of the prophets. And this I will do, chiefly out of the book of that prophet, who says that he was a shepherd or a cowherd, and was taken thence by God and sent to prophesy to His people.

"When then this peasant, or peasant-prophet, reproved the ungodly, proud, luxurious, and therefore most careless of brotherly love, he cries aloud, "Woe to them that are at ease in Zion, etc." Would they who, as being learned and eloquent, despise our prophets as unlearned and ignorant of elocution, had they had aught of this sort to say, or had they to speak against such, would they, as many of them as would fain not be senseless, wish to speak otherwise? For what would any sober ear desire more than is there said? First, the inveighing itself, with what a crash is it hurled as it were, to awaken their stupefied senses!"

Therefore, having analyzed these verses, he says, "How beautiful this is, and how it affects those who, reading, understand, there is no use in saying to one who does not himself feel it. More illustrations of the rules of rhetoric may be found in this one place, which I have selected. But a good hearer will not be so much instructed by a diligent discussion of them, as he will be kindled by their glowing reading. For these things were not composed by human industry, but were poured forth in eloquent wisdom from the Divine Mind, wisdom not aiming at eloquence, but eloquence not departing from wisdom." "For if, as some most eloquent and acute men could see and tell, those things which are learned as by an art of rhetoric, would not be observed and noted and reduced to this system, unless they were first found in the genius of orators, what wonder if they be found in those also, whom "He" sends, who creates genius? Wherefore we may well confess that our canonical writers and teachers are not wise only but eloquent, with that eloquence which beseems their character."

Jerome, in applying to Amos words which Paul spoke of himself, "rude in speech but not in knowledge" 2 Corinthians 11:6, doubtless was thinking mostly of the latter words, for he adds, "For the same Spirit who spoke through all the prophets, spake in him." Dr. Lowth says happily (de Poesi Hebr. Prael. xxi.), "Jerome calls Amos, rude in speech but not in knowledge, implying of him what Paul modestly professed as to himself, on whose authority many have spoken of this prophet, as though he were altogether rude, ineloquent, unadorned. Far otherwise! Let any fair judge read his writings, thinking not who wrote them, but what he wrote, he will think that our shepherd was "in no wise behind the very chiefest" prophets; in the loftiness of his thoughts and the magnificence of his spirit, nearly equal to the highest, and in the splendor of his diction and the elegance of the composition scarcely inferior to any. For the same Divine Spirit moved by His inspiration Isaiah and Daniel in the court, David and Amos by the sheepfold; always choosing fitting interpreters of God's Will and sometimes perfecting praise out of the mouth of babes. Of some He uses the eloquence; others He makes eloquent."

It has indeed been noticed that in regularity of structure he has an elegance unique to himself. The strophaic form, into which he has cast the heavy prophecies of the two first chapters adds much to their solemnity; the recurring "burden" of the fourth chapter, "Yet have ye not returned unto Me, saith the Lord" Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-11, gives it a deep pathos of its own. Indeed no other prophet has bound his prophecies into one, with so much care as to their outward form, as this inspired shepherd. Amos (to use human terms) was not so much the poet as the sacred orator. One of those energetic turns which have been already instanced, would suffice to stamp the human orator. Far more, they have shaken through and through souls steeped in sin from the prophet's time until now. It has been said of human eloquence, "he lightened, thundered, he commingled Greece." The shepherd has shaken not one country, but the world; not by a passing earthquake, but by the awe of God which, with electric force, streamed through his words.

Some variation of dialect, or some influence of his shepherd-life upon his pronunciation, has been imagined in Amos. But it relates to five words only. In three, his orthography differs by a single letter from that found elsewhere in Hebrew. In two cases, the variation consists in the use of a different sibilant; the third in the use of a weaker guttural. Besides these, he uses a softer sound of the name Isaac, which also occurs in Jeremiah and a Psalm; and in another word, he, in common with two Psalms, employs a root with a guttural, instead of that common in Hebrew which has a strong sibilant. In four of these cases, Amos uses the softer form; in the fifth, we only know that the two sibilants were pronounced differently once, but cannot guess what the distinction was. The two sibilants are interchanged in several Hebrew words, and on no rule, that we can discover. In another of the sibilants, the change made by Amos is just the reverse of that of the Ephrainmites who had only the pronunciation of "s" for "sh"; "sibboleth" for "shibboleth." But the Ephraimites could not pronounce the "sh" at all; the variation in Amos is limited to a single word. The like variations to these instances in Amos are also found in other words in the Bible. On the whole, we may suspect the existence of a softer pronunciation in the South of Judaea, where Amos 54ed; but the only safe inference is, the extreme care with which the words have been handed down to us, just as the prophet spoke and wrote them.

It has been noticed already that Amos and Hosea together show, that all the Mosaic festivals and sacrifices, priests, prophets, a temple, were retained in Israel, only distorted to calf-worship Even the third-year's tithes they had not ventured to get rid of Amos supplies some yet more minute traits of ritual; that they had the same rules in regard to leaven Amos 4:5; that their altar too had horns (as prescribed in the law), on which the blood of the sacrifices was to be sprinkled (Amos 3:14, see Exodus 27:2; Exodus 29:12; Leviticus 4:25), they had the altar-bowls Amos 6:6 from where the blood of the victim was sprinkled , such as the princes of the congregation offered in the time of Moses Numbers 7:13, and their rich men, at times at least, plundered to drink wine from.

They had also true Nazarites, raised up among them, as well as true prophets; and they felt the weight of the influence of these religious people against them, since they tried by fraud or violence to make them break their vow Amos 2:12. Amos, while upbraiding their rich men for breaking the law between man and man, presupposes that the Law of Moses was, in this respect also, acknowledged among them. For in his words, "they turn aside the way of the meek" (Amos 2:7; Amos 5:12, see Exodus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:19; Deuteronomy 24:17; Deuteronomy 27:19) "they turn aside the poor in the gate" (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) "they take a ransom" Amos 5:12 (from the rich for their misdeeds), he retains the unique term of the Pentateuch; as also in that, "on clothes laid to pledge (Amos 2:8, see Exodus 22:26-27) they lie down by every altar;" "who make the Ephah small" (Amos 8:5, see Deuteronomy 25:14-15). "Balances of deceit" Amos 8:5 are the contrary of what are enjoined in the law, "balances of right" Leviticus 19:36.

In upbraiding them for a special impurity, forbidden in principle by the law Deuteronomy 23:1 he uses the sanction often repeated in the law "to profane My Holy Name" Amos 2:7; Leviticus 20:3. In the punishments which he mentions, he uses terms in which God threatens those punishments. The two remarkable words, rendered "blasting and mildew" Amos 4:9; Deuteronomy 28:22, occur only in Deuteronomy, and in Solomon's prayer founded upon it 1 Kings 8:37, and in Haggai Hag 2:17 where he is referring to Amos. In the words, "as God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah" Amos 4:11; Deuteronomy 29:23, the special term and form of Deuteronomy, as well as the threat, are retained. The threat, "Ye have built houses of hewn stone, and ye shall not dwell therein; ye have planted pleasant vineyards, but ye shall not drink the wine thereof;" but blends and enlarges those in Deuteronomy Amo 5:11; Deuteronomy 28:30, Deuteronomy 28:39. The remarkable term describing their unrepentance is taken from the same (Amos 4:6, Amos 4:8-10, see Deuteronomy 4:29).

So also the image of "gall and wormwood" (Amos 6:12, from Deuteronomy 29:18), two bitter plants, into which they turned judgment and righteousness. There are other verbal reminiscences of the Pentateuch, interwoven with the words of Amos, which presuppose that it was in the memory of both the prophet and his hearers in Israel (see Amos 2:2, Amos 2:10-11; Amos 3:2; Amos 6:1; Amos 7:16; Amos 9:8, Amos 9:12). Indeed, after that long slavery of 400 years in Egypt, the traditions of the spots, hallowed by God's intercourse with the patriarchs, probably even their relations to "Edom their brother" Amos 1:11, must have been lost. The book of Genesis did not embody popular existing traditions of this sort, but must have revived them. The idolatry of Beersheba , as well as that of Gilead, alluded to by Hosea, as also Jeroboam's choice of Bethel itself for the calf-worship , imply on the part of the idolaters a knowledge and belief of the history, which they must have learned from the Pentateuch. Doubtless, it had been a part of Jeroboam's policy to set up, opposite the exclusive claim for the temple at Jerusalem, rival places of traditionary holiness from the mercies of God to their forefathers, much as Muhammed availed himself of the memory of Abraham, to found his claim for an interest in Jerusalem. But these traditions too must have been received BY the people, not derived from them. They were not brought with them from Egypt. The people, enslaved, degraded, sensualized, and idolatry-loving, had no hearts to cherish the memories of the pure religion of their great forefathers, who worshiped the unimaged Self-existing God.

As Amos employed the language of the Pentateuch and cited the Book of Joel, so it seems more probable, that in the burden of his first prophecies , "I will send a fire upon ... and it shall devour the palaces of ..." he took the well-known words of Hosea Hos 7:14, and, by their use, gave a unity to their prophecies, than that Hosea, who uses no language except that of the Pentateuch, should, in the one place where he employs this form, have limited the "burden" of Amos to the one case of Judah. Besides, in Hosea, the words, declaring the destruction of the cities and palaces of Judah, stand in immediate connection with Judah's wrong temper in building them whereas in Amos they are insulated. Beside this, the language of the two prophets does not bear upon each other, except that both have the term "balances of deceit" (Hosea 12:8 (Hosea 12:7 in English); Amos 8:5), which was originally formed in contrast with what God had enjoined in the law, "balances of right," and which stands first in the Proverbs of Solomon Proverbs 11:1; Proverbs 20:23.

Of later prophets, Jeremiah renewed against Damascus the prophecy of Amos in his own words; only, the memory of Hazael having been obliterated perhaps in the destruction under Tiglath-Pileser, Jeremiah calls it not after Hazael, but by its own name and that of Benhadad Jeremiah 49:27. The words of Amos had once been fulfilled, and its people had been transported to Kir. Probably fugitives had again repopulated it, and Jeremiah intended to point out, that the sentence pronounced through Amos was not yet exhausted. On the similar ground probably, when upbraiding Ammon for the similar sins and for that for which Amos had denounced woe upon it, its endeavor to displace Israel Amos 1:13; Jeremiah 49:1, Jeremiah used the words of Amos, "their king shall qo into captivity - and his princes together" Amos 1:15; Jeremiah 49:3. In a similar manner, Haggai upbraids the Jews of his day for their impenitence under God's chastisements, in words varied in no essential from those of Amos Amo 4:9; Haggai 2:19. The words of Amos, so repeated to the Jews upon their restoration, sounded, as it were, from the desolate heritage of Israel, "Sin no more, lest a worse thing happen unto thee."

Other reminiscences of the words of Amos are only a part of the harmony of Scripture , the prophets in this way too indicating their unity with one another, that they use the words, the one of the other.

The might of Amos' teaching at the time, the state-priest Amaziah impressed on Jeroboam. Contemptuous toward Amos himself, Amaziah admitted the truth to Jeroboam. "The land is not able to bear all his (Amos') words." Doubtless, as the Jews were mad against Stephen, "not" being "able to resist the wisdom and Spirit by which he spake" Acts 6:10, so God accompanied with power His servant's words to His people. They had already seen God's words fulfilled against the houses of Jeroboam I, of Baasha, of Ahab. That same doom was now renewed against "the house of Jeroboam," and with it the prophecy of the dispersion of the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17, which Hosea contemporaneously foretold Hosea 1:6; Hosea 9:17. The two prophets of Israel confirmed one another, but also left themselves no escape. They staked the whole reputation of their prophecy on this definite issue. We know it to have been fulfilled on the house of Jeroboam; yet the house of Jeroboam was firmer than any before or after it.

We know of the unaccustomed captivity of the ten tribes. Had they not been carried captive, prophecy would have come to shame; and such in proportion is its victory. Each step was an installment, a pledge, of what followed. The death of Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, was the first step in the fulfillment of the whole; then probably, in the invasion of Pul against Menahem 2 Kings 15:19, followed the doom of Amaziah. God is not anxious to vindicate His word. He does not, as to Shebna Isaiah 22:17-18, or Amaziah, or the false prophets Ahab, Zedekiah Jeremiah 29:20-22, or Shemaiah Jeremiah 29:32, or Pashur Jeremiah 20:6, or other false prophets Jeremiah 14:15. At times, as in the case of Hananiah Jeremiah 28:17, Scripture records the individual fulfillment of God's judgments. Mostly, it passes by unnoticed the execution of God's sentence. The sentence of the criminal, unless reprieved, in itself implies the execution . The fact impressed those who witnessed it; the record of the judgment suffices for us.

Then followed, under Tiglath-pileser, the fulfillment of the prophecy as to Damascus Amos 1:5, and Gilead Amos 6:14. Under Sargon was fulfilled the prophecy on the ten tribes Amos 5:27; Amos 7:8-9, Amos 7:17; Amos 9:8. That on Judah Amos 2:5 yet waited 133 years, and then was fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar. A few years later, and he executed God's judgments foretold by Amos on their enemies, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Tyre Amos 1:9; Amos 2:3. Amos 1:6-8 : kings of Egypt, Assyria, and the Macedonian Alexander the Great fulfilled in succession the prophecy as to Philistia. So various were the human wills, so multitudinous the events, which were to bring about the simple words of the shepherd-prophet. Amos foretells the events; he does say, why the judgments should come. Amos does not foretell when, or through whom the judgments would come. Nevertheless, he foretells the events themselves absolutely, and they came. Like Joel, he foretells the conversion of the pagan and anticipates so far the prophecies of Isaiah, that God would work this through the restoration of the house of David, when fallen. It is a strange comment upon human greatness that the royal line was not to be employed in the salvation of the world until it was fallen! The royal palace had to become the hut of Nazareth before the Redeemer of the world could be born, whose glory and kingdom were not of this world, who came, to take nothing from us but our nature, that He might sanctify it, our misery, that He might bear it for us. Yet flesh and blood could not foresee it before it came, as flesh and blood could not believe it, after He came.

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Amos 1:1

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牧人阿摩司的話語——「阿摩司開始時陳明自己的微不足道,同時也陳明他的導師與教師——聖靈——的大恩典,把一切都歸於祂的榮耀。」他像大衛、彼得、保羅、馬太一樣,屬於「神揀選了世上軟弱的,叫那強壯的羞愧」的世上軟弱之物。他不過是牧人中間的一個牧人;但他所說的話語不是他自己的。那是他所「看見」的話語——不是用血肉之眼,而是用「那能使話語被看見的異象,即心中的先見異象」看見的。那是「論到」以色列——或更準確地說,「臨到」以色列——的話語,是因以色列沉重的過犯而落下的沉重話語。希伯來文的「看見」一詞不僅指單純的觀看,更指神所賜的異象。阿摩司說那些是「他的」話語,只是為了隨即補充:它們是從神而來的,他自己不過是神藉以說話的人的器皿。

大地震前二年——這地震顯然必是最大的地震之一,因為在撒迦利亞的時代,它仍生動地存於人們的記憶中,而阿摩司稱之為「那地震」。東方的地震,像里斯本的地震一樣,毀滅整座整座的城。在我們主降生之前不久的一次地震中,「約有一萬人被埋在倒塌的房屋之下。」這可怕的地震(撒迦利亞正是這樣描述它的)是阿摩司所預告之神不悅的諸前奏之一。「地震」來到以先,先有兩年的警告與悔改的時間;那地震是表徵,也是起頭——兩國若不悔改,必隨之而來更進一步的震撼。實際上,它是那後來吞滅他們的閃電的初次電光。

英文原文

The words of Amos, who was among the herdmen - "Amos begins by setting forth his own nothingness, and withal the great grace of his Teacher and Instructor, the Holy Spirit, referring all to His glory." He, like David, Peter, Paul, Matthew, was one of "the weak things of the world, whom God chose to confound the mighty." He was himself a herdsman only "among herdsmen;" but the words which he spake were not his own. They were words which he saw, not with eyes of flesh, but "with that vision wherewith words can be seen, the seer's vision in the mind." They were "words concerning," or rather "upon Israel," heavy words coming upon the heavy transgressions of Israel. The Hebrew word "saw" is not of mere sight, but of a vision given by God. Amos only says that they were "his" words, in order immediately to add, that they came to him from God, that he himself was but the human organ through which God spake.

Two years before the earthquake - This earthquake must plainly have been one of the greatest, since it was vividly in people's memories in the time of Zechariah, and Amos speaks of it as "the earthquake." The earthquakes of the east, like that of Lisbon, destroy whole cities. In one, a little before the birth of our Lord , "some ten thousand were buried under the ruined houses." This terrific earthquake (for as such Zechariah describes it) was one of the preludes of that displeasure of God, which Amos foretold. A warning of two years, and time for repentance, were given, "before the earthquake" should come, the token and beginning of a further shaking of both kingdoms, unless they should repent. In effect, it was the first flash of the lightning which consumed them.

