Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Joshua Chương 1

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Joshua Chương 1

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Joshua 1 Introduction

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約書亞記導論

  1. 本書與聖經中其他幾卷歷史書一樣,書名取自其內容。本書於摩西去世之處接續蒙選之民的歷史,並藉其繼任者的領導與治理,以系統而有序的敘述延續這段歷史。本書(幾乎專一地)記載約書亞履行神藉摩西之手加於他的使命所行的諸事(參 Deuteronomy 31:7-8),並以約書亞的死亡與安葬作結。

全書內容自然分為長度大致相等的兩部分:前十二章描述對這地的征服,其後十二章則記述隨後的土地分配,以及約書亞最後的作為與言論。

前一部分所描述約書亞的諸場勝利,伴隨著神一次又一次、極其驚人的介入。這種神蹟成分使某些註釋者將本書視為全然非歷史的著作。但不可忘記,約書亞記中的神蹟並非孤立存在。它們彷彿自然地生發於摩西時代神為以色列所作的諸般干預,不過是那始於埃及、記載於出埃及記及其後諸書的一系列非凡護理的收束。它們同樣與猶太教會與民族未來的歷史和發展緊密相連,甚至與神的旨意那更廣遠的終局——即已顯明或將要顯明於基督教會、直到萬事終結的——密切相關。因此,約書亞對迦南的征服,遠比其作為一件史實的規模乍看所顯示的,具有更宏大、更深遠的意義。

這件事不可僅僅視為一支來自阿拉伯曠野的遊牧部族,對一塊約相當於英格蘭三個普通郡面積之小地的入侵。它也是神成就古時所啟示之目的的行動;是祂為在人間存留祂的律法、旨意與聖道所命定之計劃中不可或缺的一環;其用意更是在許多重要細節上預表祂將來對全人類的作為。若非神特別的幫助,以色列人根本無法完成這場征服,因為他們在人數上並不明顯多過迦南人,又沒有戰車馬匹,缺乏一切較精良的戰爭裝備,尤其是攻取城邑所需的器械(參 Numbers 13:28;Deuteronomy 1:28;Deuteronomy 9:1),而迦南正充滿這類城邑。然而,神已向他們的列祖起誓,應許將這地賜給他們;那麼,凡為成就這應許所必需的,都屬於祂的信實所當供備的;因此,約書亞記是摩西五經必要的續篇,宣告神徹底履行了祂藉摩西與以色列所立的聖約,從而顯明祂那不可違背的信實。

然而,約書亞記的神權特質與神學特質,無論就其自身而言,還是作為(可謂)對敘事中神蹟成分的辯護而言,雖然重要,我們仍不可忽視本書所呈現的普通史實與歷史事實的內證。

約書亞對迦南的入侵,顯然是一項經過縝密安排而巧妙執行的事業。一支從南方向迦南進軍的軍隊,會發現去路被一重又一重的高地攔阻,而在摩西和約書亞的時代,這些高地上密佈城鎮與堡壘。這樣的軍隊推進必然緩慢,且每一步都會遭遇人數不斷增加之敵人更嚴密的抵抗。當以色列人為加低斯的背叛經歷四十年補贖之後,又奉神之命重新起來,恢復那久已延宕的迦南事業時,全軍被引領繞行那地的整個東南角,直趨死海上方相對不設防的東側。這樣,日後成為猶大疆域之「南地」和「山地」中一切堅固的軍事據點與設防城邑,便被從背後攻克,變得幾乎無用。

南方迦南人此時很可能已因圖特摩斯三世(Thotmes III)的入侵而大為削弱——這位君王顯然在不久之前攻取了迦薩,無疑曾橫掃整個鄰近地區(見 Joshua 13:3 註釋)。約書亞為執行這一審慎制定的計劃所採取的措施,同樣卓越。藉著神特別的幫助,他在一年之中敵人想必以為約但河幾乎是他前進路上不可逾越之障礙的時節渡河(見 Joshua 3:15 註釋);奪取吉甲作為他在那地的立足點;攻取並毀滅耶利哥;攻陷艾城:這些事件使他能將以色列的軍力如楔子一般,直插入那地的最中心,幾乎推進到西海之濱,並直指其最脆弱之處——南面猶大的堅固要塞與北面以法蓮山區之間。約書亞左翼的亞摩利人,因他全軍橫亙其間而與右翼的赫人隔斷,在基遍面前被擊潰。整個南方在北方更大批的軍眾得以集結之前,已至少暫時被降服。北方的軍眾隨後也步了南方同胞的後塵;約書亞在米倫湖畔將他們的大軍擊潰。

在約書亞的這些戰役中,我們不可能看不見戰略才幹的痕跡,其顯著程度不亞於敘事所宣稱之神直接的指示與援助。

  1. 約書亞性格中最突出的特質是勇氣——戰士的勇氣:這在出埃及之時想必已十分顯著(Exo 17:9)。此後,約書亞以經常侍立摩西左右的身分出現(Exodus 24:13;Exodus 32:1;Exodus 33:11);毫無疑問,他是在西乃山上、在聖所的院宇之間,獲得了那種堅定不移的事奉忠誠與對神毫不動搖的信靠,而這正標誌著他日後的生涯。他很自然地被選為摩西所差派、在入侵之前窺探那地的十二位「首領」之一(Numbers 13:2);他與迦勒帶回的大膽而誠實的報告(Numbers 14:7-9),與他在盛怒的會眾面前毫不畏懼的態度(Numbers 14:10)同樣具有他的特色。這些品質表明他是主子民合宜的統帥,要在民面前傾覆他們的仇敵,使他們承受應許的產業。於是,照神明確的命令,他在摩西死前被摩西莊嚴地立於這職分與職責(Numbers 27:16-23;Deuteronomy 31:23)。

