서론
Introduction
繁體中文
英文原文
INTRODUCTION
DANIEL, that is, "God is my judge"; probably of the blood royal (compare
Da 1:3, with 1Ch 3:1,
where a son of David is named so). Jerusalem may have been his birthplace (though
Da 9:24,
"thy holy city," does not necessarily imply this). He was carried to Babylon among the Hebrew captives brought thither by Nebuchadnezzar at the first deportation in the fourth year of Jehoiakim. As he and his three companions are called
(Da 1:4)
"children," he cannot have been more than about twelve years old when put in training, according to Eastern etiquette, to be a courtier
(Da 1:3, 6).
He then received a new name, by which it was usual to mark a change in one's condition
(2Ki 23:34; 24:17; Ezr 5:14; Es 2:7),
Belteshazzar, that is, "a prince favored by Bel"
(Da 1:7).
His piety and wisdom were proverbial among his countrymen at an early period; probably owing to that noble proof he gave of faithfulness, combined with wisdom, in abstaining from the food sent to him from the king's table, as being polluted by the idolatries usual at heathen banquets
(Da 1:8-16).
Hence Ezekiel's reference to him
(Eze 14:14, 20; 28:3)
is precisely of that kind we should expect; a coincidence which must be undesigned. Ezekiel refers to him not as a writer, but as exhibiting a character righteous and wise in discerning secrets, in those circumstances now found in his book, which are earlier than the time when Ezekiel wrote. As Joseph rose in Egypt by interpreting Pharaoh's dreams, so Daniel, by interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's, was promoted to be governor of Babylonia, and president of the Magian priest-caste. Under Evil-merodach, Nebuchadnezzar's successor, as a change of officers often attends the accession of a new king, Daniel seems to have had a lower post, which led him occasionally to be away from Babylon
(Da 8:2, 27).
Again he came into note when he read the mystic writing of Belshazzar's doom on the wall on the night of that monarch's impious feast. BEROSUS calls the last Babylonian king Nabonidus and says he was not killed, but had an honorable abode in Carmania assigned to him, after having surrendered voluntarily in Borsippa. RAWLINSON has cleared up the discrepancy from the Nineveh inscription. Belshazzar was joint king with his father, Evil-merodach or Nabonidus (called Minus in the inscriptions), to whom he was subordinate. He shut himself up in Babylon, while the other king took refuge elsewhere, namely, in Borsippa. BEROSUS gives the Chaldean account, which suppresses all about Belshazzar, as being to the national dishonor. Had Daniel been a late book, he would no doubt have taken up the later account of BEROSUS. If he gave a history differing from that current in Babylonia, the Jews of that region would not have received it as true. Darius the Mede, or Cyaxares II, succeeded and reigned two years. The mention of this monarch's reign, almost unknown to profane history (being eclipsed by the splendor of Cyrus) is an incidental proof that Daniel wrote as a contemporary historian of events which he knew, and did not borrow from others. In the third year of Cyrus he saw the visions (the tenth through twelfth chapters) relating to his people down to the latest days and the coming resurrection. He must have been about eighty-four years old at this time. Tradition represents Daniel as having died and been buried at Shushan. Though his advanced age did not allow him to be among those who returned to Palestine, yet he never ceased to have his people's interests nearest to his heart
(Da 9:3-19; 10:12).
AUTHENTICITY OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
Da 7:1, 28; 8:2; 9:2; 10:1, 2; 12:4, 5,
testify that it was composed by Daniel himself. He does not mention himself in the first six chapters, which are historical; for in these it is not the author, but the events which are the prominent point. In the last six, which are prophetical, the author makes himself known, for here it was needed, prophecy being a revelation of words to particular men. It holds a third rank in the Hebrew canon: not among the prophets, but in the Hagiographa (Chetubim), between Esther and Ezra, books like it relating to the captivity; because he did not strictly belong to those who held exclusively the profession of "prophets" in the theocracy, but was rather a "seer," having the gift, but not the office of prophet. Were the book an interpolated one, it doubtless would have been placed among the prophets. Its present position is a proof of its genuineness, as it was deliberately put in a position different from that where most would expect to find it. Placed between Esther, and Ezra and Nehemiah, it separated the historical books of the time after the captivity. Thus, Daniel was, as BENGEL calls him, the politician, chronologer, and historian among the prophets. The Psalms also, though many are prophetical, are ranked with the Hagiographa, not with the prophets; and the Revelation of John is separated from his Epistles, as Daniel is from the Old Testament prophets. Instead of writing in the midst of the covenant people, and making them the foreground of his picture, he writes in a heathen court, the world kingdoms occupying the foreground, and the kingdom of God, though ultimately made the most significant, the background. His peculiar position in the heathen court is reflected in his peculiar position in the canon. As the "prophets" in the Old Testament, so the epistles of the apostles in the New Testament were written by divinely commissioned persons for their contemporaries. But Daniel and John were not in immediate contact with the congregation, but isolated and alone with God, the one in a heathen court, the other on a lonely isle
(Re 1:9).
PORPHYRY, the assailant of Christianity in the third century, asserted that the Book of Daniel was a forgery of the time of the Maccabees (170-164 B.C.), a time when confessedly there were no prophets, written after the events as to Antiochus Epiphanes, which it professes to foretell; so accurate are the details. A conclusive proof of Daniel's inspiration, if his prophecies can be shown to have been before the events. Now we know, from JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 10.11.7], that the Jews in Christ's days recognized Daniel as in the canon. Zechariah, Ezra, and Nehemiah, centuries before Antiochus, refer to it. Jesus refers to it in His characteristic designation, "Son of man,"
Mt 24:30
(Da 7:13);
also expressly by name, and as a "prophet," in
Mt 24:15
(compare
Mt 24:21, with Da 12:1,
&c.); and in the moment that decided His life
(Mt 26:64)
or death, when the high priest adjured him by the living God. Also, in
Lu 1:19-26,
"Gabriel" is mentioned, whose name occurs nowhere else in Scripture, save in
Da 8:16; 9:21.
Besides the references to it in Revelation, Paul confirms the prophetical part of it, as to the blasphemous king
(Da 7:8, 25; 11:36),
in
1Co 6:2; 2Th 2:3, 4;
the narrative part, as to the miraculous deliverances from "the lions" and "the fire," in
Heb 11:33, 34.