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Amos 1:2

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「耶和華必吼叫」——阿摩司把他的預言接續在約珥預言的末尾,為要在開卷之際即刻印證他們使命的合一,並預備人心,使人看出他自己的預言乃是那些話語的擴充,宣告神更迫近、即將來到的審判。然而他所論的那些更近的審判,不過是約珥所預告之大日審判的前奏,也是「猶大支派的獅子」基督——雅各曾論到祂說:「祂蹲伏如公獅,臥如母獅,誰敢惹祂?」(Genesis 49:9)——那末後可畏之聲音的前奏。說神「從錫安和耶路撒冷」發出祂可畏的「聲音」,是因為在那裡祂立了祂的名,在那裡祂臨在於祂的教會中。那可說是祂自己的地方,是祂以同在的記號使之成聖的,儘管「天和天上的天」尚且不足容納祂。阿摩司在預言的開頭就警告以色列:神是住在那裡,不是住在他們那分離的境況之中。耶利米對猶大使用同樣的話時,所說的不是耶路撒冷,而是天上:「耶和華必從高天吼叫,從聖所發出祂的聲音」(Jeremiah 25:30)。這預言既是對十支派或對異教徒發的,神便是從教會中說話。祂從耶路撒冷發聲,正如祂所說:「訓誨必出於錫安,耶和華的言語必出於耶路撒冷」(Isaiah 2:3);「那裡有聖殿和對神的敬拜,為要表明神不在以色列的城邑中,就是設有金牛犢的但和伯特利,也不在撒瑪利亞和耶斯列這些王城,而在那時存於錫安和耶路撒冷的真宗教中。」

「牧人的草場要悲哀」——先知對他所愛而離開的家鄉懷著感情,在他所預告的荒涼中,首先想到的也許就是他自己牧人的蹤跡之地。人所共知的迦密山遠在相反的方向,位於亞設支派境內。其名字出於它的豐饒肥美,也許意為「葡萄園與橄欖園之地」。在耶柔米的時代,它「密佈橄欖樹、灌木與葡萄園」,「連山頂也是可喜的牧場」。

迦密山是巴勒斯坦最顯著的自然景觀之一。一條長十八哩的山脈,以一道綿長而險峻的海岬為終結,遠遠伸入地中海,構成亞柯灣的南岸。它高出海面一千二百呎,突兀聳立,「彷彿本鄉海岸的守護者」;然而它仍以花、果、樹木各樣的美而豐富。它幾乎總被稱為「那迦密」,即「豐美的園地」。由於瀕臨大海,夜夜的甘露供應它常新的清新,因此在盛夏它仍是青翠花繁。旅行者描述它「全然青綠,山頂覆滿冷杉與橡樹,較低處是橄欖樹與月桂樹,處處水源充沛」。范德維爾德說:「我在加利利或沿岸平原所見過的花,沒有一種不在迦密重見。它仍如古時一樣,是座芬芳可愛的山。」「它那多樣的花卉世界,吸引了為數眾多的珍稀異彩昆蟲,採集者大可在此忙碌一整年而收穫豐盈。」「它是一座天然的園囿與草藥寶庫。」

它的牧場豐美,堪與巴珊媲美。「無數清澈的溪流發源於此,最大的一股自以利亞的泉源湧出」(Jeremiah 50:19; Nahum 1:4)。它本身資源豐足。連它也成了荒漠,還有甚麼能得免呢?「這些事既行在有汁水的樹上,那枯乾的樹將來怎麼樣呢?」(Luke 23:31)從南面「牧人的草場」到北面迦密山,全地上下都必在一個共同的荒涼中受擊。而且這事在神一發言之後便成就。「祂說有,就有。」如今正相反,祂一發聲,迦密就凋殘了。它的榮美一瞬之間便消逝。神說了一句話,它就去了。

凡倚賴神恩賜的,仍舊存留;凡倚賴人的,盡都消逝。曠野之美依然猶存,但那只是自然繁茂之美。一位曾探其幽深之人說:「一切都荒廢了,盡是曠野。極致的肥沃在此於人已失落、於人已無用。迦密的葡萄園如今在哪裡呢?看那地上長列的石頭、殘牆的遺蹟;它們會告訴你,在今日你難以穿行的茂密糾纏的叢林之處,古時躺臥著那些無可比擬的葡萄園——迦密正是因它們而得名。」

英文原文

The Lord will roar - Amos joins on his prophecy to the end of Joel's, in order at once in its very opening to attest the oneness of their mission, and to prepare people's minds to see, that his own prophecy was an expansion of those words, declaring the nearer and coming judgments of God. Those nearer judgments, however, of which he spake, were but the preludes of the judgments of the Great Day which Joel foretold, and of that last terrible voice of Christ, "the Lion of the tribe of Judah," of whom Jacob prophesies; "He couched, He lay down as a lion, and as a young lion; who shall raise Him up?" Genesis 49:9. God is said to "utter His" awful "voice from Zion and Jerusalem," because there He had set His Name, there He was present in His Church. It was, as it were, His own place, which He had hallowed by tokens of His presence, although "the heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain Him." In the outset of his prophecy, Amos warned Israel, that there, not among themselves in their separated state, God dwelt. Jeremiah, in using these same words toward Judah, speaks not of Jerusalem, but of heaven; "The Lord shall roar from on high, and utter His voice from His holy habitation" Jeremiah 25:30. The prophecy is to the ten tribes or to the pagan: God speaks out of the Church. He uttereth His Voice out of Jerusalem, as He saith, "Out of Zion shall go forth, the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem" Isaiah 2:3, "where was the Temple and the worship of God, to shew that God was not in the cities of Israel, that is, in Dan and Bethel, where were the golden calves, nor in the royal cities of Samaria and Jezreel, but in the true religion which was then in Zion and Jerusalem."

And the habitations of the shepherds shall mourn - Perhaps, with a feeling for the home which he had loved and left, the prophet's first thought amid the desolation which he predicts, was toward his own shepherd-haunts. The well-known Mount Carmel was far in the opposite direction in the tribe of Asher. Its name is derived from its richness and fertility, perhaps "a land of vine and olive yards." In Jerome's time, it was "thickly studded with olives, shrubs and vineyards." "Its very summit of glad pasturcs."

It is one of the most striking natural features of Palestine. It ends a line of hills, 18 miles long, by a long bold headland reaching out far into the Mediterranean, and forming the south side of the Bay of Acco or Acre. Rising 1,200 feet above the sea , it stands out "like some guardian of its native strand;" yet withal, it was rich with every variety of beauty, flower, fruit, and tree. It is almost always called "the Carmel," "the rich garden-ground." From its neighborhood to the sea, heavy dews nightly supply it with an ever-renewed freshness, so that in mid-summer it is green and flowery . Travelers describe it, as "quite green, its top covered with firs and oaks, lower down with olives and laurels, and everywhere excellently watered." "There is not a flower," says Van de Velde , "that I have seen in Galilee or on the plains along the coasts, that I do not find here again on Carmel. It is still the same fragrant lovely mountain as of old." : "Its varied world of flowers attracts such a number of the rarer vari-colored insects that a collector might for a whole year be richly employed." "It is a natural garden and repository of herbs."

Its pastures were rich, so as to equal those of Bashan. "It gives rise to a number of crystal streams, the largest of which gushes from the spring of Elijah" Jeremiah 50:19; Nahum 1:4. It had abundant supplies in itself. If it too became a desert, what else would be spared? "If they do these things in a green tree, what shall be done in the dry?" Luke 23:31. All, high and low, shall be stricken in one common desolation; all the whole land, fromm "the pastures of the shepherds" in the south to Mount Carmel in the North. And this, as soon as God had spoken. "He spake, and it was made." So now, contrariwise, He uttercth His Voice, and Carmel hath languished. Its glory hath passed away, as in the twinkling of an eye. God hath spoken the word, and it is gone.

What depended on God's gifts, abides; what depended on man, is gone. There remains a wild beauty still; but it is the beauty of natural luxuriance. "All," says one who explored its depths , "lies waste; all is a wilderness. The utmost fertility is here lost for man, useless to man. The vineyards of Carmel, where are they now? Behold the long rows of stones on the ground, the remains of the walls; they will tell you that here, where now with difficulty you force your way through the thick entangled copse, lay, in days of old, those incomparable vineyards to which Carmel owes its name."

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Amos 1:3

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神這些威嚇的次序,看來是要使百姓肯聽。刑罰首先宣告在他們的仇敵身上,而且是因那些仇敵直接或間接敵擋他們、並敵擋他們中之神的罪。至於那些仇敵之間的次序,也不按地點或時間,而按他們與神百姓的關係。它從壓迫他們最甚的仇敵敘利亞開始;然後是非利士——古老而不息的仇敵,雖然勢力較弱;然後是推羅——它不像前二者那樣是壓迫者,卻違犯了他們所未有的關係,就是昔日友誼與盟約的聯結;又因貪婪而心懷惡毒、剛硬不仁。隨後是以東、亞捫、摩押,他們連血緣的聯結也撕裂了。最後、也是最切近的,審判落在猶大身上——真神真敬拜曾在他們中間,他們卻藐視之。凡臨到我們同類之人的懲治,都會在我們自己的良心中引起回響。以色列聽見並樂意相信神對別人的審判;他們並不會想要拒絕相信。那麼,他既相信神對與自己同類之人的審判,怎能拒絕相信那同樣臨到自己身上的事呢?「只要換個名字,這故事說的就是你」,這是幾乎已成諺語的一句異教格言。這預言的進程定他們的罪,正如聖經上「為警戒我們」而寫的事定基督徒的罪一樣。「沒有律法犯了罪的,也必不按律法滅亡」(Romans 2:12);那麼,「在律法以下犯了罪的」,豈不更「要按律法受審判」?神的審判如雷雲滾動,從一地轉到另一地,警告著它的臨近,最後要凝聚並集中在以色列自己身上——除非她悔改。在別人所受的懲治中,她當讀出自己所將受的;而且神愈親近他們,愈當如此。「以色列」被列在最後,因為毀滅要在她身上傾倒到極處,並停在那裡。

「三番四次地犯罪」——這話不是指在三樣過犯上再加四樣,而是指在先前之外再添一次過犯——那最後的罪,使本已滿盈的罪量溢出,使神的忿怒臨到。在其他出現類似措辭的地方,所加的數目都是多出一,而且多半指比其餘一切更大的事。如「你六次遭難,他必救你;就是七次,災禍也無法害你」(Job 5:19)。「就是」一詞表明,那第七次是某樣比其餘一切更重、似乎足以折斷忍耐的患難。又如「你要分給七人,或分給八人」(Ecclesiastes 11:2)。七既用作整體的表號——因為「到第七日,神造物的工已經完畢,就在第七日歇了他一切的工」——數字七便如此廣泛地進入整個猶太禮儀之中。一切時間都以七來量度。

原則便是:「無限量地給;那整體既已滿足,仍要給。」同樣,在箴言書那一連串的話中(箴言第三十章),每一處的第四樣都大於前面三樣。「有三樣不知足的,連不說夠的共有四樣」(Proverbs 30:15-16):其他那些無法知足;第四樣——火——卻愈添愈烈。又如「步行威武的有三樣,連行走威武的共有四樣」(Proverbs 30:29-31):君王的道德威嚴顯然大於其餘。照樣,「婢女接續主母」(Proverbs 30:21-23)比其餘更難容忍、更加跋扈。男子親近少女的伎倆與隱藏,比那不留痕跡的自然之物——空中的鷹、磐石上的蛇、行過波浪之路的船(Proverbs 30:18-19)——更為隱微。又如「弟兄中布散紛爭」(Proverbs 6:16-19)有其特別的可憎,因為它不僅是罪,還散播蔓延廣泛的罪,並毀壞別人身上首要的恩典——愛。殺害靈魂比殺害身體更壞,也需要更魔鬼般的伎倆。

關於這些事,約伯說:「神兩次三次向人行這一切的事,為要從深坑救回人的靈魂」(Job 33:29)。神最後的恩典——無論是印證那些善用前恩之人的諸恩,還是賜給那些虛耗諸恩之人的——都是祂慈愛或寬容的加冕之作。

在異教詩歌中,作為他們已遺忘之奧祕的痕跡,三也是神聖的整體;因此「三倍四倍有福」在他們中間,指甚至超過完滿全備之福的事——福分的豐溢。

這些異邦民族的第四樣過犯,單獨被提及。因為先知並非奉差遣「向他們」說預言;他只是向以色列宣告那將臨到他們之懲治的緣由。三樣過犯代表罪的總和,尚未招致極刑;第四樣是登峰造極的罪,此後神不再寬容。然而,雖是第四樣招致祂的審判,神到末了所罰的不僅是最後一罪,而是此前的一切。先知不說「為第四樣」,而說「為三樣、為四樣」,同時表明兩件事:神直到那使罪惡之民「罪孽滿盈」(Genesis 15:16)的最後一罪,才施刑罰;而「那時」祂為一切——為那三樣所描寫的罪的整體,也為第四樣——施行刑罰。神恒久忍耐、樂於赦免;但罪人一旦最終成了「可怒的器皿」(Romans 9:22),祂就刑罰祂先前暫且放過的一切較早的罪。

罪上加罪,是從罪中生出的;它不遮蔽先前的罪,也不塗抹它們,而是增添神所要刑罰之罪債的總量。猶太人殺害聖子的時候,「地上所流義人的血」,從義人亞伯的血起,「直到……撒迦利亞的血」,都「歸到他們身上」(Matthew 23:35-36; Luke 11:50-51)。舊約之下眾先知與神眾僕人一切的血,都歸到那一世代。照樣,每一個至死不悔改的罪人,都要為他一生所行、所成為的一切違背神律法之事受罰。更深的罪在末後帶來更深的定罪。保羅論到那些「為自己積蓄忿怒,以致神震怒、顯他公義審判的日子來到」的人(Romans 2:5)。正如義人靠神的恩典,每藉那恩典行的一件事,都增添他們永遠的賞賜;照樣,惡人每添一罪,也增添他們的定罪。

大馬色——大馬色是世界上最古老的城邑之一,也是世界往來的樞紐之一。它位於一片豐耕高原平原的中央;那平原自前黎巴嫩山(Anti-libanus)向東,寬約半度。西面與北面,平原藏於前黎巴嫩山脈的蔭庇之下;東面則有大沙漠護衛,隔開它的綠洲領土與幼發拉底河。緊接的邊界,是承受那滋潤全地之餘水的三座湖。巴拉達河(Barada,意即「冰冷」)與菲傑河(Fijeh)匯合——菲傑即傳統所稱的法珥法(Pharpar),這名字恰當地描繪它奔騰的水路——流經城的北面與城中,然後主要注入三湖之中居中的一座,即巴赫雷特埃爾基布里耶(「南」湖);據推想,河水由那裡、也有部分直接地,流入巴赫雷特埃什舒爾基耶(「東」湖)。阿瓦傑河(意即「彎曲」)——也許就是古時的阿瑪拿(Amana),「永不枯竭」之意,與那些在灌溉中耗盡的溪流相對——流經大馬色古時的南界附近,大概把它與約旦河東以色列的北疆、廣義的巴珊、以及耶突爾(即以土利亞)隔開。這一地域經計算為二百三十六平方地理哩。

這片空間與其說量度了它疆域的大小,不如說成了它統治的中心。但它供養的人口,遠超同樣面積在歐洲所能供養的。古時的大馬色人受周圍受造之地面貌的教導——每一道從岩間湧出的小溪,其流徑都以豐美的植被標出——便以系統的勤勉,利用黑門山與前黎巴嫩高處積雪不斷的供應;這種勤勉,在我們北方氣候中既無需要,也無從想像。波特(Porter)說:「沒有巴拉達河,這城便不能存在,平原也必是焦乾的荒漠;如今水道縱橫每一區域,幾乎家家泉水閃爍,無數的溝渠把支脈伸展到廣大的平原上,給它披上青翠與美麗。其中五條溝渠在河流入平原之前,從不同的高度引出;它們沿著峽谷的陡岸前行,有些地方鑿穿堅岩成隧。北面的兩條灌溉離城約一哩、山腳下的撒拉希耶,然後灌溉平原較高的部分,遠及近二十哩。南面的三條中,一條引往五哩外人煙稠密的達拉雅村;另外兩條供給這城、它的市郊與園囿。」

大大小小每片平原的每處泉源,也都照樣利用。古時曾說,克利索羅阿斯(即巴拉達河)「幾乎全部消耗於人工溝渠」;「大馬色藉灌溉飲盡克利索羅阿斯而豐饒」。其溝渠的名字至今仍傳下十四個;雖然人們通常只選出七八條主要幹渠,全部合計竟達七十條。任何技藝與勞力都不嫌太大。菲傑的水由一條鑿穿垂直崖壁的大水道引送。然而這還不算甚麼。它整片平原溝渠縱橫,地下也鑿有隧道。「河水在田間與園中漫流於地面;地下另鑿溝渠,收集滲過土壤的餘水,以及地下小泉的水。這樣收集的水流被引到更低處,再冒出地面。」「整片平原滿是這些奇特的水道,有些在地下延展二三哩。當一條水道的水在地上散布生命與青翠時,另一支脈又在收集新的水源。」「往昔這些水道遍及整片平原,直達諸湖,使每一角落的田園都得灌溉。」

因此,大馬色古時即以美著稱。它白色的建築嵌在環繞果園的濃綠之中,如鑽石鑲於翡翠。果園西向幾達前黎巴嫩山,「沿巴拉達河兩岸向東綿延數哩。它們覆蓋一片周長至少二十五(或三十)哩的地區,使四郊成為人間的樂園」。因此阿拉伯人說:「地上若有伊甸園,那就是大馬色;若在天上,地上的大馬色也與它相像。」但這美也是它的力量。推羅的威廉說:「河水豐沛,供應兩岸果園,果樹密植,沿城牆向東流去。城的西面與北面,被果園遠遠地圍護,如同茂密的樹林,向黎巴嫩方向延展四五哩。這些果園是極其有力的防禦;由於樹木稠密、道路狹窄,從那一面接近城池看來困難而幾乎不可能。」直到今日仍有人說:「大馬色真正的防禦在於它的園囿;這些園囿形成果樹之林,以及樹籬、垣牆與溝壕的迷宮,周回逾七里格,即使對穆斯林的敵人,也會構成不小的阻礙。」

其位置的優勢無疑促成它早被選中。它位於亞洲內陸通往地中海、推羅、甚至埃及的最佳路線上。基大老瑪與同他的四王,無疑也取道於此,因為他們首先擊打的,是在雅烏蘭(即高隆尼提斯)的亞斯他錄加寧(Genesis 14:5-6);隨後他們沿約旦河西側向南掃蕩,先擊亞捫地的「蘇西人」(大概與散送冥相同,見 Deuteronomy 2:20);再擊摩押基列亭平原的「以米人」(見 Deuteronomy 2:9, Deuteronomy 2:11);後擊「西珥山的何利人,直到伊勒巴蘭」(大概是以其得名的海灣旁的以拉他)。他們也從原路返回,因為亞伯拉罕在大馬色附近的何巴追上他們(Genesis 14:15)。大馬色當時已是首要之城,何巴正是惟獨靠著與它的關係才為人所知。亞伯拉罕自己奉神之命從哈蘭(即希臘人的迦拉)前來時——無論經過提弗薩(意即「渡口」,即泰普薩克斯〔Thapsacus〕)或幼發拉底河更北的渡口——走的也是這條路線。他的首要親信——那受託為以撒尋妻、一度是他嗣子的人——乃是大馬色人(Genesis 15:2-3),這事實暗示亞伯拉罕與大馬色有密切的關聯。在我們這個時代的開端,亞伯拉罕的名字在大馬色地方仍受尊崇;有一個村子以他命名,稱「亞伯拉罕的居所」;當地史家尼古拉斯(Nicolas)說,亞伯拉罕從巴比倫以外的地區往迦南去的路上,曾在大馬色作王。他僕人的名字「以利以謝」——「我的神是幫助」——表明那時這僕人也是獨一真神的敬拜者。大馬色這名字,大概標誌其創建者奮勵剛健的性格。

像舊約中其他與亞蘭相連的名字一樣,這名字按著出自同一先祖亞蘭的淵源,屬亞蘭語。它不是分派給以色列的領土,以色列也未曾攪擾它。它大概以自己的政策衡量大衛防禦性的征服,便與其他攻打大衛的亞蘭人聯合,結果被制伏、設防戍守,並成為進貢之國(2 Samuel 8:5-6)。當時它大概是個從屬的勢力——無論是因瑣巴王哈大底謝個人的顯赫,還是別的原因。哈大底謝確實鶴立雞群;大馬色人只居附屬地位。

與此相符,聖經首次提到大馬色王國,是以利亞大的兒子利遜的王朝;他是哈大底謝家的逃奴,聚嘯為寇,其後在大馬色定居稱王(1 Kings 11:23-24)。在此之前,聖經只提到大馬色的民,未提他們的王。當地史家承認大馬色人在大衛的時代是侵略者、並且一直是侵略者,卻遮掩他們屢次的敗績,又把他們的王說成父子相繼、傳了十代——這大概是任何君主國中都未曾有過的事。「有一位本地人阿達得,得了大權,成為大馬色及敘利亞其餘地方——腓尼基除外——的王。他與猶太人的王大衛交戰,多次與他較量,最後在幼發拉底河戰敗;但他以驍勇善戰著稱,是最傑出的君王之一。他死後,他的後裔相繼為王,凡十代,每一代都從父親承受王位,也承受『哈達』之名,如埃及的多利買諸王一樣。第三代權勢最大,圖雪其祖父之恥,與猶太人作戰,蹂躪了今日稱為撒瑪利亞之地。」他們無法忍受那由自己招來的失敗。