約書亞並不是先知(Ecclesiasticus 46:1;參 Numbers 27:21),而是一位受神感召的領袖。當他一生那項重大而獨特的工作完成之後,他便不再像從前那樣獨佔以色列首領的地位。在安排百姓安居各城、並按摩西律法所定的方針確立神權政治時,他與大祭司以利亞撒以及眾支派的首領共同行事(參 Joshua 14:1;Joshua 17:4;Joshua 21:1)。這是很自然的事。軍隊已經完成任務,正在散去或準備散往各自的產業,他們統帥的軍事權柄也就此終結。他生平的最後幾年,大概在亭拿西拉隱居度過;此後他似乎在極高之年再度現身,在示劍的大聚集中會見眾首領與百姓(Joshua 23-24),最後一次運用他的權威——作為那偉大世代倒數第二位的倖存者、以色列最大勝利的英雄——使百姓更堅定、更親密地持守他們對神當盡的效忠。

約書亞性格中這一首要特徵——勇氣——是極其明確而直接地建立在信心之上的(Joshua 1:5-6)。約書亞毫不猶豫、始終到底地順服神的呼召,這是因為他全然信靠伴隨呼召而來的應許。因此,除了軍人的品質之外,他還兼具少見於同一人身上的其他品質。他作為官長的公正,與作為人的溫和相結合(Joshua 7:19);他作為統治者的魄力,與對付傲慢苛求之人時的節制和審慎相結合(Joshua 17:14);他分配勝利成果時的勤勉與公正,與對自身的全然無私相結合(Joshua 19:49-51)。或許最為突出的,是他的謙卑。自始至終,他的英勇與他的勝利都被歸於神這位賜予者。在他最後的講論中,對他自己在這一切成就中的功勞,幾乎隻字不提。

  1. 本書所提供的編年日期甚少:

a. 比較 Joshua 4:19 與 Joshua 5:6,若假定出埃及的年份為主前 1490 年,則入侵迦南的年份為主前 1450 年。

b. Joshua 11:18 籠統地稱約書亞與迦南人的戰事持續了「許多年」。迦勒的話(Joshua 14:7、Joshua 14:10;參 Numbers 13:17)——他過紅海時三十八歲,過約但河時七十八歲——幫助我們為約書亞的諸戰役劃定約(取整數)七年的時期。

c. 約書亞執政的年數,以及本書記載所涵蓋的年數,則遠為不確定。他死時一百一十歲(Joshua 24:29)。若(參 Exodus 33:11)假定他與迦勒年齡相仿,那麼他入侵迦南時約七十八歲,在摩西死後統領以色列前後不下三十二年,退隱亭拿西拉之後又存活約二十五年(參 Joshua 23:1)。然而約瑟夫(Josephus)記載,約書亞在摩西死後執政二十五年,此前則與摩西共事四十年。如此,出埃及時約書亞的年齡當為四十五歲。總體而言,如今所能確定的,大概不出於此:約書亞在摩西死後治理以色列二十五至三十年,而以他名字命名之書所記載的事件,約涵蓋同樣數目的年分。

  1. 現存證據不足以讓我們確切指出本書的作者。他很可能是一位「約書亞在死後還存活的長老」(Joshua 24:31),因為本書似乎出自一位與所記事件同時代、甚至是目擊者之手。本書前半歷史部分的敘事精神,以及隨處可見對細節生動而自然的描繪,都表明作者是親眼看見他所描述之事的人。而本書後半部分豐富的地形資料,其性質與呈現方式,都強烈暗示作者使用了書面的、顯然是當時代的文獻。這些資料有的部分精細而準確(如 Joshua 15),另一些記述則遠不那麼明確和完整。無疑,這些缺陷有些是由於文本紊亂或字句脫漏所致,但另一些主要是由於作者本人的知識就不完全。這位作者對巴勒斯坦最寶貴描述中的這些反常之處,儘管常帶來不便,看來正可歸因於其資料的年代久遠。他的文獻寫成之時,以色列在其承受為業之地上仍是寄居者,在部分地區甚至是外來的入侵者。

有幾處措辭顯示了與事件同時代之作者的手筆,例如 Joshua 5:6-7;Joshua 6:25;Joshua 10:2——這則記述明顯借用了入侵之時迦南境況的用語;又如對迦南古城邑名稱的記錄,這些名稱在以色列人佔據之後雖已廢棄不用(Joshua 14:15;Joshua 15:9、Joshua 15:15、Joshua 15:49、Joshua 15:60)。

本書至少以其現有形式而言,不能歸於約書亞本人。關於他與以利亞撒之死亡的記載,以及書末補充的幾節經文,可能出自他人之手,作為約書亞歷史著作的結尾,正如摩西的著作也曾有類似的增補一樣。但全書上下有若干歷史記述,明確指向約書亞死後的日期(比較 Joshua 15:13-20 與 Judges 1:1-15;Judges 15:63 與 Judges 1:8;Joshua 15:13-19 與 Judges 18)。

基於這些理由,拉比與許多近代學者認為約書亞本人是本書唯一作者的觀點,顯然必須放棄。內證與外證使以下看法較為可信:本書部分根據作者的親身觀察與探詢、部分根據既存的可靠文獻寫成,時間在約書亞死後數年之內,而且其材料可能有一部分正是由約書亞本人提供的。

  1. 約書亞記是一部自身完整的著作,具有機的統一性與獨特的特徵。這表現在以下幾方面:

(1) 作者目的之明確,以及他執行這目的的透徹。他打算敘述對迦南的征服,並將這征服呈現為神信守其聖約的明證。但作者並不限於記述約書亞的功績。主體故事屬於約書亞在世並居領導地位的時期,而 Joshua 13 與 Joshua 15 中對主體故事的這些增補,只能以作者明確而特殊的宗旨來解釋。

(2) 全書顯而易見的連貫與方法脈絡。不僅記載戰事的第一部分(Joshua 1-12)顯然引向描述征服之後疆土分配的第二部分(Joshua 13-24),而且各部分單獨來看,內容都按正確的時間順序編排,每一件事都由前一件事生發而出。

(3) 文體與用語。無論將本書與摩西五經比較,還是與其他較晚的歷史書比較,本書的文體與用語都有鮮明的特色。歷史各章與地形各章在文風、字彙和處理方式上的差異,正是從主題性質各異、以及作者在後半工作中大量依據既有文獻這一顯而易見的事實所能預期的。

人們指稱本書存在的某些出入,並不嚴重損害其統一性與獨立性。例如 Joshua 8 關於攻取艾城的記述中的難題,純粹出於數字,其成因為數字抄誤(見 Joshua 8:3 註釋)的可能性——這種情況絕非罕見——遠大於敘事中存在最終編者未加調和的兩三個不同版本的可能性。

有人說,某些經文稱那地已被約書亞完全征服、迦南人已被徹底滅盡(Joshua 11:16-17、Joshua 11:23;Joshua 12:7-8 等),另一些經文則提到「還有許多未得之地」仍為當地居民所佔(Joshua 13:1;Joshua 17:14 ff;Joshua 23:5 等),兩者之間存在矛盾。這種矛盾可部分解釋為作者對其主題所持的神權視角;這視角使他在事情「就神而言」(ex parte Dei)已經如此、且凡以色列人充分承受應許所需的一切都已完成時(參 Joshua 21:43-45),便視征服為已完成;另一部分則由於以下事實:某些疆域在約書亞初攻時無疑曾被橫掃,其後又被迦南人收復,直到後來——有時是很久之後——才再次並最終從他們手中奪回。約書亞早期的戰役在本質上是突襲,一時壓倒敵人,卻未有效降服全境;這種看法大概頗有道理。

由此觀之,約書亞記雖然以各種既存材料為基礎,有時更直接納入這些材料,卻是一部出自同一原創者之手、整體完成的獨立而完整的著作。它與摩西五經的關係,是一位不同作者之獨立論著的關係,這位作者接續了一個先前作者已完成其首要而重要部分的題目。摩西五經不應主要被視為歷史著作。它是神權政治的法典,只包含那些闡明神與以色列所立聖約之起源與意涵的史實。約書亞記記載這聖約中屬世應許如何成就,並描述以色列定居迦南、在神特別的督理之下,如何為民族未來的發展奠定基礎。如此看來,本書之於摩西五經並非附錄,正如士師記和撒母耳記也非其附錄一樣。

固然,這些著作之間自始至終存在著緊密的聯繫,每卷書開頭所用連接性的虛詞明確表明了這一點(見 Judges 1:1 註釋)。這是因為各卷作者受同一位聖靈感動而寫作,他們在歷代相繼之中的一個共同目的,就是記載神與其民族的作為。因此,他們選錄了一切宣告或闡明以色列屬天呼召的事、神裝備這民在祂世界中履行其功能的途徑、以及神藉以色列起伏變遷的歷史為關乎全人類救恩的未來結局所作的預備。我們發現,有時相當長的時期、對俗世歷史極重要的事件只被粗略帶過,而另一些事件——常屬傳記性質——卻因其在神權上的意義而被以審慎的細節詳加敘述。因此,猶太教會——這些書卷正是由它作為正典傳承給我們——將本書及其後的士師記、撒母耳記、列王紀諸書稱為「前先知書」,是恰當的。這些書出自受感之人之手,並從先知的觀點處理其主題。

約書亞記在新約聖經中屢被引用或提及:參 Acts 7:45;Hebrews 3:5;Hebrews 4:8;Hebrews 11:30-31;James 2:25。

  1. 迦南地是神白白賜給以色列人的禮物——他們之所以取得那地,是因為神吩咐他們如此行——而神也照樣吩咐他們毫不留情地滅絕迦南各族。

於是,在排除一切緩和性解釋之後,那問題便以不減的力度出現:這種對迦南人毫無憐憫的對待,與神性的屬性相合嗎?尤其當這些屬性在新約聖經中向我們顯明之時?

聖經始終將迦南人的毀滅呈現為神因他們的邪惡而降在他們身上的審判。他們不僅完全背棄神而陷入徹底的背道,更陷入了最卑劣的偶像崇拜形式。他們的假宗教不能被視為單純的判斷錯誤;最殘忍的暴行與最污穢的逆性罪行,正是其禮儀慣例的組成部分。再者,他們已證明自己無可救藥。他們不僅像地上其他民族一樣得過洪水的普遍警告,更親眼見過在他們正當中發生的所多瑪、蛾摩拉傾覆的特殊警戒。他們還有世代寄居其間的亞伯拉罕和眾族長的榜樣與教訓。即使在神以奇蹟般的護理領以色列人出埃及、過約但河之後,即使刀劍彷彿已懸在他們頸項之上,顯出悔改與記念神之跡象的,也不過一兩個孤例(參 Joshua 2:1;Joshua 9:24)。神多世紀的寬容歸於徒然(參 Genesis 15:16);在約書亞的日子,憐憫的時期已過,審判的時期已到。人若承認神是全地的道德治理者,就不可能不承認:將這樣的民族除去,對祂而言可能是正當的,甚至是必要的。因此,聖經描述神不僅容許、更吩咐並促成邪惡墮落之迦南各族的滅絕,這一事實與祂的道德屬性並無矛盾。正如巴特勒博士很久以前所指出的(《類比論》第二篇第三章),人對生命或財產本無權利,唯獨出於神的授予才有。這授予一旦撤回,人便不再對二者擁有任何權利。而在我們眼前這件事上,神所定的沒收是罪有應得,因此其執行也是公義的。