Thus the book is expressly attested by the New Testament on the three points made the stumbling-block of neologists--the predictions, the narratives of miracles, and the manifestations of angels. An objection has been stated to the unity of the book, namely, that Jesus quotes no part of the first half of Daniel. But
Mt 21:44
would be an enigma if it were not a reference to the "stone that smote the image"
(Da 2:34, 35, 44, 45).
Thus the New Testament sanctions the second, third, sixth, seventh, and eleventh chapters. The design of the miracles in the heathen courts where Daniel was, as of those of Moses in Egypt, was to lead the world power, which seemed to be victorious over the theocracy, to see the essential inner superiority of the seemingly fallen kingdom of God to itself, and to show prostrate Israel that the power of God was the same as of old in Egypt. The first book of Maccabees (compare 1 Maccabees 1:24; 9:27, 40, with
Da 12:1; 11:26,
of the Septuagint) refers to Daniel as an accredited book, and even refers to the Septuagint Alexandrian version of it. The fact of Daniel having a place in the Septuagint shows it was received by the Jews at large prior to the Maccabean times. The Septuagint version so arbitrarily deviated from the Hebrew Daniel, that Theodotius' version was substituted for it in the early Christian Church. JOSEPHUS [Antiquities, 11.8.5] mentions that Alexander the Great had designed to punish the Jews for their fidelity to Darius, but that Jaddua (332 B.C.), the high priest, met him at the head of a procession and averted his wrath by showing him Daniel's prophecy that a Grecian monarch should overthrow Persia. Certain it is, Alexander favored the Jews, and JOSEPHUS' statement gives an explanation of the fact; at least it shows that the Jews in JOSEPHUS' days believed that Daniel was extant in Alexander's days, long before the Maccabees. With Jaddua (high priest from 341-322 B.C.) the Old Testament history ends
(Ne 12:11).
(The register of the priests and Levites was not written by Nehemiah, who died about 400 B.C., but was inserted with divine sanction by the collectors of the canon subsequently.) An objection to Daniel's authenticity has been rested on a few Greek words found in it. But these are mostly names of Greek musical instruments, which were imported by Greece from the East, rather than vice versa. Some of the words are derived from the common Indo-Germanic stock of both Greek and Chaldee: hence their appearance in both tongues. And one or two may have come through the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Chaldee. The fact that from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh, the language is Chaldee, but the rest Hebrew, is not an argument against, but for, its authenticity. So in Ezra the two languages are found. The work, if that of one author, must have been composed by someone in the circumstances of Daniel, that is, by one familiar with both languages. No native-born Hebrew who had not lived in Chaldea would know Chaldee so well as to use it with the same idiomatic ease as his native tongue; the very impurities in Daniel's use of both are just such as were natural to one in his circumstances, but unnatural to one in a later age, or to one not half Hebrew, half Chaldean in residence as Daniel was. Those parts of Daniel which concern the whole world are mostly Chaldee, then the language of the world empire. So Greek was made the language of the New Testament, which was designed for the whole world. Those affecting the Jews, mostly Hebrew; and this not so impure as that of Ezekiel. His Chaldee is a mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic. Two predictions alone are enough to prove to us that Daniel was a true prophet. (1) That his prophecies reach beyond Antiochus; namely, he foretells the rise of the four great monarchies, Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, and Rome (the last not being in Daniel's time known beyond the precincts of Italy, or rather of Latium), and that no other earthly kingdom would subvert the fourth, but that it would divide into parts. All this has come to pass. No fifth great earthly monarchy has arisen, though often attempted, as by Charlemagne, Charles V, and Napoleon. (2) The time of Messiah's advent, as dated from a certain decree, His being cut off, and the destruction of the city. "He who denies Daniel's prophecies," says SIR ISAAC NEWTON, "undermines Christianity, which is founded on Daniel's prophecies concerning Christ."
CHARACTERISTICS OF DANIEL. The vision mode of revelation is the exception in other prophets, the rule in Daniel. In Zechariah
(Zec 1:1-6:15),
who lived after Daniel, the same mode appears, but the other form from the seventh chapter to the end. The Revelation of St. John alone is perfectly parallel to Daniel, which may be called the Old Testament Apocalypse. In the contents too there is the difference above noticed, that he views the kingdom of God from the standpoint of the world kingdoms, the development of which is his great subject. This mode of viewing it was appropriate to his own position in a heathen court, and to the relation of subjection in which the covenant-people then stood to the world powers. No longer are single powers of the world incidentally introduced, but the universal monarchies are the chief theme, in which the worldly principle, opposed to the kingdom of God, manifests itself fully. The near and distant are not seen in the same perspective, as by the other prophets, who viewed the whole future from the eschatological point; but in Daniel the historical details are given of that development of the world powers which must precede the advent of the kingdom [AUBERLEN].
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. The exile is the historical basis of Daniel's prophecies, as Daniel implies in the first chapter, which commences with the beginning, and ends with the termination, of the captivity
(Da 1:1, 21;
compare
Da 9:1, 2).