在所羅門在位的後期,利遜重新掀起哈達的侵略。十支派分裂之後,大馬色的敵意集中於比鄰的以色列。亞比央與便哈達之父結盟(1 Kings 15:19)。便哈達在亞撒晚年多疑的日子應其所請,立即撕毀與巴沙的盟約,轉而攻擊巴沙(2 Chronicles 16:2-7; 1 Kings 15:20)。便哈達一世又從暗利手中奪取城邑,並強索「街市」——大概是在撒瑪利亞城中劃出的大馬色人街區(1 Kings 20:34)。便哈達二世有「三十二」個藩屬「王」(1 Kings 20:1, 1 Kings 20:24)——如同迦南諸王那樣各自據有一城一地的附庸王——率領他們來攻撒瑪利亞,意圖劫掠(1 Kings 20:6-7),並想乘劫掠之機據其地或滅其城。靠神的幫助,他們兩次戰敗;第二次是在他們直接挑戰神的大能之時(1 Kings 20:22-25, 1 Kings 20:28),敗得如此徹底,若非亞哈被乞憐之言奉承(1 Kings 20:31-32),敘利亞本再無能力欺壓以色列。便哈達應許歸還他父親從以色列奪去的城邑,並在大馬色為以色列人設一街區(1 Kings 20:34)。

這應許若已履行,基列的拉末必是在更早的時期落入敘利亞之手,因為三年之後,亞哈不顧神的勸戒,藉約沙法的幫助攻取該城,卻喪命於那次嘗試(1 Kings 22)。基列的拉末既在敘利亞手中,其北一切地方——約旦河東但與瑪拿西的一半——也必已被敘利亞征服。除了那一場把撒瑪利亞逼到絕境、卻被神以灌入敘利亞軍中的恐慌驅散的大圍困(2 Kings 7:6)之外,在亞哈謝與約蘭的十四年間,便哈達與哈薛只縱容對以色列的劫掠遠征。據亞述碑文,便哈達敗於亞述王沙爾馬努巴三次,哈薛兩次。便哈達似乎採取攻勢,與赫人、哈馬人、腓尼基人的眾王結盟;哈薛則是單獨被攻,退守前黎巴嫩山,大概成了進貢之國。

亞述的編年史只記亞述的勝利。藉著乃縵「耶和華曾使他得勝」這句簡短的記載(2 Kings 5:1),大概指亞述曾藉他受過某次重大的挫敗;因為敘利亞再無別的敵人需要「得拯救」脫離。繼從撒瑪利亞撤退之後,便哈達甚至在拉末城前的一戰中——約蘭在那戰中受傷(2 Kings 8:29)——把拉末也輸給了約蘭(2 Kings 9:14-15)。有一個可信的推測:耶戶以政治上的歸順依附亞述,為自己招來了以利沙所預告的災禍。哈薛報復耶戶對他所畏懼、也曾使他受苦之勢力的歸順,大概就成了神懲治以色列的工具。以色列既失去猶大的助力,便成了更容易的獵物。哈薛不僅奪去以色列約旦河東的全部(2 Kings 10:32-33),更使整個開闊的鄉野再無以色列人安居之所。

直等神「賜以色列一位拯救者」,他們才能「如同先前一樣安居」(2 Kings 13:5)。哈薛把征服推展到迦特(2 Kings 12:17),大概有意開通與埃及相連的一線。他「用一小隊人」擊敗了猶大的大軍(2 Chronicles 24:23-24)。猶大王約阿施在他進逼耶路撒冷時,用聖殿與自己庫房中一切分別為聖的金子和平常的金子買通他退兵(2 Kings 12:18)。約阿施從便哈達三世手中收復了約旦河以西的城邑(2 Kings 13:25);耶羅波安二世收復了他們一切的失地,甚至包括大馬色與哈馬(2 Kings 14:28)。然而此後,大馬色還要在利汛之下恢復其勢力,成為猶大的威脅,並因它對猶大的侵略,為自己招來毀滅。此時的大馬色,大概像我們一樣,是一個富庶、重商而尚武——但尚未成為製造業(見 Amos 3:12 的註釋)——的國家。它作為轉口貿易的大集散地(如今日一樣)所得的財富,為它提供了戰爭的筋腱。它與推羅貿易的「白羊毛」(Ezekiel 27:18),暗示它擁有沙漠中一大片邊遠地帶,那裡的羊出產最白的羊毛。因此,除了平原上的人口之外,它無疑還有依附於它的大批遊牧部落。

「我必不免去她的刑罰」——直譯是「我必不使它轉回」。這神所不使之轉回的,是甚麼呢?阿摩司沒有說明。靜默往往比言語更有力量。他不指名道出,反倒使人心中更容易構想:那是一件早就臨到他們、要吞滅他們的事,是神長久攔阻的;如今祂既不再攔阻,它便要以更可畏、更無可抵擋之勢爆發進來,正因它先前曾被拘束。罪與刑罰藉著神的一大律法相連。神的憐憫長久攔住刑罰,只容祂不悅的一些輕微表記顯露,免得犯罪的靈魂或百姓沒有警戒。當祂不再攔阻時,祂道德治理的律便照常運行。異教的經驗之談也說:「懲罰雖腳步遲緩,卻難得放過走在前頭的惡人。」

「因為他們以打糧的鐵器打基列」——耶柔米論到這器械說,那是「一種車子,在下面的鐵輪上滾動,輪上裝有齒;這樣它既打出穀粒,又壓碎並切碎秸稈,在缺乏乾草時作牲口的飼料」。名字幾乎相同的類似器械,至今仍用於敘利亞與埃及。以利沙曾向哈薛預告他對以色列的殘忍:「他們的堡壘你必放火焚燒,他們的少年人你必用刀殺死,又摔死他們的嬰孩,剖開他們的孕婦」(2 Kings 8:12)。哈薛像其他逐漸沉溺於罪中的人一樣,以為這不可能,卻行了出來。在耶戶的日子,「哈薛攻擊以色列的邊界,就是約旦河東基列全地——迦得人、流便人、瑪拿西人之地,從亞嫩谷邊的亞羅珥,直到基列和巴珊」(2 Kings 10:32-33);在耶戶的兒子約哈斯的日子,「亞蘭王滅絕約哈斯的軍隊,踐踏他們如打場的塵土」,只留給約哈斯「五十馬兵、十輛戰車、一萬步兵」(2 Kings 13:7),他就欺壓以色列人。這裡所說的死法雖然更駭人,大概並不比許多別的死法更嚴酷,更遠不及基督徒法庭所用過的某些刑罰。它在箴言中被列為極刑(Proverbs 20:26),以賽亞也如此暗示(Isaiah 28:28)。大衛也曾因聖經未說明的原因,不得不將它加於亞捫人(2 Samuel 12:31; 1 Chronicles 20:3)。大概不單是刑罰本身,更是那要把神的百姓如此根絕的企圖,為大馬色招來了這審判。

狄奧多勒設想了一種更可怖的加重情節:那些孕婦連同她們的孩子正是這樣被殺害的——「他們把上述的婦女如同拋入某種打穀場一般,用帶鋸齒的輪子,像對待穀穗一樣殘暴地打她們。」

這裡的基列,無疑當取其最廣的含義,包括以色列在約旦河東的一切產業;正如在哈薛征服的記述中,「基列全地」(2 Kings 10:32-33)被解釋為包括曾分給兩個半支派的一切,並包括有別於巴珊的基列本部。照樣,約書亞記說,流便子孫、迦得子孫和瑪拿西半支派「回往基列地去,到他們自己的地業」(Joshua 22:9)。在這片橫跨緯度兩度半的美地全境,哈薛把滅絕之戰推入每一個平安的村落與家庭,活人不饒,未生的也不饒。

英文原文

The order of God's threatenings seems to have been addressed to gain the hearing of the people. The punishment is first denounced upon their enemies, and that, for their sins, directly or indirectly, against themselves, and God in them. Then, as to those enemies themselves, the order is not of place or time, but of their relation to God's people. It begins with their most oppressive enemy, Syria; then Philistia, the old and ceaseless, although less powerful, enemy; then Tyre, not an oppressor, as these, yet violating a relation which they had not, the bonds of a former friendship and covenant; malicious also and hardhearted through covetousness. Then follow Edom, Ammon, Moab, who burst the bonds of blood also. Lastly and nearest of all, it falls on Judah, who had the true worship of the true God among them, but despised it. Every infliction on those like ourselves finds an echo in our own consciences. Israel heard and readily believed God's judgments upon others. It was not tempted to set itself against believing them. How then could it refuse to believe of itself, what it believed of others like itself? "Change but the name, the tale is told of thee ," was a pagan saying which has almost passed into a proverb. The course of the prophecy convicted "them," as the things written in Holy Scripture "for our ensamples" convict Christians. "If they" who "sinned without law, perished without law" Romans 2:12, how much more should they who "have sinned in the law, be judged by the law." God's judgments rolled round like a thunder-cloud, passing from land to land, giving warning of their approach, at last to gather and center on Israel itself, except it repent. In the visitations of others, it was to read its own; and that, the more, the nearer God was to them. "Israel" is placed the last, because on it the destruction was to fall to the uttermost, and rest there.

For three transgressions and for four - These words express, not four transgressions added to the three, but an additional transgression beyond the former, the last sin, whereby the measure of sin, which before was full, overflows, and God's wrath comes. So in other places, where the like form of words occurs, the added number is one beyond, and mostly relates to something greater than all the rest. So, "He shall deliver thee in six troubles; yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee" Job 5:19. The word, "yea," denotes, that the seventh is some heavier trouble, beyond all the rest, which would seem likely to break endurance. Again, "give a portion to seven, and also to eight" Ecclesiastes 11:2. Seven is used as a symbol of a whole, since "on the seventh day God rested from all which He had made," and therefore the number seven entered so largely into the whole Jewish ritual. All time was measured by seven.

The rule then is; "give without bounds; when that whole is fulfilled, still give." Again in that series of sayings in the book of Proverbs Prov. 30, the fourth is, in each, something greater than the three preceding. "There are three" things that "are never satisfied;" yea, "four" things "say not," it is "enough" Proverbs 30:15-16. The other things cannot be satisfied; the fourth, fire, grows fiercer by being fed. Again, "There be three" things "which go well; yea, four are comely in going" Proverbs 30:29-31. The moral majesty of a king is obviously greater than the rest. So "the handmaid which displaceth her mistress" Proverbs 30:21-23 is more intolerable and overbearing than the others. The art and concealment of man in approaching a maiden is of a subtler kind than things in nature which leave no trace of themselves, the eagle in the air, the serpent on the rock, the ship in its pathway through the waves Proverbs 30:18-19. Again, "Sowing discord among brethren" Proverbs 6:16-19, has a special hatefulness, as not only being sin, but causing widewasting sin, and destroying in others the chief grace, love. Soul-murder is worse than physical murder, and requires more devilish art.

These things - Job says, "worketh God twice and thrice with man, to bring back his soul from the pit" Job 33:29. The last grace of God, whether sealing up the former graces of those who use them, or vouchsafed to those who have wasted them, is the crowning act of His love or forbearance.

In pagan poetry also, as a trace of a mystery which they had forgotten, three is a sacred whole; from where "thrice and fourfold blessed" stands among them for something exceeding even a full and perfect blessing, a super-abundance of blessings.

The fourth transgression of these pagan nations is alone mentioned. For the prophet had no mission to "them;" he only declares to Israel the ground of the visitation which was to come upon them. The three transgressions stand for a whole sum of sin, which had not yet brought down extreme punishment; the fourth was the crowning sin, after which God would no longer spare. But although the fourth drew down His judgment, God, at the last, punishes not the last sin only, but all which went before. In that the prophet says, not, "for the fourth," but "for three transgressions and for four," he expresses at once, that God did not punish until the last sin, by which "the iniquity" of the sinful nation became "full" Genesis 15:16, and that, "then," He punished for all, for the whole mass of sin described by the three, and for the fourth also. God is longsuffering and ready to forgive; but when the sinner finally becomes a "vessel of wrath" Romans 9:22, He punishes all the earlier sins, which, for the time, He passed by.

Sin adds to sin, out of which it grows; it does not overshadow the former sins, it does not obliterate them, but increases the mass of guilt, which God punishes. When the Jews killed the Son, there, "came on" them "all the righteous bloodshed upon the earth, from the blood of righteous Abel unto the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias" Matthew 23:35-36; Luke 11:50-51. All the blood of all the prophets and servants of God under the Old Testament came upon that generation. So each individual sinner, who dies impenitent, will be punished for all which, in his whole life, he did or became, contrary to the law of God. Deeper sins bring deeper damnation at the last. So Paul speaks of those who "treasure up to" themselves "wrath against the Day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God" Romans 2:5. As good people, by the grace of God, do, through each act done by aid of that grace, gain an addition to their everlasting reward, so the wicked, by each added sin, add to their damnation.

Of Damascus - Damascus was one of the oldest cities in the world, and one of the links of its contact. It lay in the midst of its plain, a high table-land of rich cultivation, whose breadth, from Anti-libanus eastward, was about half a degree. On the west and north its plain lay sheltered under the range of Anti-libanus; on the east, it was protected by the great desert which intervened between its oasis-territory and the Euphrates. Immediately, it was bounded by the three lakes which receive the surplus of the waters which enrich it. The Barada (the "cold") having joined the Fijeh, (the traditional Pharpar" , a name which well designates its tumultuous course ), runs on the north of, and through the city, and then chiefly into the central of the three lakes, the Bahret-el-kibliyeh, (the "south" lake;) thence, it is supposed, but in part also directly, into the Bahret-esh-Shurkiyeh (the "east" lake ). The 'Awaj (the "crooked") (perhaps the old Amana, "the never-failing," in contrast with the streams which are exhausted in irrigation) runs near the old south boundary of Damascus , separating it probably from the northern possessions of Israel beyond Jordan, Bashan (in its widest sense), and Jetur or Ituraea. The area has been calculated at 236 square geographical miles .

This space rather became the center of its dominions, than measured their extent. But it supported a population far beyond what that space would maintain in Europe. Taught by the face of creation around them, where the course of every tiny rivulet, as it burst from the rocks, was marked by a rich luxuriance , the Damascenes of old availed themselves of the continual supply from the snows of Hermon or the heights of Anti-libanus, with a systematic diligence , of which, in our northern clime, as we have no need, so we have no idea. "Without the Barada," says Porter , "the city could not exist, and the plain would be a parched desert; but now aqueducts intersect every quarter, and fountains sparkle in almost every dwelling, while innumerable canals extend their ramifications over the vast plain, clothing it with verdure and beauty. Five of these canals are led off from the river at different elevations, before it enters the plain. They are carried along the precipitous banks of the ravine, being in some places tunnelled in the solid rock. The two on the northern side water Salahiyeh at the foot of the hills about a mile from the city, and then irrigate the higher portions of the plain to the distance of nearly twenty miles. Of the three on the south side, one is led to the populous village Daraya, five miles distant; the other two supply the city, its suburbs, and gardens."

The like use was made of every fountain in every larger or lesser plain. Of old it was said , "the Chrysorrhoas (the Barada) "is nearly expended in artificial channels." : "Damascus is fertile through drinking up the Chrysorrhoas by irrigation." Fourteen names of its canals are still given ; and while it has been common to select 7 or 8 chief canals, the whole have been counted up even to 70 . No art or labor was thought too great. The waters of the Fijeh were carried by a great aqueduct tunnelled through the side of the perpendicular cliff . Yet this was as nothing. Its whole plain was intersected with canals, and tunneled below. : "The waters of the river were spread over the surface of the soil in the fields and gardens; underneath, other canals were tunnelled to collect the superfluous water which percolates the soil, or from little fountains and springs below. The stream thus collected is led off to a lower level, where it comes to the surface. : "The whole plain is filled with these singular aqueducts, some of them running for 2 or 3 miles underground. Where the water of one is diffusing life and verdure over the surface, another branch is collecting a new supply." "In former days these extended over the whole plain to the lakes, thus irrigating the fields and gardens in every part of it."

Damascus then was, of old, famed for its beauty. Its white buildings, embedded in the deep green of its engirdling orchards, were like diamonds encircled by emeralds. They reach nearly to Anti-libanus westward , "and extend on both sides of the Barada some miles eastward. They cover an area at last 25 (or 30) miles in circuit, and make the environs an earthly Paradise." Whence the Arabs said , "If there is a garden of Eden on earth, it is Damascus; and if in heaven, Damascus is like it on earth." But this its beauty was also its strength. "The river," says William of Tyre , "having abundant water, supplies orchards on both banks, thick-set with fruit-trees, and flows eastward by the city wall. On the west and north the city was far and wide fenced by orchards, like thick dense woods, which stretched four or live miles toward Libanus. These orchards are a most exceeding defense; for from the density of the trees and the narrowness of the ways, it seemed difficult and almost impossible to approach the city on that side." Even to this day it is said , "The true defense of Damascus consists in its gardens, which, forming a forest of fruit-trees and a labyrinth of hedges, walls and ditches, for more than 7 leagues in circumference, would present no small impediment to a Mussulman enemy."

The advantage of its site doubtless occastoned its early choice. It lay on the best route from the interior of Asia to the Mediterranean, to Tyre, and even to Egypt. Chedorlaomer and the four kings with him, doubtless, came that way, since the first whom they smote were at Ashteroth Karnaim Genesis 14:5-6 in Jaulan or Gaulonitis, and thence they swept on southward, along the west side of Jordan, smiting, as they went, first the "Zuzim," (probably the same as the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:2 O) in Ammonitis; then "the Emim in the plain of Kiriathaim" in Moab Deuteronomy 9, 11, then "the Horites in Mount Seir unto Elparan" (probably Elath on the Gulf called from it.) They returned that way, since Abraham overtook them at Hobah near Damascus Genesis 14:15. Damascus was already the chief city, through its relation to which alone Hobah was known. It was on the route by which Abraham himself came at God's command from Haran (Charrae of the Greeks) whether over Tiphsaeh ("the passage," Thapsacus) or anymore northern passage over the Euphrates. The fact that his chief and confidential servant whom he entrusted to seek a wife for Isaac, and who was, at one time, his heir, was a Damascene Genesis 15:2-3, implies some intimate connection of Abraham with Damascus. At the time of our era, the name of Abraham was still held in honor in the country of Damascus ; a village was named from him "Abraham's dwelling;" and a native historian Nicolas said, that he reigned in Damascus on his way from the country beyond Babylon to Canaan. The name of his servant "Eliezer" "my God is help," implies that at this time too the servant was a worshiper of the One God. The name Damascus probably betokened the strenuous , energetic character of its founder.

Like the other names connected with Aram in the Old Testament , it is, in conformity with the common descent from Aram, Aramaic. It was no part of the territory assigned to Israel, nor was it molested by them. Judging, probably, of David's defensive conquests by its own policy, it joined the other Syrians who attacked David, was subdued, garrisoned, and became tributary 2 Samuel 8:5-6. It was at that time probably a subordinate power, whether on the ground of the personal eminence of Hadadezer king of Zobah, or any other. Certainly Hadadezer stands cut conspicuously; the Damascenes are mentioned only subordinately.

Consistently with this, the first mention of the kingdom of Damascus in Scripture is the dynasty of Rezon son of Eliada's, a fugitive servant of Hadadezer, who formed a marauding band, then settled and reigned in Damascus 1 Kings 11:23-24. Before this, Scripture speaks of the people only of Damascus, not of their kings. Its native historian admits that the Damascenes were, in the time of David, and continued to be, the aggressors, while he veils over their repeated defeats, and represents their kings, as having reigned successively from father to son, for ten generations, a thing unknown probably in any monarchy. : "A native, Adad, having gained great power, became king of Damascus and the rest of Syria, except Phoenicia. He, having carried war against David, king of Judaea, and disputed with him in many battles, and that finally at the Euaphrates where he was defeated, had the character of a most eminent king for prowess and valor. After his death, his descendants reigned for ten generations, each receiving from his father the name (Hadad) together with the kingdom, like the Ptolemies of Egypt. The third, having gained the greatest power of all, seeking to repair the defeat of his grandfather, warring against the Jews, wasted what is now callcd Samaritis." They could not brook a defeat, which they had brought upon themselves.