神選擇藉以色列人的手施行祂公義的審判,並明確差派他們作祂的執行者。若有人反對說,這是把神描繪成認可殘忍,答案很明顯:指示由人間的執行者去執行合法的判決,並不是認可殘忍(參 Numbers 31:3)。在這件事上順服神的命令,也不會使以色列人變得殘暴嗜血。以色列人在許多場合的表現證明,當神將這類可怕的責任加在他們身上時,他們是畏縮的,只是迫不得已才行出來。

屠殺迦南人除了將他們從地上除去之外,還達成了多項重要目的。使猶太民族盡可能與外界隔離並保持隔離,是舊約時代一項顯著而關鍵的原則。要使神的子民對迦南人的罪——他們對此並非沒有相當的傾向——心生憎惡,再沒有比讓他們親自作神對這些罪施行報應之器皿更有效的手段了。

他們藉著親身經歷學到,神必定會把那些背道離棄祂的人連根拔除。他們也受到警告:若他們陷入迦南人的罪,他們自己就將成為同樣審判的受害者——那審判正是他們曾不情願地執行的(如參 Deuteronomy 28:25)。而這一切安排,是要展現一幅預表——無疑可畏,卻有益——表明在神公義治理的終局中,不悔改且頑梗不化者必有的下場。

Joshua 1:1-9 是這場戰爭歷史的引言,並敏銳地引人注意全書的主導思想——以色列人對迦南的入侵與征服,是奉神的直接命令而進行,並靠祂永不失效的大能而完成。

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Introduction to Joshua

  1. This book like several others of the historical books of Scripture derives its name from its contents. It takes up the history of the chosen people at the death of Moses, and continues it in a systematic and orderly narrative, through the leadership and government of his successor. It records (almost exclusively) the acts of Joshua in fulfillment of the commission laid upon him from God by the hand of Moses (compare Deuteronomy 31:7-8), and terminates with Joshua's death and burial.

The contents group themselves into two divisions of nearly equal length. The conquest of the land is described in twelve chapters, and then in twelve other chapters the subsequent partition of it together with Joshua's last acts and words.

The victories of Joshua described in the former of these portions were accompanied by repeated and stupendous interferences of God. This miraculous element has led some commentators to treat the book as altogether unhistorical. But it must not be forgotten that the miracles of the Book of Joshua do not stand alone. They grow, as it were, naturally out of the divine interpositions on behalf of Israel in the days of Moses, and are but the close of a series of extraordinary providences began in Egypt, and described in Exodus and the books following. No less do they stand intimately associated with the future history and development of the Jewish Church and nation, and even with the wider and more remote issues of God's counsels as manifested, or to be manifested, in the Christian Church to the end of all things. Thus, the conquest of Canaan by Joshua has other and vastly grander significances than its mere dimensions as a fact in history seem at first sight to suggest.

It is not to be regarded simply as the invasion of a little district about as large as three average English counties by a tribe of nomads from the Arabian deserts. It was also the accomplishment by God of a purpose revealed of old; it was an essential element in the plan ordained by Him for the preservation among men of His Law, Will, and Word; it was designed to foreshadow in many important particulars His future dealings with mankind at large. But for the special help of God, the Israelites could not have effected the conquest at all, for they were hardly superior to the Canaanites in numbers, and were destitute of chariots and horses, and of all the more elaborate equipments for war, above all of the appliances requisite for reducing the cities (compare Numbers 13:28; Deuteronomy 1:28; Deuteronomy 9:1) in which Canaan abounded. God's promise was, however, pledged to their forefathers to give them this land; whatever then might be necessary to give effect to this promise it belonged to His faithfulness to accord; and the Book of Joshua consequently is an essential sequel to the Pentateuch as declaring the thorough fulfillment by God of the covenant made by Him through Moses with Israel, and thus as illustrating His inviolable faithfuless.

But important as the theocratical and theological characteristics of the Book of Joshua are, both in themselves and as (so to say) vindicating the miraculous elements of the narrative, we must nevertheless not lose sight of the internal evidences of common and historical fact which it presents.

The invasion of Canaan by Joshua was evidently a carefully and skillfully conducted enterprise. An army marching upon Canaan from the south would find its path intercepted by range after range of heights, each, in the days of Moses and Joshua, bristling with towns and fortresses. The progress of such an army could be but slow, and at every step would be met by better organized resistance from an increasing number of enemies. When Israel, after 40 years' expiation of the revolt at Kadesh, again arose at the command of God to resume the long deferred enterprise on Canaan, the host was conducted round the whole southeast corner of the land and directed upon its comparatively defenseless eastern flank above the Dead Sea. The whole of the strong military positions and fenced cities in the "south country" and the "hill country" of what was subsequently the territory of Judah were thus taken in reverse and rendered comparatively useless.