A new stage in the theocracy begins with the captivity. Nebuchadnezzar made three incursions into Judah. The first under Jehoiakim (606 B.C.), in which Daniel was carried away, subjected the theocracy to the Babylonian world power. The second (598 B.C.) was that in which Jehoiachin and Ezekiel were carried away. In the third (588 B.C.), Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem and carried away Zedekiah. Originally, Abraham was raised out of the "sea"
(Da 7:2)
of the nations, as an island holy to God, and his seed chosen as God's mediator of His revelations of love to mankind. Under David and Solomon, the theocracy, as opposed to the heathen power, attained its climax in the Old Testament, not only being independent, but lord of the surrounding nations; so that the period of these two kings was henceforth made the type of the Messianic. But when God's people, instead of resting on Him, seek alliance with the world power, that very power is made the instrument of their chastisement. So Ephraim (722 B.C.) fell by Assyria; and Judah also, drawn into the sphere of the world's movements from the time of Ahaz, who sought Assyrian help (740 B.C.,
Isa 7:1-25)
at last fell by Babylon, and thenceforth has been more or less dependent on the world monarchies, and so, till Messiah, was favored with no revelations from the time of Malachi (four hundred years). Thus, from the beginning of the exile, the theocracy, in the strict sense, ceased on earth; the rule of the world powers superseding it. But God's covenant with Israel remains firm
(Ro 11:29);
therefore, a period of blessing under Messiah's kingdom is now foretold as about to follow their long chastisement. The exile thus is the turning point in the history of the theocracy, which ROOS thus divides: (1) From Adam to the exodus out of Egypt. (2) From the exodus to the beginning of the Babylonian captivity. (3) From the captivity to the millennium. (4) From the millennium to the end of the world. The position of Daniel in the Babylonian court was in unison with the altered relations of the theocracy and the world power, which new relation was to be the theme of his prophecy. Earlier prophets, from the standpoint of Israel, treated of Israel in its relation to the world powers; Daniel, from Babylon, the center of the then world power, treats of the world powers in their relation to Israel. His seventy years' residence in Babylon, and his high official position there, gave him an insight into the world's politics, fitting him to be the recipient of political revelations; while his spiritual experiences, gained through Nebuchadnezzar's humiliation, Belshazzar's downfall, and the rapid decay of the Babylonian empire itself, as well as the miraculous deliverances of himself and his friends (the third through sixth chapters), all fitted him for regarding things from the spiritual standpoint, from which the world's power appears transient, but the glory of God's kingdom eternal. As his political position was the body, the school of magicians in which he had studied for three years
(Da 1:4, 5)
was the soul; and his mind strong in faith and nourished by the earlier prophecies
(Da 9:2),
the spirit of his prophecy, which only waited for the spirit of revelation from above to kindle it. So God fits His organs for their work. AUBERLEN compares Daniel to Joseph: the one at the beginning, the other at the end of the Jewish history of revelation; both representatives of God and His people at heathen courts; both interpreters of the dim presentiments of truth, expressed in God-sent dreams, and therefore raised to honor by the powers of the world: so representing Israel's calling to be a royal priesthood among the nations; and types of Christ, the true Israel, and of Israel's destination to be a light to lighten the whole Gentile world, as
Ro 11:12, 15
foretells. As Achilles at the beginning, and Alexander at the end, of Grecian history are the mirrors of the whole life of the Hellenic people, so Joseph and Daniel of Israel.
CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. Historical and biographical introduction in the first chapter. Daniel, a captive exile, is representative of his nation in its servitude and exile: while his heavenly insight into dreams, far exceeding that of the magi, represents the divine superiority of the covenant-people over their heathen lords. The high dignities, even in the world, which he thereby attained, typify the giving of the earth-kingdom at last "to the people of the saints of the Most High"
(Da 7:27).
Thus Daniel's personal history is the typical foundation of his prophecy. The prophets had to experience in themselves, and in their age, something of what they foretold about future times; just as David felt much of Christ's sufferings in his own person (compare
Ho 1:2-9, 10, 11; 2:3).
So
Jon 1:1-17,
&c. [ROOS]. Hence biographical notices of Daniel and his friends are inserted among his prophecies. The second through twelfth chapters contain the substance of the book, and consist of two parts. The first (the second through seventh chapters) represents the development of the world powers, viewed from a historical point. The second (the eighth through twelfth chapters), their development in relation to Israel, especially in the future preceding Christ's first advent, foretold in the ninth chapter. But prophecy looks beyond the immediate future to the complete fulfilment in the last days, since the individual parts in the organic history of salvation cannot be understood except in connection with the whole. Also Israel looked forward to the Messianic time, not only for spiritual salvation, but also for the visible restoration of the kingdom which even now we too expect. The prophecy which they needed ought therefore to comprise both, and so much of the history of the world as would elapse before the final consummation. The period of Daniel's prophecies, therefore, is that from the downfall of the theocracy at the captivity till its final restoration, yet future--the period of the dominion of the world powers, not set aside by Christ's first coming
(Joh 18:36;
for, to have taken the earth-kingdom then, would have been to take it from Satan's hands,
Mt 4:8-10),
but to be superseded by His universal and everlasting kingdom at His second coming
(Re 11:15).
Thus the general survey of the development and final destiny of the world powers (the second through seventh chapters) fittingly precedes the disclosures as to the immediate future (the eighth through twelfth chapters). Daniel marks the division by writing the first part in Chaldee, and the second, and the introduction, in Hebrew; the former, referring to the powers of the world, in the language of the then dominant world power under which he lived; the latter, relating to the people of God, in their own language. An interpolator in a later age would have used Hebrew, the language of the ancient prophets throughout, or if anywhere Aramaic, so as to be understood by his contemporaries, he would have used it in the second rather than in the first part as having a more immediate reference to his own times [AUBERLEN].
1
Da 1:1-21.
繁體中文
Da 1:1-21.
巴比倫囚虜開始；但以理在巴比倫受教等。
1. 第三年——比較
Jer 25:1，
「第四年」；約雅敬在年末登基，耶利米把那不完整的年份算作第一年，但以理卻不計算：因此耶利米記作「第四年」，但以理記作「第三年」[JAHN]。然而，耶利米
(Jer 25:1; 46:2)
只是說，約雅敬第四年與尼布甲尼撒元年同期，即尼布甲尼撒在迦基米施擊敗埃及人的那年；並不是說從耶路撒冷擄走俘虜是在約雅敬第四年：這可能發生在約雅敬第三年末，即迦基米施之役之前不久[FAIRBAIRN]。尼布甲尼撒擄走俘虜作為希伯來人臣服的人質。歷史性的聖經未明確記載這首次擄掠——而巴比倫囚虜，即猶大臣屬於巴比倫七十年
(Jer 29:10)，
正是從此時開始。但
2Ch 36:6, 7
記載尼布甲尼撒曾打算「將約雅敬帶到巴比倫」，並「把耶和華殿中的器皿」帶到那裏。但約雅敬死於耶路撒冷，在征服者對他的意圖得以執行之前
(Jer 22:18, 19; 36:30)，
他的屍體如所預言的，被迦勒底圍攻者拖出城門，不得埋葬。約雅斤時代的第二次擄掠是在八年之後。
英文原文
Da 1:1-21.
THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY BEGINS; DANIEL'S EDUCATION AT BABYLON, &C.
1. third year--compare
Jer 25:1,
"the fourth year; Jehoiakim came to the throne at the end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons as the first year, but which Daniel leaves out of count, being an incomplete year: thus, in Jeremiah, it is "the fourth year"; in Daniel, "the third" [JAHN]. However, Jeremiah
(Jer 25:1; 46:2)
merely says, the fourth year of Jehoiakim coincided with the first of Nebuchadnezzar, when the latter conquered the Egyptians at Carchemish; not that the deportation of captives from Jerusalem was in the fourth year of Jehoiakim: this probably took place in the end of the third year of Jehoiakim, shortly before the battle of Carchemish [FAIRBAIRN]. Nebuchadnezzar took away the captives as hostages for the submission of the Hebrews. Historical Scripture gives no positive account of this first deportation, with which the Babylonian captivity, that is, Judah's subjection to Babylon for seventy years
(Jer 29:10),
begins. But
2Ch 36:6, 7,
states that Nebuchadnezzar had intended "to carry Jehoiakim to Babylon," and that he "carried off the vessels of the house of the Lord" thither. But Jehoiakim died at Jerusalem, before the conqueror's intention as to him was carried into effect
(Jer 22:18, 19; 36:30),
and his dead body, as was foretold, was dragged out of the gates by the Chaldean besiegers, and left unburied. The second deportation under Jehoiachin was eight years later.