Rezon renewed, throughout the later part of Solomon's reign, the aggression of Hadad. On the schism of the ten tribes, the hostility of Damascus was concentrated against Israel who lay next to them. Abijam was in league with the father of Benhadad 1 Kings 15:19. Benhadad at once broke his league with Baasha at the request of Asa in his later mistrustful days 1 Chronicles 16:2-7, and turned against Baasha (1 Chronicles 16:2-7 and 1 Kings 15:20). From Omri also Benhadad I took cities and extorted "streets," probably a Damascus quarter, in Samaria itself 1 Kings 20:34. Benhadad II had "thirty-two" vassal "kings" 1 Kings 20:1, 1 Kings 20:24, (dependent kings like those of Canaan, each of his own city and little territory,) and led them against Samaria, intending to plunder it 1 Kings 20:6-7, and, on occasion of the plundering, probably to make it his own or to destroy it. By God's help they were twice defeated; the second time, when they directly challenged the power of God 1 Kings 20:22-25, 1 Kings 20:28, so signally that, had not Ahab been flattered by the appeal to his mercy 1 Kings 20:31-32, Syria would no more have been in a condition to oppress Israel. Benhadad promised to restore the cities which his father had taken from Israel, and to make an Israel-quarter in Damascus 1 Kings 20:34.

If this promise was fulfilled, Ramoth-Gilead must have been lost to Syria at an earlier period, since, three years afterward, Ahab perished in an attempt, by aid of Jehoshaphat, against the counsels of God, to recover it 1 Kings 22. Ramoth-Gilead being thus in the hands of Syria, all north of it, half of Dan and Manasseh beyond Jordan, must also have been conquered by Syria. Except the one great siege of Samaria, which brought it to extremities and which God dissipated by a panic which He infused into the Syrian army 2 Kings 7:6. Benhadad and Hazael encouraged only marauding expeditions against Israel during the 14 years of Ahaziah and Jehoram. Benhadad was, according to Assyrian inscriptions defeated thrice, Hazael twice, by Shalmanubar king of Assyria . Benhadad appears to have acted on the offensive, in alliance with the kings of the Hittites, the Hamathites and Phoenicians ; Hazael was attacked alone, driven to take refuge in Anti-libanus, and probably became tributary .

Assyrian chronicles relate only Assyrian victories. The brief notice, that through Naaman "the Lord gave deliverance to Syria" 2 Kings 5:1, probably refers to some signal check which Assyria received through him. For there was no other enemy, from whom Syria had to be "delivered." Subsequently to that retreat from Samaria, he even lost Ramoth 2 Kings 9:14-15 to Jehoram after a battle before it 2 Kings 8:29, in which Jehoram was wounded. It is a probable conjecture that Jehu, by his political submission to Assyria, drew on himself the calamities which Elisha foretold. Hazael probably became the instrument of God in chastening Israel, while he was avenging Jehu's submission to a power whom he dreaded and from whom he had suffered. Israel, having lost the help of Judah, became the easier prey. Hazael not only took from Israel all east of Jordan 2 Kings 10:32-33, but made the whole open country unsafe for the Israelites to dwell in.

Not until God "gave Israel a saviour," could they "dwell in their tents as beforetime" 2 Kings 13:5. Hazael extended his conquests to Gath 2 Kings 12:17, intending probably to open a connecting line with Egypt. "With a small company of men" he defeated a large army of Judah 2 Chronicles 24:23-24. Joash, king of Judah, bought him off, when advancing against Jerusalem, with everything of gold, consecrated or civil, in the temple or in his own treasures 2 Kings 12:18. Jehoash recovered from Benhadad III the cities this side Jordan 2 Kings 13:25; Jeroboam II, all their lost territories and even Damascus and Hamath 2 Kings 14:28. Yet after this, it was to recover its power under Rezin, to become formidable to Judah, and, through its aggressions on Judah, to bring destruction on itself. At this time, Damascus was probably, like ourselves, a rich, commercial, as well as warlike, but not as yet a manufacturing (see the note at Amos 3:12) nation. Its wealth, as a great emporium of transit-commerce, (as it is now) furnished it with sinews for war. The "white wool" Ezekiel 27:18, in which it traded with Tyre, implies the possession of a large outlying tract in the desert, where the sheep yield the whitest wool. It had then doubtless, beside the population of its plain, large nomadic hordes dependent upon it.

I will not turn away the punishment thereof - Literally, "I will not turn it back." What was this, which God would not turn back? Amos does not express it. Silence is often more emphatic than words. Not naming it, he leaves it the rather to be conceived of by the mind, as something which had been of old coming upon them to overwhelm them, which God had long stayed back, but which, since He would now stay it no longer, would burst in, with the more terrific and overwhelming might, because it had been restrained before. Sin and punishment are by a great law of God bound together. God's mercy holds back the punishment long, allowing only some slight tokens of His displeasure to show themselves, that the sinful soul or people may not be unwarned. When He no longer withholds it, the law of His moral government holds its course. "Seldom," said pagan experience , "hath punishment with lingering foot parted with the miscreant, advancing before."

Because they have threshed Gilead with threshing instruments of iron - The instrument, Jerome relates here, was "a sort of wain, rolling on iron wheels beneath, set with teeth; so that it both threshed out the grain and bruised the straw and cut it in pieces, as food for the cattle, for lack of hay." A similar instrument, called by nearly the same name, is still in use in Syria and Egypt. Elisha had foretold to Hazael his cruelty to Israel; "Their strong holds thou wilt set on fire, and their young men wilt thou slay with the sword, and wilt dash their children, and rip up their women with child" 2 Kings 8:12. Hazael, like others gradually steeped in sin, thought it impossible, but did it. In the days of Jehu, "Hazael smote them in all the coasts of Israel from Jordan eastward; all the land of Gilead, the Gadites and the Reubenites and the Manassites, from Arorer which is by the River Arnon, even Gilead and Bashan" 2 Kings 10:32-33; in those of Jehoahaz, Jehu's son, "he oppressed them, neither did he leave of the people to Jehoahaz but fifty horsemen and ten chariots, and ten thousand footmen, for the king of Syria had destroyed them, and had made them like the dust by threshing" 2 Kings 13:7. The death here spoken of, although more ghastly, was probably not more severe than many others; not nearly so severe as some which have been used by Christian Judicatures. It is mentioned in the Proverbs, as a capital punishment Proverbs 20:26; and is alluded to as such by Isaiah Isa 28:28. David had had, for some cause unexplained by Holy Scripture, to inflict it on the Ammonites 2 Samuel 12:31; 1 Chronicles 20:3. Probably not the punishment in itself alone, but the attempt so to extirpate the people of God brought down this judgment on Damascus.

Theodoret supposes the horrible aggravation, that it was thus that the women with child were destroyed with their children, "casting the aforesaid women, as into a sort of threshing-floor, they savagely threshed them out like ears of grain with saw-armed wheels."

Gilead is here doubtless to be taken in its widest sense, including all the possessions of Israel, east of Jordan, as, in the account of Hazael's conquests, "all the land of Gilead" 2 Kings 10:32-33 is explained to mean, all which was ever given to the two tribes and a half, and to include Gilead proper, as distinct from Basan. In like way Joshua relates, that "the children of Reuben and the children of Gad and the ha! f tribe of Manasseh returned to go into the country of Gilead, to the land of their possessions" Joshua 22:9. Throughout that whole beautiful tract, including 2 12 degrees of latitude, Hazael had carried on his war of extermination into every peaceful village and home, sparing neither the living nor the unborn.

4

Amos 1:4

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「我卻要降火在哈薛的家中」——這火大概既是戰爭中焚城的實際之火(因為他接著說,「燒滅便哈達的宮殿」),也象徵戰爭中一切其他的嚴酷,如古諺所說:「有火從希實本出來,有火焰從西宏的城發出,燒滅摩押的亞珥和亞嫩河邱壇的主」(Numbers 21:28);又象徵全能神的不悅,如祂說:「我的怒氣如火著起,燒至陰間的深處」(Deuteronomy 32:22)。因為這火所毀滅的不僅是屬物的建築,更是「哈薛的家」,即他的全家。在這些預言中,向那七個民族七次宣告火的報復——這是一切不義將被拋入之永火的表像。

「便哈達的宮殿」——哈薛既謀殺了他的主人便哈達、登上他的王位,大概為了使自己的家與古王朝相連,便以被他所弒之主的名字命名自己的兒子。便哈達——意即偶像「哈達」或「太陽」之子或敬拜者——曾是古王朝兩位王的名字。此時在位的是便哈達三世。先知預告這以血建立的王朝必全然滅亡。這預言可能已在哈薛家的敗亡中應驗;亞哈斯年間的敘利亞王利汛,與那家族並無已知的關係。像便哈達三世敗於耶羅波安二世——他奪取了大馬色本身——那樣的失敗,常是篡奪王朝的終局:它除了成功之外再無可受敬重的憑據,失敗便使它惟一的權利作廢。「哈薛」這名字——「神所看顧的」——暗示對獨一真神某種承認,如同他別(Tab-el,「神是善的」)、以利亞大(El-iada,「神所認識的」)一樣;這出現於那些偶像崇拜的名字——他伯利們(Tab-Rimmon,「臨們是善的」)、哈大底謝(Hadad-ezer,「哈達是幫助」)、以及哈達或便哈達——之中。惡人濫用神的一切受造物、規條與安排。那麼,或許正如西拿基立所誇的:「我如今上來攻擊毀滅這地,豈沒有耶和華的意思嗎?耶和華對我說:你上去攻擊毀滅這地吧」(Isaiah 36:10);哈薛也利用以利沙的預言,自稱是神的鞭子,並看自己為一個「神所看顧」的人。

預知未來是可畏的恩賜。正如「惟有全知者能運用全能」,超人的知識需要超人的智慧與聖潔的恩賜。哈薛表面上是藉著那本該作他警戒的知識,在罪中剛硬了自己。他大概帶著若主人不自然死亡便行弒的意圖來見以利沙,而以利沙把他讀給他自己看。但他極可能根據以利沙曾預告他必作王(2 Kings 8:13)這一點,為自己已籌謀的事自我辯護;並在屠殺神百姓時,自稱為神的器皿——他也確實是。歷代「神的鞭子」都知道自己是甚麼,雖然他們罪惡地成就神旨意時,其罪並不稍減(見 Hosea 1:4 的註釋)。我們聽說過一位基督教皇帝常談他的「使命」,儘管他的「使命」已經使許多基督徒流血。

英文原文

And I will send a fire on the house of Hazael - The fire is probably at once material fire, whereby cities are burned in war, since he adds, "it shall devour the palaces of Benhadad," and also stands as a symbol of all other severity in war as in the ancient proverb, "a fire is gone out from Heshbon, a flame from the city of Sihon; it hath consumed Ar of Moab, the lords of the high places of Arnon" Numbers 21:28; and again of the displeasure of Almighty God, as when He says, "a fire is kindled in Mine anger, and it shall burn unto the lowest hell" Deuteronomy 32:22. For the fire destroys not the natural buildings only, but "the house of Hazael," that is, his whole family. In these prophecies, a sevenfold vengeance by fire is denounced against the seven people, an image of the eternal fire into which all iniquity shall be cast.

The palaces of Benhadad - Hazael, having murdered Benhadad his master and ascended his throne, called Iris son after his murdered master, probably in order to connect his own house with the ancient dynasty. Benhadad, that is, son or worshiper of the idol "Hadad," or "the sun," had been the name of two of the kings of the old dynasty. Benhadad III was at this time reigning. The prophet foretells the entire destruction of the dynasty founded in blood. The prophecy may have had a fulfillment in the destruction of the house of Hazael, with whose family Rezin, the king of Syria in the time of Ahaz, stands in no known relation. Defeats, such as those of Benhadad III by Jeroboam II who took Damascus itself, are often the close of an usurping dynasty. Having no claim to regard except success, failure vitiates its only title. The name Hazael, "whom God looked upon," implies a sort of owning of the One God, like Tab-el, "God is good," El-iada', "whom God knoweth," even amid the idolatry in the names, Tab-Rimmon, "good is Rimmon;" Hadad-ezer, "Hadad is help;" and Hadad, or Benhadad. Bad men abuse every creature, or ordinance, or appointment of God. It may be then that, as Sennacherib boasted, "am I now come up without the Lord against this land" to destroy it? the Lord said unto me, Go up against this land and destroy it" Isaiah 36:10; so Hazael made use of the prophecy of Elisha, to give himself out as the scourge of God, and thought of himself as one "on whom God looked."

Knowledge of futurity is an awful gift. As "Omniscience alone can wield Omnipotence," so superhuman knowledge needs superhuman gifts of wisdom and holiness. Hazael seemingly hardened himself in sin by aid of the knowledge which should have been his warning. Probably he came to Elisha, with the intent to murder his master already formed, in case he should not die a natural death; and Elisha read him to himself. But he very probably justified himself to himself in what he had already purposed to do, on the ground that Elisha had foretold to him that he should be king over 2 Kings 8:13, and, in his massacres of God's people, gave himself out as being, what he was, the instrument of God. "Scourges of God" have known themselves to be what they were, although they themselves were not the less sinful, in sinfully accomplishing the Will of God (see the note at Hosea 1:4). We have heard of a Christian Emperor, who has often spoken of his "mission," although his "mission" has already cost the shedding of much Christian blood.

5

Amos 1:5

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在 Isaiah 51:8,伊甸被提及為一個眾所周知、以肥沃著稱的地區:

耶和華已經安慰錫安,

安慰她一切荒涼之處,

使她的曠野像伊甸,

她的沙漠像耶和華的園囿。

同樣,在 Ezekiel 27:23,我們看到伊甸與哈蘭、干尼一同被提及。干尼大概就是 Genesis 10:10 的迦勒、Isaiah 10:9 的迦勒挪,無疑位於美索不達米亞,因為它與已知位於該地的城邑並列(另比較 Ezekiel 31:9, Ezekiel 31:16, Ezekiel 31:18)。這些經文都證明確有這樣一個地區,並且證明它或在美索不達米亞、或在與之相鄰的地區。然而如今已無法指明其確切疆界。

從提勒撒 ― 這地方在聖經別處再未出現,因此對其位置一無所知。按文脈,它應在美索不達米亞。古代地名常遭遺失或更改,往往無法確定其確切所在。

我必折斷大馬士革的門閂 ― 在東方,各城都有防禦工事;堅固城邑的城門包上鐵皮,免得被敵人焚燒;門內用銅閂 (1 Kings 4:13) 或鐵閂閂住 (Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2; 比較 Isaiah 48:14; Jeremiah 51:30)。城門兩側設有城樓,門上也有建築,以致本來最脆弱、敵人最容易進攻的一點,成了最堅固的防線。在浩蘭,高九至十英尺、厚一英尺半的整塊巨石門與城門至今猶存,與這種城門相稱的「沉重門閂的位置」也仍可看見。城牆或被攻城錘撼動,或被土壘攀登;堅固的城門本身很少受到攻擊;一旦突破口打開,城門便從裏面敞開。「折斷門閂」就使城向敵人洞開,任其自由出入。大馬士革全國的力量都在於首都。它本身就是帝國的所在,也就是帝國本身。因此神說,他必親自粉碎他們一切抵抗的手段,粉碎一切能攔阻敵人侵入的屏障。

剪除亞文平原的居民 ― 按字面是「從虛空之谷」。Bik'ah 指山丘之間的寬闊谷地。這裏無疑是指那片至今仍被阿拉伯人稱為 el-Bukaa、被推羅的威廉稱為 La Boquea 的肥沃美谷,即利巴嫩與反利巴嫩之間、狹義上的古 Coele-Syria。它位於高地上,是那沿著約但河、死海和亞拉巴直達紅海的又長又深的谷地的延續。其極長度,從南端封口的 Kal'at-esh-shakif 到 Homs(即 Emesa),按七天的行程計算;它向南端收窄,向北端擴展,但直到 Riblah 以北十英里,仍不能說它失去了谷地的性質。

在其中央坐落著巴勒貝克,即希利奧波利司,據說埃及的太陽崇拜古時便從他們的「太陽之城」傳到這裏。正如廢墟至今所見證的,巴勒貝克滿了太陽崇拜。然而這整片美地――曾被稱為「鋪著翠綠與美色的宏偉景致」、「深藏於群山之谷中的一顆寶石」――乃是偶像崇拜的堡壘。巴力黑門這名字把黑門山本身――那聳立於其東南端、終年積雪的高峰――與巴力即太陽的崇拜連在一起,而且從士師時代起便是如此 (Judges 3:3)。巴力迦得這名字則把「利巴嫩谷」――大概就是大谷的南端――與同樣的崇拜相連,早於約書亞的時代 (Joshua 11:17; Joshua 12:7; Joshua 13:5)。

巴勒貝克這名稱大概是古名 Baal-bik'ah 即「谷之巴力」的縮寫,與鄰近的巴力黑門相對。「整座黑門山都被廟宇環繞。」「有八座或十座廟宇聚集在它周圍」;更值得注意的是,有一座廟「為捕捉黑門山上初昇太陽的第一縷光線」而建;其兩側的廟宇都以它為中心朝向它。

在耶柔米的時代,異教徒仍然崇敬山頂上一座著名的廟宇。在其中央峰頂――高於下面峽谷三千英尺,冬季無法攀登,遠眺東邊曠野與西邊海上的日出日落――至今仍可看見一圈大石砌成的圍牆或環狀基礎,那是一座古樸的廟宇,後來在其中又建了一座希臘式的廟宇。「在反利巴嫩山脈另外三座山峰上,也有極古老的廢墟。」「Bukaa 及其四境滿是這類建築。」

「利巴嫩、反利巴嫩與其間的谷地,擠滿了古廟。」其中有些確屬希臘式,但另一些是敘利亞-腓尼基式。希臘廟宇大概是敘利亞-腓尼基廟宇的復興。「巴勒貝克巨大的基座結構,被推測屬於一座更早的廟宇。」新名「希利奧波利司」不過是以敬拜對象(太陽)之名代替了「主」這一尊號。倘若 Coele-Syria 的這座廟宇不是因異教聲名而投合異教皇帝的迷信與政策,他們斷不會在它身上傾注如此巨大、如此驚人的耗費與華美的藝術。在利巴嫩西坡的 Afca(亞弗加),阿多尼斯河發源之處,有維納斯的神廟,那是最可憎的敘利亞偶像崇拜的中心,「是給一切放蕩之人的為惡學校」。

在希利奧波利司,人們也「無恥地使自己的妻女蒙羞」。叛教者猶利安在位期間異教在那裏的爆發,表明其偶像崇拜何等根深蒂固。這樣看來,阿摩斯大概是因這整片美谷的百姓全然陷於那使敘利亞墮落的最壞偶像崇拜之中,便以之為「虛空之谷」或「罪孽之谷」而宣判。這裏既是偶像崇拜的所在地,神主要的審判必臨到此處。其居民必被剪除,即全然滅絕;對其餘的人,只宣判了被擄。亞述諸王常把蔑視其宗教的人處死,因此在這裏或許也盲目地執行了神的判決。