It is probable, too, that the southern Canaanites in particular were at this time greatly weakened by the invasions of Thotmes III, who had taken Gaza, apparently not many years previously, and no doubt had overrun the whole adjoining district (see the note at Joshua 13:3). No less able were the measures adopted by Joshua to execute the plan thus judiciously laid down. The passage of the Jordan, by the special help of God, at a time of year when his enemies no doubt deemed the river to be an almost insurmountable obstacle to his advance (see the note at Joshua 3:15): the seizing Gilgal, to serve as his foothold in the land: the capture and destruction of Jericho: the fall of Ai: these events enabled him to throw the forces of Israel like a wedge through the very midst of the land almost to the western sea, and in its most vulnerable part, between the fastnesses of Judah on the south and the mountain district of Ephraim on the north. The Amorites on Joshua's left, cut off from the Hittites on his right by his whole army interposing between the two, were overpowered before Gibeon. The whole south was reduced into at least temporary subjection before the larger multitudes of the north could be mustered. These in their turn shared the fate of their brethren in the south; Joshua broke their vast host to pieces on the shores of Lake Merom.

In these campaigns of Joshua it is impossible not to see the traces of strategical skill no less conspicuously than that presence of immediate and divine suggestion and succor which the narrative asserts.

  1. The leading trait in the character of Joshua is courage - the courage of the warrior: this must have been already remarkable at the time of the Exodus Exo 17:9. Subsequently, Joshua appears as in constant attendance on Moses Exodus 24:13; Exodus 32:1; Exodus 33:11; he without doubt acquired on Sinai, and in the precincts of the sanctuary, that unswerving faithfulness of service and unshaken confidence in God which marked his after career. He was naturally selected as one of the twelve "rulers" sent by Moses Numbers 13:2 to explore the land before the invasion of it was undertaken; and the bold and truthful report brought back by him and Caleb Numbers 14:7-9, was no less characteristic than was his undaunted bearing before the incensed people Numbers 14:10. These qualities pointed him out as the fitting captain over the Lord's people, who should overthrow their enemies before them and put them in possession of the promised inheritance. Accordingly, at the express command of God, he was solemnly appointed to that office and duty by Moses before his death Numbers 27:16-23; Deuteronomy 31:23.

Joshua was not a prophet (Ecclesiasticus 46:1; compare Numbers 27:21), but a divinely-inspired leader. After the great and peculiar work of his life was accomplished, he no longer held the same exclusive place at the head of Israel as before. In making the arrangements for settling the people in their homes, and establishing the theocracy on the lines laid down in the law of Moses, he acted in conjunction with Eleazar, the high priest: and with the heads of the tribes (compare Joshua 14:1; Joshua 17:4; Joshua 21:1). This was but natural. The armies had done their work and were dispersed, or were ready to disperse, to their several inheritances; and the military authority of their general was consequently at an end. The latter years of his life were probably passed in retirement at Timnath-serah, whence, he would seem to have emerged in extreme old age to meet the princes and the people in the great gathering at Shechem Joshua 23-24, and to employ once more and finally his authority as the last survivor but one of a mighty generation, and as the hero of Israel's greatest triumphs, in order to engage his people more firmly and closely in their rightful allegiance to God.

The courage which was the leading feature in the character of Joshua was very distinctly and directly built upon faith Joshua 1:5-6. Joshua obeyed God's call unhesitatingly and to the end, but it was because he trusted wholly in the promise which accompanied it. Hence, along with his soldierly qualities, were found others seldom present in the same man. He combined justice as a magistrate with gentleness as a man Joshua 7:19; spirit as a ruler, with temper and discretion in dealing with the arrogant and exacting Joshua 17:14; diligence and equity in disposing of the fruits of victory with a complete unselfishness as regarded himself Joshua 19:49-51. Perhaps conspicuous above all was his humility. From first to last his valor and his victories are referred to God as their giver. Of his own personal work in the achievements of his life there is in his last addresses scarcely one word.

  1. The chronological dates presented in this book are few:

a. Comparing Joshua 4:19 and Joshua 5:6, if the date of the Exodus be assumed to be 1490 B.C., that of the invasion of Canaan will be 1450 B.C.

b. The duration of Joshua's wars with the Canaanites is spoken of loosely in Joshua 11:18 as "a long time." The words of Caleb (Joshua 14:7, Joshua 14:10 : compare Numbers 13:17) - who was thirty-eight years old when he passed through the Red Sea, and seventy-eight when he passed through Jordan - help us to assign a period of seven years (in round numbers) for the campaigns of Joshua.

c. The duration of Joshua's rule, and consequently the number of years covered by the record of this book, is far more uncertain. He died when he was 110 Joshua 24:29. If (compare Exodus 33:11) we suppose him to have been about the same age as Caleb, he will have been about 78 years old when he invaded Canaan, and have been at the head of Israel not much less than thirty-two years altogether after the death of Moses, surviving about twenty-five years after his retirement to Timnath-serah (compare Joshua 23:1). Josephus, however, states that Joshua's rule after the death of Moses lasted for twenty-five years, and that he had previously been forty years associated with him. This would fix Joshua's age at the time of the Exodus at forty-five. On the whole, nothing more precise seems attainable now than this: that Joshua governed Israel from twenty-five to thirty years after the death of Moses, and that about the like number of years contains the events recorded in the book which bears his name.

  1. No sufficient evidence exists to enable us with certainty to name the author. That he was one of "the elders that overlived Joshua" Joshua 24:31 is probable, for the book appears to have been written by one coeval with the events recorded, and, indeed, an eye-witness of them. The spirit of the narrative in the former or historical portion of the book, and the graphic yet spontaneous rendering of details, which it everywhere presents, bespeak one who saw what he describes. And the topographical information which abounds in the latter portion of the book is of such a nature, and is presented in such a form, as strongly to suggest the use of written, and apparently contemporary documents. Some parts of this information are minute and accurate (e. g. Joshua 15), other statements are far less definite and complete. No doubt some of these imperfections are due to disorder in the text, or to clauses having dropped out of it, but others are mainly due to the fact that the writer's knowledge was itself imperfect. These very anomalies of the writer's most valuable description of Palestine, inconvenient as they often are, seem thus to be attributable to the early date of his information. His documents were written while Israel was still a stranger in the land of his inheritance, and in parts of it still a foreign invader.