2
無標題
繁體中文
2. 示拿——巴比倫的舊名
(Ge 11:2; 14:1; Isa 11:11; Zec 5:11)。
尼布甲尼撒只取了「器皿的一部分」，因他無意完全傾覆這國，而是要使其進貢，並留下耶和華公開敬拜絕對必需的器皿。後來所有的器皿都被取去，並在居魯士之下歸回
(Ezr 1:7)。
他的神——彼勒。他的廟如異邦人中常見的一樣，被用作王的「寶庫」。
英文原文
2. Shinar--the old name of Babylonia
(Ge 11:2; 14:1; Isa 11:11; Zec 5:11).
Nebuchadnezzar took only "part of the vessels," as he did not intend wholly to overthrow the state, but to make it tributary, and to leave such vessels as were absolutely needed for the public worship of Jehovah. Subsequently all were taken away and were restored under Cyrus
(Ezr 1:7).
his god--Bel. His temple, as was often the case among the heathen, was made "treasure house" of the king.
3
無標題
繁體中文
3. 太監長——在土耳其稱為kislar aga。
王的後裔——比較預言
2Ki 20:17, 18。
英文原文
3. master of . . . eunuchs--called in Turkey the kislar aga.
of the king's seed--compare the prophecy,
2Ki 20:17, 18.
4
無標題
繁體中文
4. 毫無殘疾——在東方觀念中，俊美的外貌與心智能力相連。「少年人」指十二或十四歲的少年。
教……迦勒底的……言語——他們的語言和文獻，即亞蘭-巴比倫文。異邦的學問並非全無價值，這從敵擋摩西的埃及術士、尋找耶穌的東方博士可以看出，他們可能從在東方寫成的
Da 9:24
等傳統中獲得了「猶太人之王」的傳統。正如摩西在埃及智者的學問中受訓，但以理在迦勒底人的學問中受訓，以使他熟悉奧秘的學問，發展他從天所得、明白異象的恩賜
(Da 1:4, 5, 17)。
英文原文
4. no blemish--A handsome form was connected, in Oriental ideas, with mental power. "Children" means youths of twelve or fourteen years old.
teach . . . tongue of . . . Chaldeans--their language and literature, the Aramaic-Babylonian. That the heathen lore was not altogether valueless appears from the Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses; the Eastern Magi who sought Jesus, and who may have drawn the tradition as to the "King of the Jews" from
Da 9:24,
&c., written in the East. As Moses was trained in the learning of the Egyptian sages, so Daniel in that of the Chaldeans, to familiarize his mind with mysterious lore, and so develop his heaven-bestowed gift of understanding in visions
(Da 1:4, 5, 17).
5
無標題
繁體中文
5. 王的膳——東方的王慣於用自己桌上的食物供養許多侍從和被擄的王室成員
(Jer 52:33, 34)。
希伯來文「膳」一詞含有珍饈之意。
侍立在王面前——作侍立的朝臣；非作太監。
英文原文
5. king's meat--It is usual for an Eastern king to entertain, from the food of his table, many retainers and royal captives
(Jer 52:33, 34).
The Hebrew for "meat" implies delicacies.
stand before the king--as attendant courtiers; not as eunuchs.
6
無標題
繁體中文
6. 猶大支派的人——最高貴的支派，因為「王的後裔」即屬此支派（比較
Da 1:3)。
英文原文
6. children of Judah--the most noble tribe, being that to which the "king's seed" belonged (compare
Da 1:3).
7
無標題
繁體中文
7. 給……名——目的是要標記他們新的身分，好使他們忘記從前的宗教和祖國
(Ge 41:45)。
但正如約瑟的情形（法老稱他為撒發那忒巴內亞），但以理也是如此：那表明他與異教宮廷關係的名字（「伯提沙撒」，即「彼勒的王子」），無論對他何等奉承，卻不是聖經所保留的名字；聖經所保留的是那表明他與神關係的名字（「但以理」，神是我的審判者，他預言的主題正是神對異邦世界強權的審判）。
哈拿尼雅——即「耶和華所恩待的」。
沙得拉——來自巴比倫文的Rak，「王」，即「太陽」；與Abrech
(Ge 41:43，
欄外注)
同根，即「為日神所默感或照亮」。
米煞——即「誰如神？」誰能與神相比？
米煞——巴比倫人保留了米煞利這希伯來文名字的第一個音節；但用Shak代替了El，即神——Shak是巴比倫女神，稱為示沙克
(Jer 25:26; 51:41)，
對應於大地，或作維納斯，即愛與歡樂的女神；正是在她的節日中，居魯士攻取了巴比倫。
亞撒利雅——即「耶和華所幫助的」。
亞伯尼歌——即「發亮之火的僕人」。如此，這些神的僕人不是歸於耶和華，而是被異教徒獻給他們四大主要神明[HERODOTUS, Clio]；彼勒（至高的神）、日神、地神和火神。當這三個少年拒絕敬拜金像時，正是被交給了最後一位
(Da 3:12)。
迦勒底文譯本將
Isa 14:12
中的「明亮之星」（Lucifer）譯為Nogea，與Nego相同。因此，這些名字從一開始就表明了異邦強權在耶和華和祂百姓面前那表面得勝卻必定傾覆的定命。
英文原文
7. gave names--designed to mark their new relation, that so they might forget their former religion and country
(Ge 41:45).
But as in Joseph's case (whom Pharaoh called Zaphnath-paaneah), so in Daniel's, the name indicative of his relation to a heathen court ("Belteshazzar," that is, "Bel's prince"), however flattering to him, is not the one retained by Scripture, but the name marking his relation to God ("Daniel," God my Judge, the theme of his prophecies being God's judgment on the heathen world powers).
Hananiah--that is, "whom Jehovah hath favored."
Shadrach--from Rak, in Babylonian, "the King," that is, "the Sun"; the same root as in Abrech
(Ge 41:43,
Margin), "Inspired or illumined by the Sun-god."