伯伊甸 ― 這是一個專有而有意義的名字,「Beth-Eden」,意即「歡樂之家」。與亞述的伊甸一樣 (2 Kings 19:12; Isaiah 37:12; Ezekiel 27:23),為有別於人類第一個家園,這名字讀作「EH-den」而非「EE-den」。因名字相近,Bik'ah 附近有兩處、其中有一處,曾被認為就是這「歡樂之家」。

一、如今以位置與氣候而論最美的,大概是名稱被誤傳的 Ehden;那是一座馬龍派村莊,「有四五百戶人家,坐落於一片肥沃而精耕的谷坡上」,位於的黎波里通往香柏樹的路上、Beshirrai 附近。其氣候被描寫為十個月的春天;「山丘開成梯田直達山頂」;到處是最豐美繁盛的草木;「五穀傾倒在他懷裏,酒無限量注在他的杯中」。「滿目青翠的谷坡比山丘更為多產;利巴嫩的泉水在四面八方新鮮、清涼、悅耳地奔流。」的黎波里的富家至今仍到那裏避暑,「因雪山鄰近而氣候溫和,海上柔風滋養著最繁茂的草木。」它至今仍被視為「利巴嫩的天堂」。

二、Beit-el-Janne,按字面是「天堂之家」,是 Beth-Eden 的阿拉伯語譯名。它「坐落在利巴嫩(黑門)山根之下,湧出清澈的泉水」,因此推羅的威廉說它「被稱為歡樂之家」。它位於一處稍見開闊的窄谷之中,離大馬士革平原約四十五分鐘路程,在大馬士革往巴尼亞斯去的路上,離該城約二十七英里。「上下四圍眾多的巖石墳墓,見證這地方的古老。」它把名字給了 Jennani(天堂河),即構成大馬士革附近第二大河 Awadj 的兩條溪流之一。

三、第三處是希臘人的 Paradisus,老底嘉嫩的三座城邑之一;它與聖經的名字只是偶然相合,因為他們的 Paradisus 所指的不是地上的樂園,而是「獵苑」。就獵苑而言,這地點十分合適;但在那樣水源豐沛、土壤肥沃得似乎只消人稍加辛勞便願披上繁盛之美的地方,看來是古 Paradisus 舊址之處卻是寸草不生的荒地。伯伊甸也許是大馬士革王屬下一位藩王的居所,隨其宗主的覆亡而同遭毀滅;也許是大馬士革王自己的夏宮,當他信靠假神、置身於一個彷彿歡樂之園的地方時,神便在那裏把他全然剪除。財富和人的任何偶像都不能保護人抵擋神。正如亞當因罪被逐出樂園,大馬士革的掌權者也照樣被逐出他們歡樂與罪惡之地。

亞蘭人必被擄去 ― 敘利亞或亞蘭在當時大馬士革的統治下,大概已包括幼發拉底河此先前分裂而成的一切小王國。至少,它被當作一個整體來講論,沒有早期歷史中那些附加的名目,如亞蘭伯利合、瑣巴的亞蘭、瑪迦的亞蘭。在被擄之前,大馬士革被稱為「敘利亞的頭」(Isaiah 7:8)。

到吉珥 ― 吉珥曾被比定為以下幾處:

(1)伊比利亞鄰近庫爾河的部分;庫爾河與阿拉斯河匯合,離裏海不遠,在亞美尼亞以北;

(2)瑪代南部馬爾杜斯河上一座希臘人稱為 Kourena 或 Kourna 的城;

(3)一座名為 Karine 的城,即今日的 Kerend。

第一處既最為人知,也就最有可能。庫爾(Kur)大概構成今日 Kurgistan、即我們所稱「喬治亞」這名稱的一部分。至少,位於庫爾河以南的亞美尼亞,在楔形文字碑文中經常被提及,是亞述諸王爭戰並征服過的國家。西拿基立那兩個弒父的兒子,逃往其父帝國遙遠的一隅,與逃到帝國之外,可能性是一樣的 (Isaiah 37:38)。他們逃往那裏,或許正是以撒哈頓向那地開戰的緣由。那地方歷來為被逐出他鄉的人提供庇護。亞美尼亞人晚出的本族傳說,把他們最早的居民算作一些為逃避巴比倫王彼勒之軛、從美索不達米亞逃來的人。個別傳統的價值姑且不論,其山中谷地確是逃亡者天然的避難所。

或許在某一次如亞述在寧錄面前逃奔那樣的欺壓之下,亞蘭人最先到亞美尼亞和喬治亞的山中避難,其後又散佈到我們後來發現他們所在的美索不達米亞低地。然而亞蘭這名字與亞美尼亞毫無關聯;亞美尼亞本身也不是那地的本土名稱,大概是由希臘人從他們所聽聞的名字構成的。「亞蘭」意為「高超的」,顯然描述閃的這個兒子、以及其他同名者身上的某種品性。相反,迦南(不論是否預示他因參與含的罪而將來敗落的品性)或可意為「屈身」。但亞蘭並無「高地」之義,迦南也無「低地」之義,不像晚近所臆想的那樣。

敘利亞人的先祖,是憑著神那善良、周全的護理,自願地從吉珥遷出;如今敘利亞人卻要違背己意,被擄回吉珥。大馬士革的亞蘭人曾被引到一片因肥沃秀美而素來、且至今仍被稱譽為某種樂園的土地。如今,他們既被奢侈所軟化,就要被遣回他們原出之地那嚴酷卻健康的氣候中去。他們濫用神所賜的能力,企圖剷除以色列;如今他們自己要被全然剷除。阿摩斯所預言的被擄是完全的被擄,即如這字的意思所表明的,那地要被剝除居民。除了十支派以外,他沒有對別處預言過這樣的被擄。惟獨對這兩個國家,他是絕對地預言此事;對亞捫人,他只預言王和首領的被擄 (Amos 1:15),對推羅、非利士眾城、以東、亞捫或摩押,則都沒有。這刑罰在當日並未臨到敘利亞,而是臨到那也欺壓猶大的利汛的日子。罪既未除淨,刑罰也就延及後代。

大約五十年後,提革拉毗列色把他們擄去,並殺了利汛 (2 Kings 16:9)。對這兩個國家,阿摩斯是絕對地預言其被擄。然而在當時,並無任何人間的可能性、也無任何出於神聖知識以外的根據,可以特別就這兩國作出這樣的預言。他們被擄之事發生得太晚,非人的遠見所能預測;卻又早於猶大的被擄足夠長久,其應驗本足以使猶大深受警誡――只要他們肯。後來成為波斯和晚期亞述帝國常規政策之一的整族遷徙,就我們所知,在先知的時代並不屬於東方政策的一部分。據載,早於阿摩斯幾個世紀的埃及征服者塞索斯特里斯,曾從被征服的各國招聚「許多人」、「一大群人」,用於他的建築和運河工程。

然而連這記載也得不到埃及古蹟的支持;希臘人歸於塞索斯特里的事蹟,被認為是第十九王朝的塞提一世與蘭塞二世、又交織著第十二王朝的烏薩特森三世和第十八王朝的圖特摩斯三世事蹟的混合。但從戰場帶走少量俘虜,與出於政策遷移一個民族,完全是兩回事。其中毫無系統或計劃可言,不過是把戰爭送到手中的人當作奴隸使用。埃及諸王利用這一資源,是為在他們宏大的實用工程或虛榮工程上省下本國臣民的勞力。但這樣使用的俘虜不過是奴隸群體,與別國在礦場或農田中勞作的奴隸相似。

他們也以同樣的方式使用那些平素被他們和平接納的以色列人。他們早期的工程由本國勞力進行。在圖特摩斯三世之後――他的在位年間首次出現使用俘虜服苦役的圖像――處於鼎盛時期的埃及便能愛惜本國臣民了。他們輸入勞力,不是藉奴隸貿易,而是藉戰爭。努比亞被併入埃及,努比亞俘虜自然不在本國、而在埃及北部使用;亞洲俘虜則在努比亞使用。但他們是戰役中擄來的俘虜,不是整族的人口;是埃及土地上的外來成分,不是屬民之間的對換。無疑,那「許多閒雜人」(Exodus 12:38),即與以色列人一同「從埃及上來」的,部分就是這些曾同受苦役束縛的亞洲俘虜。

後期亞述、巴比倫和波斯那些強制遷徙的目的與規模則完全不同。其用意在於把居民遷離原住地,或至多只留下那些因人數稀少或貧困而無力反叛的人。楔形文字碑文在很大程度上向我們展示了亞述諸王自己記述的征服史。然而,撒珥根、西拿基立、以撒哈頓較晚的碑文一再提及人口的遷徙,亞述巴尼拔或亞述納西拔較早的編年史卻只記述擄走士兵為俘、擄走婦女為囚。也提到接收奴隸為貢物,以及牛羊的數目、他們擄走的百姓財物、產業和神明。

此外,王所敘述的,是他如何把武裝的人或一般百姓釘十字架、刺穿或處死;但在他任何一次遠征中,都不曾提及任何遷徙。儘管現代作者常假設民族遷徙是亞洲君主的世襲政策的一部分,在這個時期以前卻未發現任何實例。這似乎是較晚的政策,最先由提革拉毗列色對大馬士革和巴勒斯坦東北部採用,卻早在其被採用之前許久,就由先知預言了。這大概是他們從經驗中得出的結果:把這些民族留在舊居,就無法使他們臣服。就我們所知的範圍而言,先知是在這種遷徙的任何實例發生之前,就預言了這些人的遷移。

英文原文

In Isaiah 51:8, Eden is referred to as a country well known, and as distinguished for its fertility:

For Yahweh shall comfort Zion;

He will comfort all her waste places,

And he will make her wilderness like Eden,

And her desert like the garden of Yahweh.

Thus also in Ezekiel 27:23, we find Eden mentioned in connection with Haran and Canneh. Canneh was probably the same as Calneh Genesis 10:10, the Calno of Isaiah Isa 10:9, and was, doubtless, situated in Mesopotamia, since it is joined with cities that are known to have been there (compare also Ezekiel 31:9, Ezekiel 31:16, Ezekiel 31:18). All these passages demonstrate that there was such a country, and prove also that it was either in Mesopotamia, or in a country adjacent to Mesopotamia. It is not, however, possible now to designate its exact boundaries.

In Telassar - This place is nowhere else mentioned in the Scriptures. Nothing, therefore, is known of its situation. The connection demands that it should be in Mesopotamia. The names of ancient places were so often lost or changed that it is often impossible to fix their exact locality.

Amos 1:5I will also break the bar of Damascus - In the East, every city was fortified; the gates of the stronger cities were cased in iron, that they might not be set on fire by the enemy; they were fastened within with bars of brass 1 Kings 4:13 or iron (Psalm 107:16; Isaiah 45:2; compare Isaiah 48:14; Jeremiah 51:3 O). They were flanked with towers, and built over, so that what was naturally the weakest point and the readiest access to an enemy became the strongest defense. In Hauran the huge doors and gates of a single stone 9 and 10 feet high , and 1 12 foot thick , are still extant, and "the place for the ponderous bars," proportioned to such gates, "may yet be seen." The walls were loosened with the battering-ram, or scaled by mounds: the strong gate was seldom attacked; but, when a breach was made, was thrown open from within. The "breaking of the bar" laid open the city to the enemy, to go in and come out at his will. The whole strength of the kingdom of Damascus lay in the capital. It was itself the seat of the empire and was the empire itself. God says then, that He Himself would shiver all their means of resistance, whatever could hinder the inroad of the enemy.

And cut off the inhabitant from the plain of Aven - Literally, "from the vale of vanity," the "Bik'ah" being a broad vale between hills . Here it is doubtless the rich and beautiful valley, still called el-bukaa by the Arabs, La Boquea by William of Tyre , lying between Lebanon and Anti-libanus, the old Coele-Syria in its narrowest sense. It is, on high ground, the continuation of that long deep valley which, along the Jordan, the Dead sea, and the Arabah, reaches to the Red Sea. lts extreme length, from its southern close at Kal'at-esh-shakif to Hums (Emesa) has been counted at 7 days journey ; it narrows toward its southern extremity, expands at its northern, yet it cannot any how be said to lose its character of a valley until 10 miles north of Riblah .

Midway, on its ," was Baalbek, or Heliopolis, where the Egyptian worship is said to have been brought of old times from their "city of the sun ." Baalbek, as the ruins still attest, was full of the worship of the sun. But the whole of that beautiful range, "a magnificent vista" , it has been said, "carpeted with verdure and beauty" , "a gem lying deep in its valley of mountains," was a citadel of idolatry. The name Baal-Hermon connects Mount Hermon itself, the snow-capped height which so towers over its southeast extremity, with the worship of Baal or the sun, and that, from the time of the Judges Jdg 3:3. The name Baal-gad connects "the valley of Lebanon," that is, most probably the south end of the great valley, with the same worship, anterior to Joshua Jos 11:17; Joshua 12:7; Joshua 13:5.

The name Baalbek is probably an abbreviation of the old name, Baal-bik'ah , "Baal of the valley," in contrast with the neighboring Baalhermon. : "The whole of Hermon was girded with temples." : "Some eight or ten of them cluster round it," and, which is more remarkable, one is built" to catch the first beams of the sun rising over Hermon;" and temples on its opposite sides face toward it, as a sort of center .

In Jerome's time, the pagan still reverenced a celebrated temple on its summit . On the crest of its central peak, 3,000 feet above the glen below, in winter inaccessible, beholding far asunder the rising and the setting sun on the eastern desert and in the western sea, are still seen the foundations of a circular wall or ring of large stones, a rude temple, within which another of Grecian art was subsequently built . "On three other peaks of the Anti-libanus range are ruins of great antiquity" . : "The Bukaa and its borders are full of the like buildings."

"Lebanon, Anti-lebanon and the valleys between are thronged with ancient temples" . Some indeed were Grecian, but others Syro-Phoenician. The Grecian temples were probably the revival of Syro-Phoenician. The "massive substructions of Baalbek are conjectured to have been those of an earlier temple." The new name "Heliopolis" only substituted the name of the object of worship (the sun) for its title Lord. The pagan emperors would not have lavished so much and such wondrous cost and gorgeous art on a temple in Coele-Syria, had not its pagan celebrity recommended it to their superstition or their policy. On the west side of Lebanon at Afca, (Apheca) was the temple of Venus at the source of the River Adonis , a center of the most hateful Syrian idolatry , "a school of misdoing for all profligates."

At Heliopolis too, men "shamelessly gave their wives and daughters to shame." The outburst of paganism there in the reign of Julian the Apostate shows how deeply rooted was its idolatry. Probably then, Amos pronounces the sentence of the people of that whole beautiful vale, as "valley of vanity" or "iniquity" , being wholly given to that worst idolatry which degraded Syria. Here, as the seat of idolatry, the chief judgments of God were to fall. Its inhabitants were to be cut off, that is, utterly destroyed; on the rest, captivity is the only sentence pronounced. The Assyrian monarchs not unfrequently put to death those who despised their religion , and so may herein have executed blindly the sentence of God.

From the house of Eden - A Proper, but significant, name, "Beth-Eden," that is, "house of pleasure." The name, like the Eden of Assyria 2 Kings 19:12; Isaiah 37:12; Ezekiel 27:23, is, in distinction from man's first home, pronounced "EH-den," not "EE-den" . Two places near, and one in, the Bik'ah have, from similarity of name, been thought to be this "house of delight."

  1. Most beautiful now for situation and climate, is what is probably mispronounced Ehden; a Maronite Village "of 4 or 500 families, on the side of a rich highly-cultivated valley" near Beshirrai on the road from Tripolis to the Cedars. Its climate is described as a ten months spring ; "the hills are terraced up to their summits;" and every place full of the richest, most beautiful, vegetation; "grain is poured out into the lap of man, and wine into his cup without measure." "The slopes of the valleys, one mass of verdure, are yet more productive than the hills; the springs of Lebanon gushing down, fresh, cool and melodious in every direction ." The wealthier families of Tripoli still resort there for summer, "the climate being tempered by the proximity of the snow-mountains, the most luxuriant vegetation favored by the soft airs from the sea . "It is still counted" the Paradise of Lebanon."

2.-Beit-el-Janne, literally, "house of Paradise," is an Arabic translation of Beth-Eden. It "lies under the root of Libanus, (Hermon) gushing forth clear water, whence," says WilIiam of Tyre , "it is called 'house of pleasure.'" It lies in a narrow valley, where it widens a little, about 34 of an hour from the plain of Damascus , and about 27 miles from that city on the way from Banias. : "Numerous rock-tombs, above and around, bear testimony to the antiquity of the site." It gives its name to the Jennani (Paradise River), one of two streams which form the second great river near Damascus, the Awadj.

  1. The third, the Paradisus of the Greeks, one of the three towns of Laodicene , agrees only accidentally with the Scripture name, since their Paradisus signifies not an earthly Paradise, but a "hunting-park." For this the site is well suited; but in that country so abounding in water, and of soil so rich that the earth seems ready, on even slight pains of man, to don itself in luxuriant beauty, what probably is the site of the old Paradisus, is hopelessly barren Beth-Eden may have been the residence of one of the subordinate kings under the king of Damascus, who was to be involved in the ruin of his suzerain; or it may have been a summer-residence of the king of Damascus himself, where, in the midst of his trust in his false gods, and in a Paradise, as it were, of delight, God would cut him off altogether. Neither wealth nor any of a man's idols protect against God. As Adam, for sin, was expelled from Paradise, so the rulers of Damascus from the place of their pleasure and their sin.

And the people of Syria shall go into captivity - Syria or Aram perhaps already included, under the rule of Damascus, all the little kingdoms on this side of the Euphrates, into which it had been formerly sub-divided. At least, it is spoken of as a whole, without any of the additions which occur in the earlier history, Aram-beth-rehob, Aramzobah, Aram-Maachah. Before its captivity Damascus is spoken of as "the head of Syria" Isaiah 7:8.

Into Kir - Kir has been identified:

(1) with the part of Iberia near the River Kur which unites with the Araxes, not far from the Caspian, to the north of Armenia;

(2) a city called by the Greeks Kourena or Kourna on the River Mardus in southern Media;

(3) a city, Karine , the modern Kerend .

The first is the most likely, as the most known; the Kur is part probably of the present name Kurgistan, our "Georgia." Armenia at least which lay on the south of the River Kur, is frequently mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions, as a country where the kings of Assyria warred and conquered . The two parricide sons of Sennacherib are as likely to have fled Isaiah 37:38 to a distant portion of their father's empire, as beyond it. Their flight there may have been the ground of Esarhaddon's war against it . It has at all times afforded a shelter to those expelled from others' lands . The domestic, though late, traditions of the Armenians count as their first inhabitants some who had fled out of Mesopotamia to escape the yoke of Bel, king of Babylon . Whatever be the value of particular traditions, its mountain-valleys form a natural refuge to fugitives.

On occasion of some such oppression, as that from which Asshur fled before Nimrod , Aram may have been the first of those who took shelter in the mountains of Armenia and Georgia, and thence spread themselves, where we afterward find them, in the lowlands of Mesopotamia. The name Aram, however, is in no way connected with Armenia, which is itself no indigenous name of that country, but was probably formed by the Greeks, from a name which they heard . The name Aram, "lofty," obviously describes some quality of the son of Shem, as of others who bore the name . Contrariwise, Canaan, (whether or no anticipating his future degraded character as partaking in the sin of Ham) may signify "crouching." But neither has Aram any meaning of "highland," nor Canaan of "lowland," as has of late been imagined. .