The hand of a writer contemporaneous with the events is indicated in several expressions, e. g. in Joshua 5:6-7; Joshua 6:25; Joshua 10:2, a notice which plainly borrows its terms from the state of things in Canaan at the time of the invasion; and in the record of ancient Canaanite names of cities, though disused after the Israelites occupied them, Joshua 14:15; Joshua 15:9, Joshua 15:15, Joshua 15:49, Joshua 15:60.

The book cannot, in its present form at least, be ascribed to Joshua himself. The account of his death and that of Eleazar, with the few supplementary verses at the end of the book, might have been attached by another hand, as a conclusion to the historical work of Joshua, just as a like addition was made to the work of Moses. But there are up and down the book a number of historical notices, which point to a date clearly beyond the death of Joshua (compare Joshua 15:13-20 and Judges 1:1-15; Judges 15:63, and Judges 1:8; Judges 15:13-19 and Judges 18).

For these reasons the opinion of the rabbis and many moderns which names Joshua as himself the sole writer of this book, must apparently be abandoned. The evidence internal and external renders it likely that the book was composed partly from personal observation and inquiry, partly out of pre-existing and authentic documents, within a few years after the death of Joshua, and probably from materials furnished in part by Joshua himself.

  1. The book of Joshua is a work complete in itself, with an organic unity and peculiar characteristics. This appears:

(1) From the definiteness of the writer's purpose, and the thoroughness with which he executes it. He proposes to narrate the conquest of Canaan, and to present that conquest as a proof of God's fidelity to his covenant. But the writer does not limit himself to the achievements of Joshua. Such additions to the main body of his story, which belongs to the lifetime and leadership of Joshua, as are contained in Joshua 13 and Joshua 15 are to be explained only by a reference to the writer's distinct and special aim.

(2) from the tokens of connection and method apparent throughout. Not only does the first part, which records the wars Joshua 1-12, evidently lead up to the second part Joshua 13-24, which describes the partition of the territory when subdued, but the contents of each part taken singly are given in proper and chronological order, each transaction growing out of the one preceding.

(3) from the style and phraseology. These are marked by distinctive features, whether the book be compared with the Pentateuch or with the other and later historical books. The difference of style, words, and treatment in the historical chapters, as contrasted with the topographical chapters is only what might be expected from the diverse nature of the subjects, and from the self-evident fact that in much of the latter part of his task the author was working from pre-existing documents.

Certain discrepancies alleged to exist in the book do not seriously impair its unity and independence. The difficulties, e. g. in the account of the capture of Ai Joshua 8 arise solely out of the numbers, and are far more probably due to a mistake in the numerals (see the note at Joshua 8:3), which is by no means of infrequent occurrence, than to the presence in the narrative of two or three different versions of the events which the final editor omitted to harmonize.

The contradiction said to exist between some passages which speak of the land as completely subdued by Joshua, and of the Canaanites as utterly extirpated (Joshua 11:16-17, Joshua 11:23; Joshua 12:7-8 etc.), and others which allude to "very much land," as still in possession of the native inhabitants (Joshua 13:1; Joshua 17:14 ff; Joshua 23:5, etc.), is to be explained partly by the theocratic view which the writer takes of his theme; a view which leads him to regard the conquest as complete when it was so "ex parte Dei," and when all was done that was needed to enable the Israelites to realize fully the promises (compare Joshua 21:43-45); partly also by the fact that territory was undoubtedly overrun by Joshua at the first onset, which was afterward recovered by the Canaanites, and only again and finally wrested from them at a subsequent, sometimes a long subsequent, date. That the early campaigns of Joshua were in the nature of sudden raids, overpowering for the moment, but not effectually subduing the country, has probably much truth in it.

Thus then, the Book of Joshua, though based upon pre-existing materials of various kinds, and sometimes incorporating them, appears to be a separate and complete work produced as a whole from one original hand. Its relation to the Pentateuch is that of an independent treatise by a distinct author, who resumes a theme of which the first great and important portion had been finished by a predecessor. The Pentateuch is not to be looked upon as principally a historical work. It is the statute book of the theocracy, and contains only such historical matter as illustrates the origin and import of God's covenant with Israel. Joshua records how the temporal promises of that covenant were accomplished; and describes how the basis was laid for the future development of the nation, under the special superintendence of God, by its settlement in Canaan. Thus, regarded, this book is no more an appendage to the Pentateuch than the books of Judges and Samuel are an appendage to it.

There is, assuredly, an intimate connection among these writings throughout, a connection which is expressly indicated by the connective conjunctions used in the beginning of each book (see the note at Judges 1:1). This is due to the fact that the several authors were moved to write by one and the same Spirit, and that their one purpose in successive ages was to record the dealings of God with their nation. Hence, they have selected whatever declares or illustrates the divine call of Israel; God's methods in educating that people for its functions in His world; the preparations made through the chequered history of Israel for future issues bearing on the salvation of all mankind. We find at one time periods of considerable length, and events of great importance to secular history cursorily alluded to, while other occurrences, often of a biographical character, are dwelt upon with anxious minuteness, because of their theocratic bearings. Accordingly, the name "Earlier prophets," given to this and the following books of Judges, Samuel, and Kings by the Jewish Church which has handed them down to us as canonical, is appropriate. They were written by inspired men, and treat their subject from the prophetical point of view.

The Book of Joshua is repeatedly cited or referred to in the New Testament: compare Acts 7:45; Hebrews 3:5; Hebrews 4:8; Hebrews 11:30-31; James 2:25.