Mishael--that is, "who is what God is?" Who is comparable to God?
Meshach--The Babylonians retained the first syllable of Mishael, the Hebrew name; but for El, that is, GOD, substituted Shak, the Babylonian goddess, called Sheshach
(Jer 25:26; 51:41),
answering to the Earth, or else Venus, the goddess of love and mirth; it was during her feast that Cyrus took Babylon.
Azariah--that is, "whom Jehovah helps."
Abed-nego--that is, "servant of the shining fire." Thus, instead of to Jehovah, these His servants were dedicated by the heathen to their four leading gods [HERODOTUS, Clio]; Bel, the Chief-god, the Sun-god, Earth-god, and Fire-god. To the last the three youths were consigned when refusing to worship the golden image
(Da 3:12).
The Chaldee version translates "Lucifer," in
Isa 14:12,
Nogea, the same as Nego. The names thus at the outset are significant of the seeming triumph, but sure downfall, of the heathen powers before Jehovah and His people.
8
無標題
繁體中文
8. 但以理……卻不願以王的膳玷污自己——但以理被特別指出為這「立志」（這詞暗示一種堅定的決心）的帶頭者——立志不沾染污穢，從而顯明了一個已經為先知職分塑造成形的品格。另外三個少年無疑也參與了他的決志。當時的習慣是把少量食物和酒潑在地上，作為獻給神明的初獻之祭，以使整個宴席歸為聖（比較
De 32:38)。
吃這樣的宴席就等於贊同偶像崇拜，甚至在律法所定潔淨與不潔淨之肉的區別被廢去之後，也是禁止的
(1Co 8:7, 10; 10:27, 28)。
因此這些少年的信心成了工具，使那預告要臨到猶太人的災禍
(Eze 4:13； Ho 9:3)
轉為神的榮耀。AUBERLEN說，但以理和他的三個朋友如同沙漠中的綠洲。像摩西一樣，但以理「寧可和神的百姓同受苦害，也不願暫時享受罪中之樂」
(Heb 11:25；
見
Da 9:3-19)。
凡要解明神聖啟示的人，不可吃這世界的佳餚，也不可喝這世界使人沉醉的杯。這使他的名字在同胞中如挪亞和約伯那樣親切——他們也在悖逆的世代中獨自敬虔
(Eze 14:14; 28:3)。
求——在原則上堅定的同時，我們當以溫和尋求目標，而非以張揚的見證——那在「忠心」的藉口下招惹反對。
英文原文
8. Daniel . . . would not defile himself with . . . king's meat--Daniel is specified as being the leader in the "purpose" (the word implies a decided resolution) to abstain from defilement, thus manifesting a character already formed for prophetical functions. The other three youths, no doubt, shared in his purpose. It was the custom to throw a small part of the viands and wine upon the earth, as an initiatory offering to the gods, so as to consecrate to them the whole entertainment (compare
De 32:38).
To have partaken of such a feast would have been to sanction idolatry, and was forbidden even after the legal distinction of clean and unclean meats was done away
(1Co 8:7, 10; 10:27, 28).
Thus the faith of these youths was made instrumental in overruling the evil foretold against the Jews
(Eze 4:13; Ho 9:3),
to the glory of God. Daniel and his three friends, says AUBERLEN, stand out like an oasis in the desert. Like Moses, Daniel "chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season"
(Heb 11:25;
see
Da 9:3-19).
He who is to interpret divine revelations must not feed on the dainties, nor drink from the intoxicating cup, of this world. This made him as dear a name to his countrymen as Noah and Job, who also stood alone in their piety among a perverse generation
(Eze 14:14; 28:3).
requested--While decided in principle, we ought to seek our object by gentleness, rather than by an ostentatious testimony, which, under the plea of faithfulness, courts opposition.
9
無標題
繁體中文
9. 神……使但以理蒙恩——別人對敬虔之人的恩惠，是神的作為。約瑟也是如此
(Ge 39:21)。
尤其是對以色列
(Ps 106:46；
比較
Pr 16:7)。
英文原文
9. God . . . brought Daniel into favour--The favor of others towards the godly is the doing of God. So in Joseph's case
(Ge 39:21).
Especially towards Israel
(Ps 106:46;
compare
Pr 16:7).
10
無標題
繁體中文
10. 比你……更加瘦弱——看起來不夠健康。
同類的少年人——即同齡或同階層的人；字面意為「圈子」。
危及我的頭——一位專制的東方暴君若因其命令被違抗而暴怒，可下令立刻將犯者斬首。
英文原文
10. worse liking--looking less healthy.
your sort--of your age, or class; literally, "circle."
endanger my head--An arbitrary Oriental despot could, in a fit of wrath at his orders having been disobeyed, command the offender to be instantly decapitated.
11
無標題
繁體中文
11. 梅爾扎——更確切地說是管家或膳長，由亞施毗拿委派負責供給少年人的每日份量[GESENIUS]。此詞在波斯至今仍在使用。
英文原文
11. Melzar--rather, the steward, or chief butler, entrusted by Ashpenaz with furnishing the daily portion to the youths [GESENIUS]. The word is still in use in Persia.
12
無標題
繁體中文
12. 蔬菜——希伯來文指一切從種子生長出來的植物，即泛指植物性食物[GESENIUS]。
英文原文
12. pulse--The Hebrew expresses any vegetable grown from seeds, that is, vegetable food in general [GESENIUS].
13
無標題
繁體中文
13-15. 印證
De 8:3，
「人活著不是單靠食物，乃是靠耶和華口裏所出的一切話」。
英文原文
13-15. Illustrating
De 8:3,
"Man doth not live by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of the Lord."
17
無標題
繁體中文
17. 神賜給他們知識——
(Ex 31:2, 3； 1Ki 3:12； Job 32:8； Jas 1:5, 17)。
但以理又明白各樣……異象和夢兆——神如此使被輕視的盟約之民中的一位，在他們最引以為傲的學問上勝過迦勒底的智者。約瑟在法老宮中也是如此
(Ge 40:5; 41:1-8)。
但以理在這些稱讚自己「聰明」的話中，不是出於虛榮，而是受神的引導，如同一個魂遊象外的人。見我的導論，「書的內容」。
英文原文
17. God gave them knowledge--
(Ex 31:2, 3; 1Ki 3:12; Job 32:8; Jas 1:5, 17).
Daniel had understanding in . . . dreams--God thus made one of the despised covenant-people eclipse the Chaldean sages in the very science on which they most prided themselves. So Joseph in the court of Pharaoh
(Ge 40:5; 41:1-8).