From Kir the forefathers of the Syrians had, of their own will, been brought by the good all-disposing Providence of God; to Kir should the Syrians, against their will, be carried back. Aram of Damascus had been led to a land which, for its fertility and beauty, has been and is still praised as a sort of Paradise. Now, softened as they were by luxury, they were to be transported back to the austere though healthy climate, from where they had come. They had abused the might given to them by God, in the endeavor to uproot Israel; now they were themselves to be utterly uprooted. The captivity which Amos foretells is complete; a captivity by which (as the word means) the land should be bared of its inhabitants. Such a captivity he foretells of no other, except the ten tribes. He foretells it absolutely of these two nations alone , of the king and princes of Ammon Amos 1:15, not of Tyre, or the cities of Philistia, or Edom, or Ammon, or Moab. The punishment did not reach Syria in those days, but in those of Rezin who also oppressed Judah. The sin not being cut off; the punishment too was handed down.

Tiglath-pileser carried them away, about 50 years after this, and killed Rezin 2 Kings 16:9. In regard to these two nations, Amos foretells the captivity absolutely. Yet at this time, there was no human likelihood, no ground, except of a divine knowledge, to predict it of these two nations especially. They went into captivity too long after this for human foresight to predict it; yet long enough before the captivity of Judah for the fulfillment to have impressed Judah if they would. The transportation of whole populations, which subsequently became part of the standing policy of the Persian and of the later Assyrian Empires, was not, as far as we know, any part of Eastern policy at the time of the prophet. Sesostris, the Egyptian conqueror, some centuries before Amos, is related to have brought together "many men," "a crowd," from the nations whom he had subdued, and to have employed them on his buildings and canals.

Even this account has received no support from the Egyptian monuments, and the deeds ascribed by the Greeks to Sesostris have been supposed to be a blending of those of two monarchs of the xix. Dynasty, Sethos I and Raamses II, interwoven with those of Ousartesen III((Dynasty xii.) and Tothmosis III((Dyn. xviii). But the carrying away of tiny number of prisoners from fields of battle is something altogether different from the political removal of a nation. It had in it nothing systematic or designed. It was but the employment of those whom war had thrown into their hands, as slaves. The Egyptian monarchs availed themselves of this resource, to spare the labor of their native subjects in their great works of utility or of vanity. But the prisoners so employed were but a slave population, analogous to those who, in other nations, labored in the mines or in agriculture.

They employed in the like way the Israelites, whom they had received peacefully. Their earlier works were carried on by native labor . After Tothmosis III, in whose reign is the first representation of prisoners employed in forced labor , they could, during their greatness, spare their subjects. They imported labor, not by slave trade, but through war. Nubia was incorporated with Egypt , and Nubian prisoners were, of course, employed, not in their own country but in the north of Egypt; Asiatic prisoners in Nubia . But they were prisoners made in a campaign, not a population; a foreign element in Egyptian soil, not an interchange of subject-populations. Doubtless, "the mixed multitude" Exodus 12:38, which "went up with" Israel from Egypt, were in part these Asiatic captives, who had been subjected to the same hard bondage.

The object and extent of those forced transportations by the later Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians were altogether different. Here the intention was to remove the people from their original seat, or at most to leave those only who, from their fewness or poverty, would be in no condition to rebel. The cuneiform inscriptions have brought before us, to a great extent, the records of the Assyrian conquests, as given by their kings. But whereas the later inscriptions of Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, mention repeatedly the deportation of populations, the earlier annals of Asshurdanipal or Asshurakhbal relate the carrying off of soldiers only as prisoners, and women as captives . They mention also receiving slaves as tributes, the number of oxen and sheep, the goods and possessions and the gods of the people which they carry off .

Else the king relates, how he crucified or impaled or put to death men at arms or the people generally, but in no one of his expeditions does he mention any deportation. Often as modern writers assume, that the transportation of nations was part of the hereditary policy of the Monarchs of Asia, no instances before this period have been found. It appears to have been a later policy, first adopted by Tiglath-pileser toward Damascus and east and north Palestine, but foretold by the prophet long before it was adopted. It was the result probably of experience, that they could not keep these nations in dependence upon themselves while they left them in their old abodes. As far as our knowledge reaches, the prophet foretold the removal of these people, at a time when no instance of any such removal had occurred.

6

Amos 1:6

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迦薩——迦薩是非利士最南的城,其實也是古迦南最南的城(Genesis 10:19),是從腓尼基往埃及的路上、曠野起頭之處最後一個有人居住的地方。它的位置選得出奇地好,以致迦薩雖屢遭毀滅,甚至隔了長久的年日,一座新城總又在原處近旁重新興起;前城的碎磚殘石,成了後城的建築材料。它起初是迦南城(Genesis 10:19),後來屬非利士,至少在亞歷山大之後屬以東,在亞歷山大·楊尼烏斯之後成了希臘城,被第一任哈里發阿布伯克爾征服後成了阿拉伯城,又在他們的內戰中荒涼,直到十字軍重建其堡壘,隨後再歸穆斯林。最早的時候,在所多瑪、蛾摩拉未被毀滅以先,迦薩已是迦南人境界的南角,境界從那裡轉向死海之南。那時它就以力量之名為人所知——「阿扎」('Azzah),意即「強固者」,如同我們所說的「要塞」。

有一段時期,它像一座孤島堡壘般矗立,而身材巨大的亞衛人,大概比今日的貝都因人更野,一直流蕩到它的城門口。因為聖經既說亞衛人「直到迦薩,住在各村莊」(Deuteronomy 2:23),顯然他們並不住在迦薩本身——那是一座設防的城。這話劃定他們居所的界限,直到東南方最遠的城迦薩。他們在其周圍逡巡、無疑也侵擾它,卻未能征服它,自己反倒被迦斐託人逐出。圖特摩斯三世大遠征的記錄中提到迦薩君主的堡壘,正如蘭塞二世的紀念碑認為亞實基倫的被征服值得記下。約書亞把亞衲族人「從希伯崙……和猶大並以色列的山地」趕出之後,他們「只在迦薩、迦特和亞實突」留下(Joshua 11:21-23);迦薩既收留他們,堡壘無疑更為加強。

它既是通往埃及陸路商務的第一站——無論往推羅、西頓,往大馬士革與幼發拉底河上游,或往彼得拉——大概很早就興盛起來。即使商務的潮流已改道他處,它的位置仍是厚利的來源。這一塊緊接曠野通路的肥沃之地,成了商隊的市場,連那些行經麥加朝聖路線、把買賣與宗教連在一起的商隊也經過這裡。五座城並提而列為未被征服時,迦薩居首,其次是亞實突(Joshua 13:3)。參孫洩漏了自己力量的祕密之後,被「帶下迦薩去」(Judges 16:21),大概因為那是他們最堅固的堡壘,雖然它離他被誘陷的「梭烈谷」最遠。

那裡也有大袞的巨大神廟,後來成了他許多敬拜者的葬身之處。所羅門在位時,它臣服於以色列(1 Kings 4:21)。亞哈斯年間非利士人入侵(2 Chronicles 28:18)、奪了猶大南部與低地沙斐拉的城邑之後,希西家把他們一直趕回迦薩(2 Kings 18:8),卻似乎沒有攻取它。它的君主敗於撒珥根手下——以賽亞曾預告他對非利士的得勝(Isaiah 14:29)。西拿基立把自己「所奪的『堅固城和別的城』」給了迦薩王,連同亞實基倫和以革倫的王,明言是要削弱猶大,「使希西家的國土變小」,大概也是酬謝他們對猶大的敵意。希臘作家稱它為「敘利亞一座極大的城」、「大城」。與古時別的城一樣,它因懼怕海盜,建在離海有些距離之處(阿里安說是二哩半),卻有一個名為邁烏馬的港口,與亞實基倫的一樣;這港本身在基督教時代也成了重要的地方。

「因為她擄掠眾民」——直譯是「完全的擄掠」;完全,卻是惡義的完全——無人得免、無人留下的擄掠;無論老幼、無論婦孺,整個人口(不論其大小)全被擄去。約蘭年間,聖經記載過非利士人這樣的一次入侵(2 Chronicles 21:16)。

「交給以東」——直譯是「把他們封閉給以東」,就是交在他們的死敵以東權下,叫他們無法逃脫,也不能得恢復。以東的手,即使不是以東的地,早已染了雅各「他們弟兄」的血(Joel 3:19)。那一群無助的被擄者,大概會喊著說:「哪裡都好,只是不要那裡!」這如同把退縮的羊群趕進屠場——那裡還洋溢著牠們同伴的血腥。然而,他們正是因此被趕到那裡宰殺。那裡有大量買賣猶太奴隸的公開市場。「賣了我們吧,只是不要送去屠宰」「饒過這白髮的」「饒過我的孩子」——這些呼聲會傳進那些雖是仇敵、卻聽得懂他們話語之人的耳中。但是沒有!推羅、非利士與以東對神百姓的密約就是這樣:一個也不留,必須是「完全的擄掠」,而且是交給以東。這盟約履行了。「塞耳不聽窮人哀求的,他將來呼籲也不蒙應允」(Proverbs 21:13)。約珥也曾提到非利士與腓尼基同樣的罪,並預告其刑罰(Joel 3:4-6)。約蘭在位那次是聖經最後提及的一次,卻未必、也未必可能是實際上的最後一次。聖經大概只記載那些邊境劫掠中較顯著的。未悔改的罪通常會重演。那些堅固的非利士堡壘,必定經常提供這類入侵的大量機會;正如今日阿拉伯人所說的:「收成歸強者」;黎巴嫩、豪蘭等地受保護的小片土地有人耕種,開闊的肥沃地區卻常任其荒廢,因為耕種了也不過是替劫掠者耕種。阿摩司重申約珥的判決,預先警告他們:這判決雖似遲延,卻必要來到。

英文原文

Gaza - Was the southernmost city of the Philistines, as it was indeed of Canaan Genesis 10:19 of old, the last inhabited place at the beginning of the desert, on the way from Phoenicia to Egypt . Its situation was wonderfully chosen, so that, often as a Gaza has been destroyed, a new city has, if even after long intervals, risen up again in the same immediate neighborhood . The fragments of the earlier city became materials for the later. It was first Canaanite Genesis 10:19; then Philistine; then, at least after Alexander, Edomite ; after Alexander Janneus, Greek ; conquered by Abubekr the first Khalif, it became Arabian; it was desolated in their civil wars, until the Crusaders rebuilt its fort ; then again, Muslim. In the earliest times, before the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Gaza was the south angle of the border of the Canaanites, from where it turned to the south of the Dead Sea. Even then it was known by its name of strength, 'Azzah "the strong," like our "Fort."

For a time, it stood as an island-fort, while the gigantic race of the Avvim wandered, wilder probably than the modern Bedaween, up to its very gates. For since it is said, "the Avvim dwelt in open villages as far as Gaza" Deuteronomy 2:23; plainly they did not dwell in Gaza itself, a fortified town. The description assigns the bound of their habitations, up to the furthest town on the southeast, Gaza. They prowled around it, infested it doubtless, but did not conquer it, and were themselves expelled by the Caphtorim. The fortress of the prince of Gaza is mentioned in the great expedition of Tothmosis III , as the conquest of Ashkelon was counted worthy of mention in the monuments of Raamses II . It was strengthened doubtless by giving refuge to the Anakim, who, after Joshua had expelled them "from Hebron" and neighboring cities, "and the mountains of Judah and Israel, remained in Gaza, in Gath, and in Ashdod" Joshua 11:21-23.

Its situation, as the first station for land-commerce to and from Egypt, whether toward Tyre and Sidon, or Damascus and the upper Euphrates, or toward Petra, probably aggrandized it early. Even when the tide of commerce has been diverted into other channels, its situation has been a source of great profit. A fertile spot, touching upon a track through a desert, it became a mart for caravans, even those which passed, on the pilgrim-route to Mekka, uniting traffic with their religion. Where the five cities are named together as unconquered, Gaza is mentioned first, then Ashdod Joshua 13:3. Samson, after he had betrayed his strength, was "brought down to Gaza" Judges 16:21, probably as being their strongest fortress, although the furthest from "the valley of Sorek ," where he was ensnared.

There too was the vast temple of Dagon, which became the burying-place of so many of his worshipers. In Solomon's reign it was subject to Israel 1 Kings 4:21. After the Philistine inroad in the time of Ahaz 2 Chronicles 28:18, and their capture of towns of Judah in the south and the low country, Shephelah, Hezekiah drove them back as far as Gaza 2 Kings 18:8, without apparently taking it. Its prince was defeated by Sargon , whose victory over Philistia Isaiah foretold Isaiah 14:29. Sennacherib gave to its king, together with those of Ascalon and Ekron , "fortified and other towns which" he "had spoiled," avowedly to weaken Judah; "so as to make his (Hezekiah's) country small;" probably also as a reward for hostility to Judah. Greek authors spcak of it, as "a very large city of Syria" , "a great city" . Like other cities of old, it was, for fear of pirates, built at some distance from the sea (Arrian says "2 12 miles"), but had a port called, like that of Asealea , Maiuma , which itself too in Christian times became a place of importance .

Because they carried away the whole captivity - Literally, "a complete captivity;" complete, but for evil; a captivity in which none were spared, none left behind; old or young, woman or child; but a whole population (whatever its extent) was swept away. Such an inroad of the Philistines is related in the time of Jehoram 2 Chronicles 21:16.

To deliver them up to Edom - Literally, "to shut them up to Edom," in the power of Edom, their bitter enemy, so that they should not be able to escape, nor be restored. The hands, even if not the land, of Edom were already dyed in the blood of Jacob "their brother" Joel 3:19. "Any whither but there," probably would cry the crowd of helpless captives. It was like driving the shrinking flock of sheep to the butcher's shambles, reeking with the gore of their companions. Yet therefore were they driven there to the slaughter. Open markets there were for Jewish slaves in abundance. "Sell us, only not to slaughter." "Spare the greyheaded;" "spare my child," would go up in the ears of those, who, though enemies, understood their speech. But no! Such was the compact of Tyre and Philistia and Edom against the people of God. Not one was to be spared; it was to be "a complete captivity;" and that, to Edom. The bond was fulfilled. "Whoso stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, he too shall cry and shall not be heard" Proverbs 21:13. Joel mentions the like sin of the Philistines and Phoenicians, and foretold its punishment Joel 3:4-6. That in the reign of Jehoram is the last which Scripture mentions, but was not therefore, of necessity or probably, the last. Holy Scripture probably relates only the more notable of those border-raids. Unrepented sin is commonly renewed. Those strong Philistine fortresses must have given frequent, abundant opportunity for such inroads; as now too it is said in Arabia, "the harvest is to the stronger;" and while small protected patches of soil in Lebanon, Hauran, etc. are cultivated, the open fertile country often lies uncultivated , since it would be cultivated only for the marauder. Amos renews the sentence of Joel, forewarning them that, though it seemed to tarry, it would come.

7

Amos 1:7

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但——直譯是「而」。迦薩既這樣行了,神也要這樣行:「我卻要降火在迦薩的城內。」對迦薩的判決格外突出,大概因為它在勢力與罪惡上都居首。它是五城中的商業之城:商隊從那裡分道或經過,買賣猶太俘虜的事,終究也是藉着他們作成的。罪中居首,刑罰中也居首。迦薩憑天然形勢與人工技藝而堅固。阿里安也提到,「通往它的路也要經過深厚的沙土。」除以色列早期在神特別護佑之下(Judges 1:1-2, Judges 1:18)、或在大征服者手下,我們沒有聽說它被攻取。全非利士大概都歸順了大衛,卻未聞其眾城邑被特別征服的記載(2 Samuel 8:1)。亞歷山大動用了攻取推羅的一切器械和在那裡得來的經驗,圍攻它仍費了兩個月。埃及的記載說,圖特摩斯三世圍攻時它開城投降。此後,它既不臣服於埃及,也不臣服於亞述。然而阿摩司竟絕對地宣告:迦薩必被火毀滅——事也如此成就。先是西拿基立;其後,耶利米重新預告迦薩、亞實基倫和非利士的毀滅之後,埃及王法老尼哥「攻打迦薩」(Jeremiah 47:1)。然而,單憑人的遠見,誰敢斷言一座如此堅固之城必遭毀滅呢?

英文原文

But - Literally, "and." Thus had Gaza done, and thus would God do; "I will send a fire upon Gaza." The sentence on Gaza stands out, probably in that it was first in power and in sin. It was the merchant-city of the five; the caravans parted from it or passed through it; and so this sale of the Jewish captives was ultimately effected through them. First in sin, first in punishment. Gaza was strong by nature and by art. "The access to it also," Arrian notices , "lay through deep sand." We do not hear of its being taken, except in the first times of Israel under the special protection of God Judges 1:1-2, Judges 1:18, or by great conquerors. All Philistia, probably, submitted to David; we hear of no special conquest of its towns 2 Samuel 8:1. Its siege cost Alexander 2 months , with all the aid of the engines with which he had taken Tyre, and the experience which he had there gained. The Egyptian accounts state, that when besieged by Tothmosis III it capitulated . Thenceforth, it had submitted neither to Egypt nor Assyria. Yet Amos declared absolutely, that Gaza should be destroyed by fire, and it was so. Sennacherib first, then, after Jeremiah had foretold anew the destruction of Gaza, Ashkelon, and the Philistines, Pharaoh Necho "smote Gaza" Jeremiah 47:1. Yet who, with human foresight only, would undertake to pronounce the destruction of a city so strong?

8

Amos 1:8

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尚無翻譯。

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And I will cut off the inhabitant from Ashdod - Ashdod, as well as Ekron, have their names from their strength; Ashdod, "the mighty," like Valentia; Ekron, "the firm-rooted." The title of Ashdod implied that it was powerful to inflict as to resist. It may have meant, "the waster." It too was eminent in its idolatry. The ark, when taken, was first placed in its Dagon-temple 1 Samuel 5:1-7; and, perhaps, in consequence, its lord is placed first of the five, in recounting the trespass-offerings which they sent to the Lord 1 Samuel 6:17. Ashdod (Azotus in the New Testament now a village, Esdud or Shdood ), lay 34 or 36 miles from Gaza , on the great route from Egypt northward, on that which now too is most used even to Jerusalem. Ashkelon lay to the left of the road, near the sea, rather more than halfway.

Ekron (Akir, now a village of 50 mud-houses ), lay a little to the right of the road northward from Gaza to Lydda (in the same latitude as Jamnia, Jabneel) on the road from Ramleh to Belt Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). Ekron, the furthest from the sea, lay only 15 miles from it. They were then a succession of fortresses, strong from their situation, which could molest any army, which should come along their coast. Transversely, in regard to Judah, they enclosed a space parallel to most of Judah and Benjamin. Ekron, which by God's gift was the northern line of Judah Joshua 15:11, is about the same latitude as Ramah in Benjamin; Gaza, the same as Carmel (Kurmul). From Gaza lay a straight road to Jerusalem; but Ashkelon too, Ashdod, and Ekron lay near the heads of valleys, which ran up to the hill-country near Jerusalem .

This system of rich valleys, in which, either by artificial irrigation or natural absorption, the streams which ran from the mountains of Judah westward fertilized the grainfields of Philistia, aforded equally a ready approach to Philistine marauders into the very heart of Judah. The Crusaders had to crown with castles the heights in a distant circle around Ashkelon , in order to restrain the incursions of the Muslims. (In such occasions doubtless, the same man-stealing was often practiced on lesser scales, which here, on a larger scale, draws down the sentence of God. Gath, much further inland, probably formed a center to which these maritime towns converged, and united their system of inroads on Judah.