  1. The land of Canaan was given as a free gift by God to the Israelites - they took possession of it because He bade them do so - and He no less bade them annihilate the Canaanite nations without mercy?

The question then occurs in unbroken force, all palliative explanations being disallowed: Is this merciless treatment of the Canaanites consistent with the attributes of the Deity, especially as those attributes are illustrated for us in the New Testament?

The destruction of the Canaanites is always presented in Scripture as a judgment of God sent on them because of their wickedness. They had not only fallen into total apostasy from God, but into forms of idolatry of the most degrading kind. Their false religion cannot be regarded as a mere error of judgment; cruelty the most atrocious, and unnatural crimes the most defiling were part and parcel of its observances. Moreover, they had proved themselves to be incorrigible. They had had not only the general warning of the deluge, as had other nations of the earth, but the special one of the overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah in the very midst of them. They had had also the example and instruction of Abraham and the patriarchs living for ages among them. Even after the miraculous providence of God had brought the Israelites out of Egypt and across the Jordan, and even when the sword was as it were hanging over their necks, it was but in one or two isolated cases that signs of repentance and recollection of God were manifested (compare Joshua 2:1; Joshua 9:24). God had forborne for ages in vain (compare Genesis 15:16); in the days of Joshua the time for mercy had passed, and that of judgment had come. It is impossible to acknowledge God as the moral Governor of the earth, and not to admit that it may be right or even necessary for Him to remove such nations. The fact, therefore, that God is described as having not only permitted, but even enjoined and caused the extirpation of the Canaanite nations, depraved as they were, is not inconsistent with His moral attributes. People, as was long ago pointed out by Dr. Butler ('Anal.' ii. 3), have no right to either life or property, but what arises solely from the grant of God. When this grant is revoked they cease to have any right at all in either. And in the case before us the forfeiture decreed by God was merited, and the execution of it was therefore righteous.

God chose to inflict His righteous judgment by the hands of the Israelites, and expressly commissioned them to be His executioners. If it be objected that this is to represent God as sanctioning cruelty, the answer is obvious: it is no sanction of cruelty to direct a lawful sentence to be carried out by human agents (compare Numbers 31:3). Nor would obedience to God's command in this matter make the Israelites brutal and bloodthirsty. The behavior of the Israelites, on many occasions, proves that they shrank from a terrible duty of this sort when laid on them by God, and did it only so far as they were compelled to do it. .

The slaughter of the Canaanites served various important purposes besides the mere removal of them from the face of the earth. To make and keep the Jewish people as much as possible isolated, was a marked and vital principle of the Old Testament dispensation. No more effectual means could have been adopted for inspiring God's people with an abhorrence for Canaanite sins, to which they were not a little prone, than to make them the ministers of divine vengeance for those sins.

They learned by experiment that God would certainly root out those who fell away in apostasy from Him. They were warned also that if they fell into the sins of the Canaanites they would themselves be the victims of those same judgments of which they had been the reluctant executioners (compare e. g. Deuteronomy 28:25). And the whole was so ordered as to exhibit a type, fearful no doubt yet salutary, of what must be the fate of the impenitent and obdurate in the upshot of God's righteous government.

Joshua 1:1-9 serves as an introduction to the history of the war, and pointedly call attention to the leading thought of the whole book - that the invasion and subjugation of Canaan were undertaken by the Israelites at God's direct command and completed in His never-failing strength.

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Joshua 1:1

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此後……——希伯來文作「and(於是),……」。因此,接下來的陳述與前文某一陳述相連,而前文被假定為讀者已知的。士師記、路得記、撒母耳記上等書,也以同樣的方式與其前的各卷相連。這裡的連接更為緊密,因為申命記以摩西之死結束,而約書亞記則以摩西之死開始。

耶和華的僕人摩西——關於此稱號,見旁註「b」。

摩西的幫手——本節的預表性應用實在無法全然略過。摩西代表律法,已經死了;約書亞——這名字以希臘文寫出來就是「耶穌」——如今受神吩咐去行摩西所不能行的,即領百姓進入應許之地。約書亞是「摩西的幫手」,正如基督是「生在律法以下」;然而成就律法所應許之諸般福分的,是約書亞,不是摩西。關於約書亞這名字,見 Exodus 17:9 註釋及 Numbers 13:16。

吩咐說——無疑是直接的,藉即時的啟示而說,但不如神對摩西說話那樣「面對面」(Numbers 12:8)。雖然在約書亞被立為摩西繼任者之時(Numbers 27:18 ff),曾指示要藉著以利亞撒、「憑烏陵的判斷」為他「求問」;但這顯然是為應對疑難境況而設的辦法。此處並無這樣的境況;這位受立的領袖既深知神的目的,只需被激勵去立即執行;百姓也可能需要重新頒布之神聖命令的鼓舞,好即刻踏上擺在他們面前的偉大事業(參 Joshua 1:13)。

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Now ... - Hebrew: "and, ..." The statement following is thus connected with some previous one, which is assumed to be known to the reader. So Judges, Ruth, 1 Samuel, etc., are by the same means linked on to the books preceding them. The connection here is the closer, since the Book of Deuteronomy concludes, and the book of Joshua opens, by referring to the death of Moses.

Moses, the servant of the Lord - On the epithet, see the marginal reference "b."

Moses' minister - It is impossible altogether to pass by the typical application of this verse. Moses, representing the law, is dead; Joshua, or, as that name is written in Greek, Jesus, is now bidden by God to do what Moses could not - lead the people into the promised land. Joshua was "Moses' minister," just as Christ was "made under the Law;" but it was Joshua, not Moses, who worked out the accomplishment of the blessings which the Law promised. On the name Joshua, see Exodus 17:9 note, and Numbers 13:16.