Daniel, in these praises of his own "understanding," speaks not through vanity, but by the direction of God, as one transported out of himself. See my
Introduction,
"CONTENTS OF THE BOOK."
18
無標題
繁體中文
18. 領他們進去——即不僅但以理和他的三個朋友，還有別的少年
(Da 1:3, 19，
「他們所有人中」)。
英文原文
18. brought them in--that is, not only Daniel and his three friends, but other youths
(Da 1:3, 19,
"among them all").
19
無標題
繁體中文
19. 站在……王面前——即被提升到寶座附近蒙恩的地位。
英文原文
19. stood . . . before the king--that is, were advanced to a position of favor near the throne.
20
無標題
繁體中文
20. 十倍——字面意為「十隻手」。
術士——更確切地說，是「神聖的文士，精通聖文，埃及祭司的一個階級」[GESENIUS]；源自希伯來文字根，「筆」。我們英文欽定本中的「magicians」一詞來自mag，即「祭司」。術士構成米底亞人六個分支之一。
星象家——希伯來文為「行邪術者」，源自一個字根「隱藏」，即秘術的施行者。
英文原文
20. ten times--literally, "ten hands."
magicians--properly, "sacred scribes, skilled in the sacred writings, a class of Egyptian priests" [GESENIUS]; from a Hebrew root, "a pen." The word in our English Version, "magicians," comes from mag, that is, "a priest." The Magi formed one of the six divisions of the Medes.
astrologers--Hebrew, "enchanters," from a root, "to conceal," pactisers of the occult arts.
21
無標題
繁體中文
21. 但以理一直延續到……居魯士元年——
(2Ch 36:22； Ezr 1:1)。
不是說他沒有在那年之後繼續活下去，而是這措辭刻意標明一個事實：被擄到巴比倫的最初俘虜之一，活著看到了被擄的結束。見我的導論，「巴比倫囚虜的意義」。在
Da 10:1
中他被提及為「居魯士第三年」還活著。見論「直到」用法的欄外注
(Ps 110:1, 112:8)。
英文原文
21. Daniel continued . . . unto . . . first year of Cyrus--
(2Ch 36:22; Ezr 1:1).
Not that he did not continue beyond that year, but the expression is designed to mark the fact that he who was one of the first captives taken to Babylon, lived to see the end of the captivity. See my
Introduction,
"SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY." In
Da 10:1
he is mentioned as living "in the third year of Cyrus." See Margin Note, on the use of "till"
(Ps 110:1, 112:8).
導論
但以理，意即「神是我的審判者」；可能具王室血統（比較
Da 1:3
與 1Ch 3:1，
其中大衛的一個兒子也以此為名）。耶路撒冷可能是他的出生地（雖然
Da 9:24
「你的聖城」並不一定暗示這點）。他在約雅敬第四年尼布甲尼撒的首次擄掠中，被帶到巴比倫的希伯來俘虜之中。由於他與三位同伴被稱為
(Da 1:4)
「少年人」，他受訓按東方禮制成為朝臣時
(Da 1:3, 6)，
年紀不可能超過約十二歲。
他隨後得了一個新名字，這通常是標示身分變更的作法
(2Ki 23:34; 24:17; Ezr 5:14; Es 2:7)，
伯提沙撒，意即「為彼勒所眷愛的王子」
(Da 1:7)。
他的敬虔與智慧在他同胞中很早就已家喻戶曉；這可能是因為他那高尚的忠信見證——他以智慧戒絕王桌上的食物，因那些食物因異教宴席中慣有的偶像崇拜而被污染
(Da 1:8-16)。
因此以西結對他的引用
(Eze 14:14, 20; 28:3)
正是我們所預期的那類；這必定是無意的巧合。以西結引用他時不是當作作者，而是當作在他書中較早於以西結寫作之時所處情境中，展現出公義並善於辨明隱秘事的品格。正如約瑟在埃及因解法老的夢而升遷，但以理也因解尼布甲尼撒的夢而被提升為巴比倫的省長，並作為瑪代祭司階層的首領。在尼布甲尼撒的繼任者以未米羅達手下，因新王即位常伴隨官員更替，但以理似乎職位較低，這使他偶爾離開巴比倫
(Da 8:2, 27)。