These five cities of Philistia had each its own petty king (Seren, our "axle"). But all formed one whole; all debated and acted together on any great occasion; as in the plot against Samson Judges 16:5, Judges 16:8, Judges 16:18, the sacrifice to Dagon in triumph over him, where they perished Judges 16:23, Judges 16:27, Judges 16:30; the inflictions on account of the ark 1 Samuel 5:8, 1 Samuel 5:11; 1 Samuel 6:4, 1 Samuel 6:12, 1 Samuel 6:16, 1 Samuel 6:18; the great attack on Israel 1 Samuel 7:7, which God defeated the Mizpeh; the battle when Saul fell, and the dismissal of David 1 Samuel 31:2, 1 Samuel 31:6-7; 1 Chronicles 12:19. The cities divided their idolatry also, in a manner, between them, Ashdod being the chief seat of the worship of Dagon , Ashkelon, of the corresponding worship of Derceto , the fish-goddess, the symbol of the passive principle in re-production. Ekron was the seat of the worship of Baalzebub and his oracle, from where he is called "the god of Ekron" 2 Kings 1:2-3, 2 Kings 1:16.

Gaza, even after it had become an abode of Greek idolatry and had seven temples of Greek gods, still retained its worship of its god Marna ("our Lord") as the chief . It too was probably "nature" and to its worship they were devoted. All these cities were as one; all formed one state; all were one in their sin; all were to be one in their punishment. So then for greater vividness, one part of the common infliction is related of each, while in fact, according to the custom of prophetic diction, what is said of each is said of all. King and people were to be cut off from all; all were to be consumed with fire in war; on all God would, as it were, "turn" (literally, "bring back") His Hand, visiting them anew, and bringing again the same punishment upon them. In truth these destructions came upon them, again and again, through Sargon, Hezekiah, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander, the Maccabees.

Ashdod - Uzziah about this time "brake down its walls and built cities about" 2 Chronicles 26:6 it, to protect his people from its inroads. It recovered, and was subsequently besieged and taken by Tartan, the Assyrian General under Sargon Isaiah 20:1 (about 716 b.c.). Somewhat later, it sustained the longest siege in man's knowlege, for 29 years, from Psammetichus king of Egypt (about 635 b.c.). Whence, probably Jeremiah, while he speaks of Ashkelon, Gaza, Ekron, mentions "the remnant of Ashdod" Jeremiah 25:20 only. Yet, after the captivity, it seems to have been the first Philistine city, so that the Philistines were called Ashdodites Nehemiah 4:7, and their dialect Ashdodite Nehemiah 13:24. They were still hostile to the Jews Nehemiah 4:7. The war, in which Judas Maccabaeus spoiled Ashdod and other Philistine cities (1 Macc. 5:68), was a defensive war against a war of extermination. "The nations round about" (1 Macc. 5:1, 2), it is said at the beginning of the account of that year's campaign, "thought to destroy the generation of Jacob that was among them, and thereupon they began to slay and destroy the people." Jonathan, the brother of Judas, "set fire to Azotus and the cities round about it (1 Macc. 10:82, 84), after a battle under its walls, to which his enemies had challenged him. The temple of Dagon in it was a sort of citadel (1 Macc. 10:83).

Ashkelon is mentioned as a place of strength, taken by the great conqueror, Raamses II. Its resolute defense and capture are represented, with its name as a city of Canaanites, on a monument of Karnac . Its name most naturally signifies "hanging." This suits very well with the site of its present ruins, which "hang" on the side of the theater or arc of hills, whose base is the sea. This, however, probably was not its ancient site (see the note at Zephaniah 2:4). Its name occurs in the wars of the Maccabees, but rather as submitting readily (1 Macc. 10:86; 11:60). Perhaps the inhabitants had been changed in the intervening period. Antipater, the Edomite father of Herod, courted, we are told , "the Arabs and the Ascalonites and the Gazites." "Toward the Jews their neighbors, the inhabitants of the Holy land," Philo says to the Roman emperor, "the Ascalonites have an irreconcilable aversion, which will come to no terms." This abiding hatred burst out at the beginning of the war with the Romans, in which Jerusalem perished. The Ascalonites massacred 2500 Jews dwelling among them . The Jews "fired Ascalon and utterly destroyed Gaza" .

Ekron was apparently not important enough in itself to have any separate history. We hear of it only as given by Alexander Bales "with the borders thereof in possession" (1 Macc. 10:89) to Jonathan the Maccabee. The valley of Surar gave the Ekronites a readier entrance into the center of Judaea, than Ascalon or Ashdod had. In Jerome's time, it had sunk to "a very large village."

The residue of the Philistines shall perish - This has been thought to mean "the rest" (as in Jeremiah 39:3; Nehemiah 7:72) that is, Gath, (not mentioned by name anymore as having ceased to be of any account (see the note at Amos 6:3)) and the towns, dependent on those chief cities . The common (and, with a proper name, universal ) meaning of the idiom is, "the remnant," those who remain over after a first destruction. The words then, like those just before, "I will bring again my hand against Ekron," foretell a renewal of those first judgments. The political strength which should survive one desolation should be destroyed in those which should succeed it. In tacit contrast with the promises of mercy to the remnant of Judah (see above the note at Joel 2:32), Amos foretells that judgment after judgment should fall upon Philistia, until the Philistines ceased to be anymore a people; as they did.

9

Amos 1:9

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The last crowning sin, for which judgment is pronounced on Tyre, is the same as that of Philistia, and probably was enacted in concert with it. In Tyre, there was this aggravation, that it was a violation of a previous treaty and friendship. It was not a covenant only, nor previous friendliness only; but a specific covenant, founded on friendship which they forgat and brake. If they retained the memory of Hiram's contact with David and Solomon, it was a sin against light too. After David had expelled the Jebusites from Jerusalem, "Hiram King of Tyre sent messengers to David, and cedar trees and carpenters and masons; and they built David a house" 2 Samuel 5:11. The Philistines contrariwise invaded him 2 Samuel 5:17. This recognition of him by Hiram was to David a proof, "that the Lord had established him king over Israel, and that He had exalted his kingdom for His people, Israel's sake" 2 Samuel 5:12.

Hiram seems, then, to have recognized something super-human in the exaltation of David. "Hiram was ever a lover of David" 1 Kings 5:1. This friendship he continued to Solomon, and recognized his God as "the" God. Scripture embodies the letter of Hiram; "Because the Lord hath loved his people, He hath made thee king over them. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, that made heaven and earth, who hath given to David a wise son - that he might build are house for the Lord" . He must have known then the value which the pious Israelites attached to the going up to that temple. A later treaty, offered by Demetrius Nicator to Jonathan, makes detailed provision that the Jews should have "the feasts and sabbaths and new moons and the solemn days and the three days before the feast and the three days after the feast, as days of immunity and freedom."

The three days before the feast were given, that they might go up to the feast. Other treaties guarantee to the Jews religious privileges . A treaty between Solomon and Hiram, which should not secure any religious privileges needed by Jews in Hiram's dominion, is inconceivable. But Jews were living among the Zidonians (see the note at Joel 3:6). The treaty also, made between Hiram and Solomon, was subsequent to the arrangement by which Hiram was to supply cedars to Solomon, and Solomon to furnish the grain of which Hiram stood in need 1 Kings 5:7-11. "The Lord gave Solomon wisdom, as He promised him" 1 Kings 5:12; and, as a fruit of that wisdom, "there was peace between Hiram and Solomon; and they two made a covenant." The terms of that covenant are not there mentioned; but a covenant involves conditions. it was not a mere peace; but a distinct covenant, sanctioned by religious rites and by sacrifice.

"This brotherly covenant Tyre remembered not," when they delivered up to Edom "a complete captivity," all the Jews who came into their hands. It seems then, that that covenant had an special provision against selling them away from their own land. This same provision other people made for love of their country or their homes; the Jews, for love of their religion. This covenant Tyre remembered not, but brake. They knew doubtless why Edom sought to possess the Israelites; but the covetousness of Tyre fed the cruelty of Edom, and God punished the broken appeal to Himself.

10

Amos 1:10

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I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre - Tyre had long ere this become tributary to Assyria. Asshur-ban-ipal (about 930 b.c.,) records his "taking tribute from the kings of all the chief Phoenician cities as Tyre, Sidon, Biblus and Aradus" . His son Shalmanubar records his taking tribute from them in his 21st year about 880, b.c.), as did Ivalush III , and after this time Tiglath-pileser II , the same who took Damascus and carried off its people, as also the east and north of Israel. The Phoenicians had aided Benhadad, in his unsuccessful war or rebellion against Shalmanubar , but their city had received no hurt. There was nothing, in the time of Amos, to indicate any change of policy in the Assyrian conquerors.

They had been content hitherto with tribute from their distant dependencies; they had spared them, even when in arms against them. Yet Amos says absolutely in the name of God, "I will send a fire upon the wall of Tyre," and the fire did fall, first from Shalamaneser or Sargon his successor, and then from Nebuchadnezzar. The Tyrians (as is men's custom) inserted in their annals their successes, or the successful resistance which they made for a time. They relate that , "Elulaeus, king of Tyre, reduced the Kittiaeans (Cypriotes) who had revolted. The king of Assyria invaded all Phoenicia, and returned, having made peace with all. Sidon and Ace and old Tyre, and many other cities revolted from the Tyrians, and surrendered to the king of Assyria. Tyre then not obeying, the king returned against them, the Phoenicians manning 60 ships for him." These, he says, were dispersed, 500 prisoners taken; the honor of Tyre intensified. "The king of Assyria, removing, set guards at the river and aqueducts, to hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This they endured for 5 years, drinking from the wells sunk."

The Tyrian annalist does not relate the sequel. He does not venture to say that the Assyrian King gave up the siege, but, having made the most of their resistance, breaks off the account. The Assyrian inscriptions say, that Sargon took Tyre , and received tribute from Cyprus, where a monument has been found, bearing the name of Sargon . It is not probable that a monarch who took Samaria and Ashdod, received tribute from Egypt, the "Chief of Saba," and "Queen of the Arabs," overran Hamath, Tubal, Cilicia, Armenia, reduced Media, should have returned baffled, because Tyre stood out a blockade for 5 years. Since Sargon wrested from Tyre its newly-recovered Cyprus, its insular situation would not have protected itself. Nebuchadnezzar took it after a 13 years' siege (Ezekiel 26:7-12, see the notes at Isaiah 23).

11

Amos 1:11

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Edom - God had impressed on Israel its relation of brotherhood to Edom. Moses expressed it to Edom himself , and, after the suspicious refusal of Edom to allow Israel to march on the highway through his territory, he speaks as kindly of him, as before; "And when we passed by from our brethren, the children of Esau" Deuteronomy 2:8. It was the unkindness of worldly politics, and was forgiven. The religious love of the Egyptian and the Edomite was, on distinct grounds, made part of the law. "Thou shalt not abhor an Edomite, for he is thy brother: thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian; because thou wast a stranger in his land" Deuteronomy 23:7. The grandchild of an Egyptian or of an Edomite was religiously to become as an Israelite Deuteronomy 23:8. Not a foot of Edomite territory was Israel to appropriate, however provoked. It was God's gift to Edom, as much as Canaan to Israel. "They shall be afraid of you, and ye shall take exceeding heed to yourselves. Quarrel not with them, for I will give you, of their land, no, not so much as the treading of the sole of the foot, for I have given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:4-5.

From this time until that of Saul, there is no mention of Edom; only that the Maonites and the Amalekites, who oppressed Israel Judges 6:3; Judges 10:12, were kindred tribes with Edom. The increasing strength of Israel in the early days of Saul seems to have occasioned a conspiracy against him, such as Asaph afterward complains of; "They have said, come and let us cut them off from being a nation, that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance. For they have consulted together with one consent, they are confederate against Thee; the tabernacles of Edom and the Ishmaelites; of Moab and the Hagarenes; Gebal and Ammon and Amalek; the Philistines with the inhabitants of Tyre; Assur also is joined with them; they have been an arm to the children of Lot" Psalm 83:4-8. Such a combination began probably in the time of Saul. "He fought against all his enemies on every side; against Moab, and against the children of Ammon, and against the king of Edom, and against the Philistines" 1 Samuel 14:47.

They were "his enemies," and that, round about, encircling Israel, as hunters did their prey. "Edom," on the south and southeast; "Moab" and "Ammon" on the east; the Syrians of "Zobah" on the north; the Philistines on the west enclosed him as in a net, and he repulsed them one by one. "Whichever why he turned, he worsted" them. It follows "he delivered Israel out of the hands of them that spoiled them" 1 Samuel 14:48. The aggression was from Edom, and that in combination with old oppressors of Israel, not from Saul . The wars of Saul and of David were defensive wars. Israel was recovering from a state of depression, not oppressing. "The valley of salt" 2 Samuel 8:13, where David defeated the Edomites, was also doubtless within the borders of Judah, since "the city of salt" was Joshua 15:62; and the valley of salt was probably near the remarkable "mountain of salt," 5 56 miles long, near the end of the Dead Sea , which, as being Canaanite, belonged to Israel. It was also far north of Kadesh, which was "the utmost boundary" of Edom Numbers 20:16.

From that Psalm too of mingled thanksgiving and prayer which David composed after the victory, "in the valley of salt" (Psalm 60:1-12 title), it appears that, even after that victory, David's army had not yet entered Edom. "Who will bring me into the strong city? who will lead me into Edom?" Psalm 60:9. That same Psalm speaks of grievous suffering before, "in" which God had "cast" them "off" and "scattered" them; "made the earth tremble and cleft it;" so that "it reeled" Psalm 60:1-3, Psalm 60:10. Joab too had "returned" from the war in the north against the Syrians of Mesopotamia, to meet the Edomites. Whether in alliance with the Syrians, or taking advantage of the absence of the main army there, the Edomites had inflicted some heavy blow on Israel; a battle in which Abishai killed 18,000 men 1 Chronicles 18:12 had been indecisive. The Edomites were relpalsed by the rapid counter-march of Joab. The victory, according to the Psalm, was still incomplete 1 Chronicles 18:1, 1 Chronicles 18:5, 1 Chronicles 18:9-12. David put "garrisons in Edom" 2 Samuel 8:14, to restrain them from further outbreaks. Joab avenged the wrong of the Edomites, conformably to his character 1 Kings 11:16; but the fact that "the captain of the host" had "to go up to bury the slain" (1 Kings 11:15. It should be rendered, not, after he had slain, but, and he killed, etc.), shows the extent of the deadly blow, which he so fearfully avenged.

The store set by the king of Egypt on Hadad, the Edomite prince who fled to him 1 Kings 11:14-20, shows how gladly Egypt employed Edom as an enemy to Israel. It has been said that he rebelled and failed . Else it remained under a dependent king appointed by Judah, for 1 12 century (1 Kings 22:47; 2 Kings 3:9 ff). One attempt against Judah is recorded 2 Chronicles 20:10, when those of Mount Seir combined with Moab and Ammon against Jehoshaphat after his defeat at Ramoth-gilead. They had penetrated beyond Engedi 2 Chronicles 20:2, 2 Chronicles 20:16, 2 Chronicles 20:20, on the road which Arab marauders take now , toward the wilderness of Tekoa, when God set them against one another, and they fell by each other's hands 2 Chronicles 20:22-24. But Jehoshaphat's prayer at this time evinces that Israel's had been a defensive warfare. Otherwise, he could not have appealed to God, "the children of Ammon and Moab and mount Seir, whom Thou wouldest not let Israel invade when they came out of the land of Egypt, but they turned from them, and destroyed them not, behold, they reward us, to come to cast us out of Thy possession, which Thou hast given us to inherit" 2 Chronicles 20:10-11.

Judah held Edom by aid of garrisons, as a wild beast is held in a cage, that they might not injure them, but had taken no land from them, nor expelled them. Edom sought to cast Israel out of God's land. Revolts cannot be without bloodshed; and so it is perhaps the more probable, that the words of Joel, "for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land" Joel 3:19, relate to a massacre of the Jews, when Esau revolted from Jehoram 2 Kings 8:20-22. We have seen, in the Indian Massacres, how every living being of the ruling power may, on such occasions, be sought out for destruction. Edom gained its independence, and Jehoram, who sought to recover his authority, escaped with his life by cutting through the Edomite army by night 2 Kings 8:21. Yet in Amaziha's time they were still on the offensive, since the battle wherein he defeated them, was again "in the valley of salt" 2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chronicles 25:11, 2 Chronicles 25:14.

Azariah, in whose reign Amos prophesied, regained Elath from them, the port for the Indian trade 2 Chronicles 26:2. Of the origin of that war, we know nothing; only the brief words as to the Edomite invasion against Ahaz, "and yet again had the Edomites come, and smitten in Judah, and carried captive a captivity" 2 Chronicles 28:17, attest previous and, it may be, habitual invasions. For no one such invasion had been named. It may probably mean, "they did yet again, what they had been in the habit of doing." But in matter of history, the prophets, in declaring the grounds of God's judgments, supply much which it was not the object of the historical books to relate. "They" are histories of God's dealings with His people, His chastisements of them or of His sinful instruments in chastising them. Rarely, except when His supremacy was directly challenged, do they record the ground of the chastisements of pagan nations. Hence, to those who look on the surface only, the wars of the neighboring nations against Israel look but like the alternations of peace and war, victory and defeat, in modern times. The prophets draw up the veil, and show us the secret grounds of man's misdeeds and God's judgments.

Because he did pursue his brother - The characteristic sin of Edom, and its punishment are one main subject of the prophecy of Obadiah, inveterate malice contrary to the law of kindred. Eleven hundred years had passed since the birth of their forefathers, Jacob and Esan. But, with God, eleven hundred years had not worn out kindred. He who willed to knit together all creation, human beings and angels, in one in Christ Ephesians 1:10, and, as a means of union, "made of one blood all nations of people for to dwell on all the face of the earth" Acts 17:26, used all sorts of ways to impress this idea of brotherhood. "We" forget relationship mostly in the third generation, often sooner; and we think it strange when a nation long retains the memories of those relationships . God, in His law, stamped on His people's minds those wider meanings. To slay a man was to slay a "brother" Genesis 9:5.

Even the outcast Canaan was a brother Genesis 9:25 to Shem and Ham. Lot speaks to the men of Sodom amidst their iniquities, "my brethren" Genesis 19:7; Jacob so salutes those unknown to him Genesis 29:4. The descendants of Ishmael and Isaac were to be brethren; so were those of Esau and Jacob Genesis 16:12; Genesis 25:18. The brotherhood of blood was not to wear out, and there was to be a brotherhood of love also Genesis 27:29, Genesis 27:37. Every Israelite was a brother ; each tribe was a brother to every other Deuteronomy 10:9; Deuteronomy 18:2; Judges 20:23, Judges 20:28; the force of the appeal was remembered, even when passion ran high 2 Samuel 2:26. It enters habitually into the divine legislation. "Thou shall open thy hand wide unto thy brother Deuteronomy 15:11; if thy brother, a" Hebrew, sell himself to thee Deuteronomy 15:12; thou shalt not see thy brother's ox or his sheep go astray and hide thyself from them Deuteronomy 22:1-4; if thy brother be waxen poor, then shalt thou relieve him, though a stranger and a sojourner, that he may live with thee" (Leviticus 25:35-39; add Leviticus 19:17; Deuteronomy 24:7, Deuteronomy 24:10, Deuteronomy 24:14).