Saying - No doubt directly, by an immediate revelation, but not as God spake to Moses, "mouth to mouth" Numbers 12:8. Though upon Joshua's appointment to be Moses' successor (Numbers 27:18 ff), it had been directed that "counsel should be asked" for him through the medium of Eleazar "after the judgment of Urim," yet this was evidently a resource provided to meet cases of doubt and difficulty. Here there was no such case; but the appointed leader, knowing well the purpose of God, needed to be stirred up to instant execution of it; and the people too might require the encouragement of a renewed divine command to set out at once upon the great enterprise before them (compare Joshua 1:13).

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Joshua 1:4

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利巴嫩被稱為「這利巴嫩」,因為它從以色列安營的一帶可以望見。(參 Deuteronomy 3:8-9。)經文中的「曠野」即阿拉伯曠野,它構成應許之地的南界,正如利巴嫩構成北界一樣。東、西兩面的界線也同樣指明;其間的疆土則概括地描述為「赫人全地」。赫人嚴格說來是北迦南與腓尼基的居民(見 Exodus 3:8 註釋),但這名字在此似乎用作迦南人的通稱,如 1 Kings 10:29 一樣。關於應許之地的疆界,參 Deuteronomy 11:24;Genesis 15:18。

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Lebanon is spoken of as "this Lebanon," because visible from the neighborhood in which Israel was encamped. (Compare Deuteronomy 3:8-9.) "The wilderness" of the text is the Desert of Arabia, which forms the southern, as Lebanon does the northern, limit of the promised land. The boundaries on the east and west are likewise indicated; and the intervening territory is described generally as "all the land of the Hittites." The Hittites are properly the inhabitants of northern Canaan and Phoenicia (see Exodus 3:8 note), but the name appears to be used here for the Canaanites in general, as in 1 Kings 10:29. On the boundaries of the promised land compare Deuteronomy 11:24; Genesis 15:18.

7

Joshua 1:7

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亨通——見旁註。這裡應保留字面的譯法,因為「亨通」的概念在 Joshua 1:8 已由另一個字分別引入。

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Prosper - See the margin. The literal rendering should be retained here since the notion of prosperity is separately introduced by a different word in Joshua 1:8.

10

Joshua 1:10

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官長——即「書記」。(見 Exodus 5:6 的註釋,以及 Deuteronomy 16:18。)

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Officers - The "scribes." (See the Exodus 5:6 note, and Deuteronomy 16:18.)

11

Joshua 1:11

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要預備食物——這命令大概是在知道大軍過約但河後嗎哪就會停止(Exodus 16:35)的情況下頒下的,也可能因為在各樣預備的忙亂之中,未必有機會收取足量的嗎哪。而且,嗎哪似乎也從未成為百姓全部且惟一的食物。(比較 Numbers 20:1 的註釋。)

大多數註釋家——無論猶太教或基督教、古代或現代——都認為這裡所說的「三天」與 Joshua 3:2 的三天相同,而正文中約書亞的命令,實際上是在探子回來之後才下達的。這裡正如希伯來史書其他地方、以及福音書中屢見的情形一樣,時間的順序讓位於思想的順序。因為作者的目的不單在於記史;相反,主要是在宗教和神學方面。他既要表明神成就了祂對立約之民的應許,就先告訴我們:神賜下話語,並實際發動約書亞與大軍去取得他們的產業。他把這個首要事實放在最前面之後,才回到 Joshua 2,補述與約書亞初期征服密切相關的幾件事;但這些事其實發生在營離開摩押平原之前,也就是為摩西哀哭三十日期滿之後不久(Deuteronomy 34:8)。事件的先後大概是這樣:尼散月三日,探子被打發出去(Joshua 2:1);六日,探子回來(Joshua 2:23);七日,營從什亭移到約但河邊(Joshua 3:1),並頒下 Joshua 1:11 的命令;十日,過河(Joshua 4:19)。

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Prepare you victuals - The order was probably given with the knowledge that the manna would cease when the host crossed the Jordan Exodus 16:35, and possibly because amidst their preparations there might not be opportunity to gather it in sufficient quantity. Nor does it appear that manna ever formed the whole and sole sustenance of the people. (Compare Numbers 20:1 note.)

It is the view of the majority of commentators - Jewish and Christian, ancient and modern - that the "three days" here named are identical with those of Joshua 3:2; and that the command of Joshua in the text was not in fact given until after the return of the spies. Here, as elsewhere in the Hebrew historical books and frequently in the Gospels, the order of time is superseded by the order of thought. For the purpose if the writer was not historical merely; it was, on the contrary, mainly religious and theoretical. Intending, then, to exhibit God as accomplishing His promises to the covenant-people, he begins by informing us that God gave the word and set Joshua and the host actually in motion to take possession of their inheritance. Having placed this leading fact in the forefront, he returns to mention in Joshua 2 certain transactions closely relevant to the early stages of Joshua's conquests, but which had in fact happened before the camp was removed from the plains of Moab and immediately after the expiration of the thirty days' mourning for Moses. Deuteronomy 34:8. The order of events was probably the following - 3rd Nisan, the spies are sent out Joshua 2:1; 6th, the spies return Joshua 2:23; 7th, the camp is removed from Shittim to the bank of Jordan Joshua 3:1, and the command Joshua 1:11 is issued; 10th, the river is crossed Joshua 4:19.

14

Joshua 1:14

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武裝——更恰當的譯法是「列陣」(見 Exodus 13:18 的註釋)。

約但河這邊——比較 Deuteronomy 1:1 的註釋。

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Armed - Rather, "arrayed" (see Exodus 13:18 note).

On this side Jordan - Compare Deuteronomy 1:1, note.