他再次引人注目是在伯沙撒瀆神的宴席之夜，讀出牆上那論定其厄運的神秘文字之時。BEROSUS稱巴比倫最後一位王為拿波尼度，並說他並未被殺，而是在博爾西巴自願投降後，獲分派在卡曼尼亞一處尊榮的住所。RAWLINSON已根據尼尼微碑文澄清了此差異。伯沙撒與其父（以未米羅達或拿波尼度，碑文中稱為Minus）共同為王，但居於其下。他把自己關在巴比倫城內，而另一位王則到別處避難，即博爾西巴。BEROSUS所給的是迦勒底人的記載，該記載掩蓋了一切關於伯沙撒的事，因為這事關國恥。如果但以理書是一本晚期的書，作者無疑會採用BEROSUS較晚的記載。如果他給出的歷史與當時巴比倫所流傳的不同，那一帶的猶太人就不會接受它為真實。瑪代人大利烏，即呂克薩西斯二世，繼位並作了兩年王。提到這位幾乎不為世俗歷史所知（因被居魯士的光彩所掩蓋）之君王的統治，恰為但以理作為當代史家、根據他所知的事件而寫、而非向他人借用的一個附帶證據。居魯士第三年，他看見了關乎其民直到末後及將來復活的異象（第十至十二章）。此時他必定約八十四歲。傳統說但以理死於書珊並葬在那裏。雖因年事已高無法歸回巴勒斯坦，但他從未停止將其百姓的利益放在心上
(Da 9:3-19; 10:12)。
但以理書的真實性
Da 7:1, 28; 8:2; 9:2; 10:1, 2; 12:4, 5
證明它是由但以理本人所著。他在前六章歷史部分不提自己；因為在這些章中，突出的不是作者，而是事件。在後六章預言部分，作者表明自己的身分，因為此處需要如此，預言是給特定之人的話語啟示。它在希伯來正典中居第三等：不在先知書之列，而在聖卷（Ketubim）中，介於以斯帖記和以斯拉記之間，這兩卷書與它一樣都與被擄有關；因為他並不嚴格屬於神政體中專職「先知」職業的人，而更是一位「先見」，擁有先知的恩賜，卻非先知的職分。若本書是竄改之作，無疑會被置於先知書之列。它目前的位置正是其真實性的證明，因為它是刻意被放在與大多數人期望找到它的位置不同的地方。置於以斯帖記與以斯拉記、尼希米記之間，它分隔了被擄後時期的歷史書。因此，但以理如BENGEL所稱，是先知中的政治家、年代學家與史家。詩篇也是一樣，雖然許多是預言性的，卻被歸入聖卷而非先知書；約翰的啟示錄也與他的書信分開，正如但以理與舊約先知分開一樣。他不是在盟約之民中間寫作、以他們為前景，而是在異邦宮廷中寫作，世界列國居前景，神的國雖最終被賦予最重要的意義，卻處於背景。他在異邦宮廷中的特殊位置反映於他在正典中的特殊位置。正如舊約中的「先知」，新約中使徒的書信也是受神所託的人為其同時代的人而寫。但但以理和約翰並不與會眾直接接觸，而是孤立、獨自與神同在——一個在異邦宮廷，一個在孤島上
(Re 1:9)。
三世紀攻擊基督教的PORPHYRY聲稱，但以理書是馬加比時代（主前170-164年）的偽作——那個時代公認沒有先知——是在事件發生後才寫下，論及它聲稱要預言的安提阿古．以皮法尼；細節如此準確。如果他的預言能被證明是在事件之前，這就是但以理默示的決定性證據。如今我們從JOSEPHUS[《猶太古史》 10.11.7]得知，基督時代的猶太人承認但以理書在正典中。撒迦利亞、以斯拉、尼希米在安提阿古之前幾個世紀就引用了它。耶穌以其特有的稱號「人子」引用它，
Mt 24:30
(Da 7:13)；
也明確以其名並稱為「先知」引用，
Mt 24:15
（比較
Mt 24:21
與 Da 12:1 等）；並在決定其一生
(Mt 26:64)
或死的那一刻，當大祭司奉永生神的名叫祂起誓時引用。又
Lu 1:19-26
提到「加百列」，其名在聖經中除
Da 8:16; 9:21
外未在他處出現。除了啟示錄中的引用外，保羅也證實其預言部分，論及那褻瀆的王
(Da 7:8, 25; 11:36)，
見於
1Co 6:2; 2Th 2:3, 4；
其敘事部分，論及「獅子」與「火」的奇妙拯救，見於
Heb 11:33, 34。
因此，本書在新約中於三點上得到明確的證實——預言、神蹟敘事、天使顯現——而這三點正是新派神學者的絆腳石。有人質疑全書的合一性，理由是耶穌未引用但以理書前半部。但
Mt 21:44
若不是指「打碎這像的石頭」
(Da 2:34, 35, 44, 45)，
就會是個謎。因此，新約認可了第二、三、六、七、十一章。在但以理所處的異邦宮廷中行神蹟的目的，正如摩西在埃及所行的，是要使看起來勝過神政體的世界強權看見，表面傾覆的神之國本質上超越它自身，並要使傾仆的以色列看見神的能力與古時在埃及一樣。馬加比一書（比較 1 Maccabees 1:24; 9:27, 40 與七十士譯本
Da 12:1; 11:26）
引用但以理書為公認之書，甚至引用其七十士譯本亞歷山大版本。但以理書被收入七十士譯本的事實，表明它在馬加比時代之前就被猶太人普遍接受。七十士譯本版本對希伯來文但以理書的偏離如此任意，以致早期基督教會以狄奧多田的譯本取代了它。JOSEPHUS[《猶太古史》 11.8.5]提到亞歷山大大帝本打算因猶太人對大利烏的忠誠而懲罰他們，但大祭司雅杜亞（主前332年）率領遊行隊伍迎見他，藉著給他看但以理關於希臘君王將傾覆波斯的預言而平息了他的怒氣。雖然未必全然如此，但亞歷山大確實優待猶太人，而JOSEPHUS的陳述給出了這一事實的解釋；至少它表明JOSEPHUS時代的猶太人相信但以理書在亞歷山大時代即已存在，遠早於馬加比家。舊約歷史到雅杜亞（主前341-322年的大祭司）結束
(Ne 12:11)。
（祭司和利未人的名冊並非尼希米所寫，他約於主前400年離世；而是後來的正典編纂者在神允許之下插入的。）對但以理真實性的反對有一點基於其中出現的少數希臘文詞彙。但這些大多是希臘樂器的名稱，是希臘從東方進口的，而非相反。有些詞來自希臘文與迦勒底文共有的印歐語詞根；因此兩種語言中都有。一兩個可能是經小亞細亞的希臘人傳入迦勒底文。從第二章第四節到第七章末是迦勒底文，其餘是希伯來文，這一事實不是反對、而是支持其真實性的論據。以斯拉書中也有這兩種語言。此書若為一位作者所作，必定是由處於但以理那樣境況的人寫成，即熟悉兩種語言的人。任何未在迦勒底居住的本土希伯來人都不會像使用母語那樣熟練地運用迦勒底文；但以理使用兩種語言中的不純之處，正是一個處於他那樣境況的人自然的，而對後一個時代的人、或一個不像但以理那樣一半時間在希伯來一半時間在迦勒底居住的人則是不自然的。但以理書中關乎全世界的部分大多為迦勒底文，即當時世界帝國的語言。正如希臘文成為為全世界而設計的新約的語言。關乎猶太人的部分多為希伯來文；而且不如以西結的那樣不純。他的迦勒底文是希伯來文與亞蘭文的混合。僅僅兩個預言就足以向我們證明但以理是真先知。(1) 他的預言超越安提阿古；即他預言了四大列國的興起——巴比倫、瑪代波斯、希臘、羅馬（最後一個在但以理時代尚不為意大利、或更確切地說拉丁姆境界以外所知），並且沒有任何其他屬地國度會傾覆第四國，它卻要分裂。這一切都已應驗。雖然常有人嘗試，卻無第五大屬地帝國興起，如查理曼、查理五世、拿破崙。 (2) 彌賽亞降臨的時間（從某個諭旨起算）、祂的被剪除、城的毀滅。「否認但以理預言的人，」SIR ISAAC NEWTON說，「就是在動搖基督教的根基，因為基督教正是建立在但以理關於基督的預言之上。」