In that same law, Edom's relationship as a brother was acknowledged. It was an abiding law that Israel was not to take land, nor to refuse to admit him into the congregation of the Lord. Edom too remembered the relation, but to hate him. The nations around Israel seem to have been little at war with one another, bound together by common hatred against God's people. Of their wars indeed we should not hear, for they had no religious interest. They would be but the natural results of the passions of unregenerate nature. Feuds there doubtless were and forays, but no attempts at permanent conquest or subdual. Their towns remain in their own possession . Tyre does not invade Philistia; nor Philistia, Tyre or Edom. But all combine against Israel. The words, "did pursue his brother with the sword," express more than is mentioned in the historical books.

To "pursue" is more than to fight. They followed after, in order to destroy a remnant, "and cast off all pity:" literally, and more strongly, "corrupted his compassions, tendernesses." Edom did violence to his natural feelings, as Ezekiel, using the same word, says of Tyre, "corrupting Ezekiel 28:17 his wisdom," that is, perverting it from the end for which God gave it, and so destroying it. Edom "steeled himself," as we say, against his better feelings," his better nature," "deadened" them. But so they do not live again. Man is not master of the life and death of his feelings, anymore than of his natural existence. He can destroy; he cannot re-create. And he does, so far, "corrupt," decay, do to death, his own feelings, whenever, in any signal instance, he acts against them. Edom was not simply unfeeling. He destroyed all "his tender yearnings" over suffering, such as God has put into every human heart, until it destroys them. Ordinary anger is satisfied and slaked by its indulgence; malice is fomented and fed and invigorated by it. Edom ever, as occasion gratified his anger; "his anger did tear continually;" yet, though raging as some wild ravening animal, without control, "he kept his wrath for ever," not within bounds, but to let it loose anew. He retained it when he ought to have parted with it, and let it loose when he ought to have restrained it.

"What is best, when spoiled, becomes the worst," is proverbial truth. : "As no love wellnigh is more faithful than that of brothers, so no hatred, when it hath once begun, is more unjust, no odium fiercer. Equality stirs up and inflames the mind; the shame of giving way and the love of preeminence is the more inflamed, in that the memory of infancy and whatever else would seem to gender good will, when once they are turned aside from the right path, produce hatred and contempt." They were proverbial sayings of paganism, "fierce are the wars of brethren" , and "they who have loved exceedingly, they too hate exceedingly." : "The Antiochi, the Seleuci, the Gryphi, the Cyziceni, when they learned not to be all but brothers, but craved the purple and diadems, overwhelmed themselves and Asia too with many calamities."

12

Amos 1:12

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But - (And I, in My turn and as a consequence of these sins) will send a fire upon Teman "Teman," say Eusebius and Jerome , "was a country of the princes of Edom, which had its name from Teman son of Eliphaz, son of Esau Genesis 36:11, Genesis 36:15. But even to this day there is a village, called Teman, about 5 (Eusebius says 15) miles from Petra, where there is also a Roman garrison, from which place was Eliphaz, king of the Themanites." It is, however, probably the district which is meant, of which Bozra was then the capital. For Amos when speaking of cities, uses some word to express this, as "the palaces of Benhadad, the wall of Gaza, of Tyrus, of Rabbah;" here he simply uses the name Teman, as he does those of Moab and Judah. Amos does not mention Petra, or Selah, for Amaziah had taken it, and called it Joktheel, "which God subdued," which name it for some time retained 2 Kings 14:7.

Bozrah - (Literally, which cuts off approach) is mentioned, as early as Genesis Gen 36:33, as the seat of one of the elective kings who, in times before Moses, reigned over Edom. It lay then doubtless in Idumea itself, and is quite distinct from the Bozrah of Hauran or Auranitis, from which Jerome also distinguishes it. : "There is another Bosor also, a city of Esau, in the mountains of Idumea, of which Isaiah speaks." There is yet a small village of the like name (Busaira "the little Bozrah") which "appears," it is said , "to have been in ancient times a considerable city, if we may judge from the ruins which surround the village." It has now "some 50 houses, and stands on an elevation, on the summit of which a small castle has been built." The name however, "little Bozrah," indicates the existence of a "great Bozrah," with which its name is contrasted, and is not likely to have been the place itself . Probably the name was a common one, "the strong place" of its neighborhood . The Bozrah of Edom is either that little vilage, or is wholly blotted out.

13

Amos 1:13

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Ammon - These who receive their existence under circumstances, in any way like those of the first forefathers of Moab and Ammon, are known to be under physical as well as intellectual and moral disadvantages. Apart from the worst horrors, on the one side reason was stupefied, on the other it was active in sin. He who imprinted His laws on nature, has annexed the penalty to the infraction of those laws. It is known also how, even under the Gospel, the main character of a nation remains unchanged. The basis of natural character, upon which grace has to act, remains, under certain limits, the same. Still more in the unchanging east. Slave-dealers know of certain hereditary good or evil qualities in non-Christian nations in whom they traffic. What marvel then that Ammon and Moab retained the stamp of their origin, in a sensual or passionate nature? Their choice of their idols grew out of this original character and aggravated it.

They chose them gods like themselves, and worsened themselves by copying these idols of their sinful nature. The chief god of the fierce Ammon was Milehem or Molech, the principle of destruction, who was appeased with sacrifices of living children, given to the fire to devour. Moab, beside its idol Chemosh, had the degrading worship of Baal Peor Numbers 25:1-3, reproductiveness the counterpart of destruction. And, so. in fierce or degrading rites, they worshiped the power which belongs to God, to create, or to destroy. Moab was the seducer of Israel at Shittim Numbers 25:1-3. Ammon, it has been noticed, showed at different times a special wanton ferocity . Such was the proposal of Nahash to the men of Jabesh-Gilead, when offering to surrender, "that I may thrust out all your right eyes and lay it for a reproach unto all Israel" 1 Samuel 11:1-3.

Such was the insult to David's messengers of peace, and the hiring of the Syrians in an aggressive war against David 2 Samuel 10:1-6. Such, again, was this war of extermination against the Gileadites. On Israel's side, the relation to Moab and Ammon had been altogether friendly. God recalled to Israel the memory of their common descent, and forbade them to war against either. He speaks of them by the name of kindness, "the children of Lot," the companion and friend of Abraham. "I will not give thee of their land for a possession, because I have given it unto the children of Lot for a possession" Deuteronomy 2:9, Deuteronomy 2:19. Akin by descent, their history had been alike. Each had driven out a giant tribe; Moab, the Emim; Ammon, the Zamzummim Deuteronomy 2:10-11, Deuteronomy 2:20-21. They had thus possessed themselves of the tract from the Arnon, not quite half way down the Dead Sea on its east side, to the Jabbok, about half-way between the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee . Both had been expelled by the Amorites, and had been driven, Moab, behind the Arnon, Ammon, behind the "strong border" Numbers 21:24 of the upper part of the Jabbok, what is now the Nahr Amman, "the river of Ammon," eastward.

The whole of what became the inheritance of the 2 12 tribes, was in the hands of the Amorites, and threatened very nearly their remaining possessions; since, at "Aroer that is before Rabbah" Joshua 13:25, the Amorites were already over against the capital of Ammon; at the Arnon they were but 2 12 hours from Ar-Moab, the remaining capital of Moab. Israel then, in destroying the Amorites, had been at once avenging and rescuing Moab and Ammon; and it is so far a token of friendliness at this time, that, after the victory at Edrei, the great "iron bedstead" of Og was placed in "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11. Envy, jealousy, and fear, united them to "hire Balaam to curse Israel" Deuteronomy 23:4, although the king of Moab was the chief actor in this Numbers 22-24, as he was in the seduction of Israel to idoltary Numbers 25:1-3. Probably Moab was then, and continued to be, the more influential or the more powerful, since in their first invasion of Israel, the Ammonites came as the allies of Eglon king of Moab. "He gathered unto him the children of Ammon and Amalek Judges 3:13. And" they "served Eglon." Yet Ammon's subsequent oppression must have been yet more grievous, since God reminds Israel of His delivering them from the Ammonites Judges 10:11, not from Moab. There we find Ammon under a king, and in league with the Philistines Judges 10:7, "crashing and crushing for 18 years all the children of Israel in Gilead." The Ammonites carried a wide invasion across the Jordan against Judah, Benjamin and Ephraim Judges 10:9, until they were subdued by Jephthah. Moab is not named; but the king of Ammon claims as my land Judges 11:13, the whole which Moab and Ammon had lost to the Amorites and they to Israel, "from Arnon unto Jabbok and unto Jordan" Judges 11:13.

The range also of Jephthah's victories included probably all that same country from the Arnon to the neighborhood of Rabbah of Ammon . The Ammonites, subdued then, were again on the offensive in the fierce siege of Jabesh-Gilead and against Saul (see above the note at Amos 1:11). Yet it seems that they had already taken from Israel what they had lost to the Amorites, for Jabesh-Gilead was beyond the Jabbok ; and "Mizpeh of Moab," where David went to seek the king of Moab 1 Samuel 22:3, was probably no other than the Ramoth-Mizpeh Joshua 13:26 of Gad, the Mizpeh Judges 11:29 from where Jephthah went over to fight the Ammonites. With Hanan, king of Ammon, David sought to remain at peace, on account of some kindness, interested as it probably was, which his father Nahash had shown him, when persecuted by Saul 2 Samuel 10:2.

It was only after repeated attempts to bring an overwhelming force of the Syriains against David, that Rabbah was besieged and taken, and that awful punishment inflicted. The severity of the punishment inflicted on Moab and Ammon, in that two-thirds of the fighting men of Moab were put to death 2 Samuel 8:2, and fighting men of "the cities of Ammon" 2 Samuel 12:31 were destroyed by a ghastly death, so different from David's treatment of the Philistines or the various Syrians, implies some extreme hostility on their part, from which there was no safety except in their destruction. Moab and Ammon were still united against Jehoshaphat 2 Chronicles 20, and with Nebuchadnezzar against Jehoiakim 2 Kings 24:2, whom they had before sought to stir up against the king of Babylon Jeremiah 27:3. Both profited for a time by the distresses of Israel, "magnifying" themselves "against her border" Zephaniah 2:8, and taking possession of her cities after the 2 12 tribes has been carried away by Tiglath-pileser. Both united in insulting Judah, and (as it appears from Ezekiel EZechariah 25:2-8), out of jealousy against its religious distinction.

When some of the scattered Jews were reunited under Gedaliah, after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, it was a king of Ammon, Baalis, who instigated Johanan to murder him Jeremiah 40:11-14; Jeremiah 41:10. When Jerusalem was to be rebuilt after the return from the captivity, Ammonites and Moabites Nehemiah 2:10, Nehemiah 2:19; Nehemiah 4:1-3, "Sanballat the Horonite" (that is, out of Horonaim, which Moab had taken to itself Isaiah 15:5; Jeremiah 48:3, Jeremiah 48:5, Jeremiah 48:34.) "and Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite," were chief in the opposition to it. They helped on the persecution by Antiochus (1 Macc. 5:6). Their anti-religious character, which showed itself in the hatred of Israel and the hire of Balaam, was the ground of the exclusion of both from admission "into the congregation of the Lord forever" Deuteronomy 23:3. The seduction of Solomon by his Ammonite and Moabite wives illustrates the infectiousness of their idolatry. While he made private chapels "for all his strange wives, to burn incense and sacrifice to their gods" 1 Kings 11:8, the most stately idolatry was that of Chemosh and Molech, the abomination of Moab and Ammon . For Ashtoreth alone, besides these, did Solomon build high places in sight of the temple of God, on a lower part of the Mount of Olives 2 Kings 23:13.

They have ripped up the women with child in Gilead - Since Elisha prophesied that Hazael would be guilty of this same atrocity, and since Gilead was the scene of his chief atrocities , probably Syria and Ammon were, as of old, united against Israel in a war of extermination. It was a conspiracy to displace God's people from the land which He had given them, and themselves to replace them. The plan was effective; it was, Amos says, executed. They expelled and "inherited Gad" Jeremiah 49:1. Gilead was desolated for the sins for which Hosea rebuked it; "blood had blood." It had been "tracked with blood" (see the note at Hosea 6:8); now life was sought out for destruction, even in the mother's womb. But, in the end, Israel, whose extermination Ammon devised and in part effected, survived. Ammon perished and left no memorial.

That they might enlarge their border - It was a horror, then, exercised, not incidentally here and there, or upon a few, or in sudden stress of passion, but upon system and in cold blood. We have seen lately, in the massacres near Lebanon, where male children were murdered on system, how methodically such savageness goes to work. A massacre, here and there, would not have "enlarged their border." They must haw carried on these horrors then, throughout all the lands which they wished to possess, making place for themselves by annihilating Israel, that there might be none to rise up and thrust them from their conquests, and claim their old inheritance. Such was the fruit of habitually indulged covetousness. Yet who beforehand would have thought it possible?

14

Amos 1:14

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I will kindle afire in the wall of Rabbah - Rabbah, literally, "the great," called by Moses "Rabbah of the children of Ammon" Deuteronomy 3:11, and by later Greeks, "Rabathammana" , was a strong city with a yet stronger citadel. Ruins still exist, some of which probably date back to these times. The lower city "lay in a valley bordered on both sides by barren hills of flint," at 12 an hour from its entrance. It lay on a stream, still called by its name Moyet or Nahr Amman, "waters" or "river of Ammon," which ultimately falls into the Zurka (the Jabbok) . "On the top of the highest of the northern hills," where at the divergence of two valleys it abuts upon the ruins of the town, "stands the castle of Ammon, a very extensive rectangular building," following the shape of the hill and wholly occupying its crest. "Its walls are thick, and denote a remote antiquity; large blocks of stone are piled up without cement, and still hold together as well as if they had been recently placed; the greater part of the wall is entire. Within the castle are several deep cisterns."

There are remains of foundations of a wall of the lower city at its eastern extremity . This lower city, as lying on a river in a waterless district, was called the "city of waters" 2 Samuel 12:27, which Joab had taken when he sent to David to come and besiege the Upper City. In later times, that Upper City was resolutely defended against Antiochus the Great, and taken, not by force but by thirst . On a conspicuous place on this castle-hill, stood a large temple, some of its broken columns 3 12 feet in diameter , probably the Grecian successor of the temple of its idol Milchom. Rabbah, the capital of Ammon, cannot have escaped, when Nebuchadnezzar , "in the 5th year of his reign, led an army against Coele-Syria, and, having possessed himself of it, warred against the Ammonites and Moabites, and having made all these nations subject to him, invaded Egypt, to subdue it."

Afterward, it was tossed to and fro in the desolating wars between Syria and Egypt. Ptolemy II called it from his own surname Philadelphia , and so probably had had to restore it. It brought upon itself the attack of Antiochus III and its own capture, by its old habit of marauding against the Arabs in alliance with him. At the time of our Lord, it, with "Samaria, Galilee and Jericho," is said by a pagan to be "inhabited by a mingled race of Egyptians, Arabians and Phoenicians." It had probably already been given over to "the children of the East," the Arabs, as Ezekiel had foretold Ezekiel 25:4. In early Christian times Milchom was still worshiped there under its Greek name of Hercules . Trajan recovered it to the Roman empire , and in the 4th century it, with Bostra , was still accounted a "vast town most secured by strong walls," as a frontier fortress "to repel the incursions of neighboring nations." It was counted to belong to Arabia . An Arabic writer says that it perished before the times of Muhammed, and covered a large tract with its ruins . It became a station of pilgrims to Mecca, and then, until now, as Ezekiel foretold , a stable for camels and a couching place.

I will kindle a fire in the wall - It may be that the prophet means to speak of some conflagration from within, in that he says not, as elsewhere, "I will send afire upon," but, "I will kindle a fire in" Amos 1:4, Amos 1:7, Amos 1:10, Amos 1:12; Amos 2:2, Amos 2:5. But "the shouting" is the battle-cry (Job 39:25; Jeremiah 20:16; Zephaniah 1:16, etc.) of the victorious enemy, the cheer of exultation, anticipating its capture. That onslaught was to be resistless, sweeping, like a whirlwind, all before it. The fortress and walls of Rabbah were to yield before the onset of the enemy, as the tents of their caravans were whirled flat on the ground before the eddying of the whirlwinds from the desert, burying all beneath them.

15

Amos 1:15

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And their king - The king was commonly, in those nations, the center of their energy. When "he and his princes" were "gone into captivity," there was no one to make head against the conqueror, and renew revolts. Hence, as a first step in the subdual, the reigning head and those who shared his counsels were removed. Ammon then, savage as it was in act, was no ill-organized horde. On the contrary, barren and waste as all that country now is, it must once have been highly cultivated by a settled and laborious people. The abundance of its ruins attests the industry and habits of the population. "The whole of the country," says Burckhardt , "must have been extremely well cultivated, to have afforded subsistence to the inhabitants of so many towns." "The low hills are, for the most part, crowned with ruins." Of the "thirty ruined or deserted places, which including Amman," have been even lately "counted east of Assalt" (the village which probably represents Ramoth-Gilead, "about 16 miles west of Philadelphia that is, Amman) several are in Ammonitis. Little as the country has been explored, ruins of large and important towns have been found south-southeast. and south of Amman .

Two hours southeast of Amman, Buckingham relates , "an elevation opened a new view before us, in the same direction. On a little lower level, was a still more extensive track of cultivated plain than that even which we had already passed - Throughout its whole extent were seen ruined towns in every direction, both before, behind, and on each side of us; generally seated on small eminences; all at a short distance from each other; and all, as far as we had yet seen, bearing evident marks of former opulency and consideration. There was not a tree in sight as far as the eye could reach; but my guide, who had been over every part of it, assured me that the whole of the plain was covered with the finest soil, and capable of being made the most productive grain-land in the world - For a space of more than thirty miles there did not appear to me a single interruption of hill, rock or wood, to impede immediate tillage.

The great plain of Esdraelon, so justly celebrated for its extent and fertility, is inferior in both to this plain of Belkah. Like Esdraelon, it appears to have been once the seat of an active and numerous population; but in the former the monuments of the dead only remain, while here the habitations of the living are equally mingled with the tombs of the departed, all thickly strewn over every part of the soil from which they drew their sustenance." Nor does the crown, of a "talent of gold weight, with precious stones" 2 Samuel 12:30, belong to an uncivilized people. Such hordes too depend on the will and guidance of their single Skeikh or head. This was a hereditary kingdom 2 Samuel 10:1. The kings of Ammon had their constitutional advisers. These were they who gave the evil and destructive counsel to insult the ambassadors of David. Evil kings have evermore evil counselors. It is ever the curse of such kings to have their own evil, reflected, anticipated, fomented, enacted by bad advisers around them. "Hand in hand the wicked shall not be unpunished" Proverbs 11:21. They link together, but to drag one another into a common destruction. Together they had counseled against God; "king and princes together," they should go into captivity.

There is also doubtless, in the word Malcham, a subordinate allusion to the god whom they worshiped under the title Molech or Malchom. Certainly Jeremiah "seems" so to have understood it. For, having said of Moab, "Chemosh shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together" Jeremiah 48:7, he says as to Ammon, in the self-same formula and almost in the words of Amos ; "Malcham shall go into captivity, his priests and his princes together." Zephaniah ZEphesians 1:5 also speaks of the idol under the same name Malcham, "their king." Yet since Ammon had kings before this time, and just before their subdual by Nebuchadnezzar, and king Baalis Jeremiah 40:14 was a murderer, it is hardly likely that Jeremiah too should not have included him in the sentence of his people, of whose sins he was a mainspring. Probably, then, Amos and Jeremiah foretell, in a comprehensive way, the powerlessness of all their stays, human and idolatrous. All in which they trusted should not only fail them, but should be carried captive from them.