但以理書的特點。異象啟示模式在其他先知中是例外，在但以理中卻是常規。在但以理之後生活的撒迦利亞
(Zec 1:1-6:15)
中也出現同樣的模式，但從第七章起為另一種形式。只有約翰的啟示錄與但以理完全平行，但以理書可稱為舊約的啟示錄。在內容上也有上述差異：他是從世界列國的角度觀看神的國，世界列國的發展是他的偉大主題。這種觀看方式適合他在異邦宮廷中的位置，以及盟約之民當時對世界列國的臣屬關係。不再是偶然地引入個別世界強權，而是普世帝國成為主題，在其中對抗神國的屬世原則充分彰顯。近與遠不再像其他先知那樣從終末論的角度被放在同一個透視中觀看；在但以理書中，對那必須在神國降臨之前發生的世界列國發展，給出了歷史的細節[AUBERLEN]。
巴比倫囚虜的意義。被擄是但以理預言的歷史基礎，正如但以理在第一章中所暗示的，該章從被擄的開始開始，到被擄的結束結束
(Da 1:1, 21;
比較
Da 9:1, 2)。
神政體的一個新階段從被擄開始。尼布甲尼撒三次侵入猶大。第一次在約雅敬年間（主前606年），但以理被擄去，使神政體臣屬於巴比倫世界強權。第二次（主前598年）是約雅斤與以西結被擄的那次。第三次（主前588年），尼布甲尼撒毀滅耶路撒冷並擄走西底家。起初，亞伯拉罕從列國的「海」
(Da 7:2)
中被舉起，作為一座歸神為聖的島嶼，他的後裔被選作神向人類啟示愛的媒介。在大衛和所羅門之下，神政體作為與異邦強權相對的體制，在舊約中達到頂峰，不僅獨立，還統治周圍的列國；因此這兩王的時代此後成為彌賽亞時代的模型。但當神的百姓不倚靠神，反而尋求與世界強權結盟時，那強權本身就成了他們受懲治的工具。因此以法蓮（主前722年）被亞述傾覆；猶大也一樣，從亞哈斯尋求亞述幫助（主前740年，
Isa 7:1-25）
時起，被捲入世界動盪的漩渦，終於被巴比倫傾覆，此後或多或少依賴世界列國，因此直到瑪拉基（四百年之久）為止，未蒙任何啟示。因此，從被擄開始，嚴格意義上的神政體在地上停止了；世界強權的統治取而代之。但神與以色列所立的約仍然堅定
(Ro 11:29)；
因此，在他們長久受罰之後，如今被預言將有一段在彌賽亞國度之下的祝福時期。因此被擄是神政體歷史的轉捩點，ROOS這樣劃分：(1) 從亞當到出埃及。 (2) 從出埃及到巴比倫囚虜的開始。 (3) 從被擄到千年國。 (4) 從千年國到世界末了。但以理的位置在巴比倫宮廷，與神政體和世界強權之間變動的關係一致，這新關係正是他預言的主題。早期的先知從以色列的角度論以色列與世界強權的關係；但以理從當時世界強權的中心巴比倫，論世界強權與以色列的關係。他在巴比倫七十年之久，並在那裏身居高位，使他能洞察世界政治，適合作政治啟示的領受者；而他的屬靈經歷——透過尼布甲尼撒的謙卑、伯沙撒的傾覆、以及巴比倫帝國本身的迅速衰敗獲得，並藉著自己與朋友們的奇妙拯救（第三至六章）——都使他適合從屬靈的角度觀看事物；從那角度來看，世界的權勢是短暫的，神國的榮耀是永遠的。正如他的政治位置是身體，他學了三年之久的術士學校
(Da 1:4, 5)
是魂；他因信堅固、並受早期預言滋養的心思
(Da 9:2)，
是他預言的靈，只等天上的啟示之靈來點燃。神就是這樣為祂的器皿預備其工作。AUBERLEN將但以理比作約瑟：一個在猶太啟示歷史的開始，一個在結束；兩人都代表神和祂的百姓於異邦宮廷；兩人都是神所賜之夢中所表達之模糊真理預感的解釋者，因此被世界強權提拔到尊位：因此代表以色列作列國中君尊祭司的呼召；又是基督——真以色列——以及以色列作照亮整個外邦世界之光的定命的預表，正如
Ro 11:12, 15
所預言的。正如阿基里斯在希臘歷史的開始、亞歷山大在結束，是希臘民族整個生命的鏡子；約瑟與但以理於以色列也是如此。
書的內容。第一章是歷史和傳記式的導論。身為俘虜流民的但以理代表其民族處於奴役和流亡中；而他對夢境的天上洞察遠超術士，代表盟約之民在他們異邦主人之上的神聖優越。他因此甚至在世上所得的高位，預表地上的國終將賜給「至高者的聖民」
(Da 7:27)。
因此，但以理的個人歷史是他預言的典型基礎。先知們必須在他們自己和他們的時代中，經歷一些他們所預言的未來之事；正如大衛在自己身上感受到了許多基督的苦難（比較
Ho 1:2-9, 10, 11; 2:3)。
同樣
Jon 1:1-17
等[ROOS]。因此但以理與他朋友的傳記性記述被插入他的預言之間。第二至十二章構成全書的要旨，分為兩部分。第一部分（第二至七章）從歷史角度展示世界強權的發展。第二部分（第八至十二章）展示它們與以色列的關係的發展，特別是在基督初臨之前不久的未來，於第九章中預言。但預言的目光超越眼前的未來，看到末日的完全應驗，因為救恩歷史中有機歷史的各個部分若不聯於整體就不能明白。並且以色列展望彌賽亞時代，不僅為著屬靈的救恩，也為著我們如今仍期盼的可見的國度復興。因此他們所需的預言應當包含兩者，以及在最終完成之前將流逝的世界歷史。因此，但以理預言的時期，是從神政體於被擄時傾覆直到其尚未實現的最終復興——即世界強權的統治時期，這統治不因基督的初臨而被廢去
(Joh 18:36；
因為那時若取了地上的國，就是從撒但手中取國，
Mt 4:8-10)，
卻要因祂第二次降臨時所立的普世而永遠的國度而被取代
(Re 11:15)。
因此，對世界強權發展與最終定命的一般綜覽（第二至七章）恰當地先於對近期未來的揭示（第八至十二章）。但以理以迦勒底文寫第一部分，以希伯來文寫第二部分與導論，藉此標示這分界：前者論世界強權，用他所生活之當時主導世界強權的語言；後者論神的百姓，用他們自己的語言。後世的竄改者會通篇使用希伯來文，即古代先知的語言；或若要用亞蘭文以便同時代人明白，也會在第二部分而非第一部分使用，因第二部分與他自己時代的關係更為直接[AUBERLEN]。