Chú giải chương
Jeremiah Chương 1
서론
Introduction
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INTRODUCTION
JEREMIAH, son of Hilkiah, one of the ordinary priests, dwelling in Anathoth of Benjamin
(Jer 1:1),
not the Hilkiah the high priest who discovered the book of the law
(2Ki 22:8);
had he been the same, the designation would have been "the priest", or "the high priest". Besides, his residence at Anathoth shows that he belonged to the line of Abiathar, who was deposed from the high priesthood by Solomon
(1Ki 2:26-35),
after which the office remained in Zadok's line. Mention occurs of Jeremiah in
2Ch 35:25; 36:12, 21.
In 629 B.C. the thirteenth year of King Josiah, while still very young
(Jer 1:5),
he received his prophetical call in Anathoth
(Jer 1:2);
and along with Hilkiah the high priest, the prophetess Huldah, and the prophet Zephaniah, he helped forward Josiah's reformation of religion
(2Ki 23:1-25).
Among the first charges to him was one that he should go and proclaim God's message in Jerusalem
(Jer 2:2).
He also took an official tour to announce to the cities of Judah the contents of the book of the law, found in the temple
(Jer 11:6)
five years after his call to prophesy. On his return to Anathoth, his countrymen, offended at his reproofs, conspired against his life. To escape their persecutions
(Jer 11:21),
as well as those of his own family
(Jer 12:6),
he left Anathoth and resided at Jerusalem. During the eighteen years of his ministry in Josiah's reign he was unmolested; also during the three months of Jehoahaz or Shallum's reign
(Jer 22:10-12).
On Jehoiakim's accession it became evident that Josiah's reformation effected nothing more than a forcible repression of idolatry and the establishment of the worship of God outwardly. The priests, prophets, and people then brought Jeremiah before the authorities, urging that he should be put to death for his denunciations of evil against the city
(Jer 26:8-11).
The princes, however, especially Ahikam, interposed in his behalf
(Jer 26:16, 24),
but he was put under restraint, or at least deemed it prudent not to appear in public. In the fourth year of Jehoiakim (606 B.C.), he was commanded to write the predictions given orally through him, and to read them to the people. Being "shut up", he could not himself go into the house of the Lord
(Jer 36:5);
he therefore deputed Baruch, his amanuensis, to read them in public on the fast day. The princes thereupon advised Baruch and Jeremiah to hide themselves from the king's displeasure. Meanwhile they read the roll to the king, who was so enraged that he cut it with a knife and threw it into the fire; at the same time giving orders for the apprehension of the prophet and Baruch. They escaped Jehoiakim's violence, which had already killed the prophet Urijah
(Jer 26:20-23).
Baruch rewrote the words, with additional prophecies, on another roll
(Jer 36:27-32).
In the three months' reign of Jehoiachin or Jeconiah, he prophesied the carrying away of the king and the queen mother
(Jer 13:18; 22:24-30;
compare
2Ki 24:12).
In this reign he was imprisoned for a short time by Pashur
(Jer 20:1-18),
the chief governor of the Lord's house; but at Zedekiah's accession he was free
(Jer 37:4),
for the king sent to him to "inquire of the Lord" when Nebuchadnezzar came up against Jerusalem
(Jer 21:1-3, &c.; Jer 37:3).
The Chaldeans drew off on hearing of the approach of Pharaoh's army
(Jer 37:5);
but Jeremiah warned the king that the Egyptians would forsake him, and the Chaldeans return and burn up the city
(Jer 37:7, 8).
The princes, irritated at this, made the departure of Jeremiah from the city during the respite a pretext for imprisoning him, on the allegation of his deserting to the Chaldeans
(Jer 38:1-5).
He would have been left to perish in the dungeon of Malchiah, but for the intercession of Ebed-melech, the Ethiopian
(Jer 38:6-13).
Zedekiah, though he consulted Jeremiah in secret yet was induced by his princes to leave Jeremiah in prison
(Jer 38:14-28)
until Jerusalem was taken. Nebuchadnezzar directed his captain, Nebuzar-adan, to give him his freedom, so that he might either go to Babylon or stay with the remnant of his people as he chose. As a true patriot, notwithstanding the forty and a half years during which his country had repaid his services with neglect and persecution, he stayed with Gedaliah, the ruler appointed by Nebuchadnezzar over Judea
(Jer 40:6).
After the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael, Johanan, the recognized ruler of the people, in fear of the Chaldeans avenging the murder of Gedaliah, fled with the people to Egypt, and forced Jeremiah and Baruch to accompany him, in spite of the prophet's warning that the people should perish if they went to Egypt, but be preserved by remaining in their land
(Jer 41:1-43:13).
At Tahpanhes, a boundary city on the Tanitic or Pelustan branch of the Nile, he prophesied the overthrow of Egypt
(Jer 43:8-13).
Tradition says he died in Egypt. According to the PSEUDO-EPIPHANIUS, he was stoned at Taphnæ or Tahpanhes. The Jews so venerated him that they believed he would rise from the dead and be the forerunner of Messiah
(Mt 16:14).
HAVERNICK observes that the combination of features in Jeremiah's character proves his divine mission; mild, timid, and susceptible of melancholy, yet intrepid in the discharge of his prophetic functions, not sparing the prince any more than the meanest of his subjects--the Spirit of prophecy controlling his natural temper and qualifying him for his hazardous undertaking, without doing violence to his individuality. Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Daniel, and Ezekiel were his contemporaries. The last forms a good contrast to Jeremiah, the Spirit in his case acting on a temperament as strongly marked by firmness as Jeremiah's was by shrinking and delicate sensitiveness. Ezekiel views the nation's sins as opposed to righteousness--Jeremiah, as productive of misery; the former takes the objective, the latter the subjective, view of the evils of the times. Jeremiah's style corresponds to his character: he is peculiarly marked by pathos, and sympathy with the wretched; his Lamentations illustrate this; the whole series of elegies has but one object--to express sorrow for his fallen country; yet the lights and images in which he presents this are so many, that the reader, so far from feeling it monotonous, is charmed with the variety of the plaintive strains throughout. The language is marked by Aramæisms, which probably was the ground of JEROME'S charge that the style is "rustic". LOWTH denies the charge and considers him in portions not inferior to Isaiah. His heaping of phrase on phrase, the repetition of stereotyped forms--and these often three times--are due to his affected feelings and to his desire to intensify the expression of them; he is at times more concise, energetic, and sublime, especially against foreign nations, and in the rhythmical parts.
The principle of the arrangement of his prophecies is hard to ascertain. The order of kings was--Josiah (under whom he prophesied eighteen years), Jehoahaz (three months), Jehoiakim (eleven years), Jeconiah (three months), Zedekiah (eleven years). But his prophecies under Josiah (the first through twentieth chapters) are immediately followed by a portion under Zedekiah (the twenty-first chapter). Again,
Jer 24:8-10,
as to Zedekiah, comes in the midst of the section as to Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, and Jeconiah (the twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fifth chapters, &c.) So the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth chapters as to Jehoiakim, follow the twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, thirty-third, thirty-fourth chapters, as to Zedekiah; and the forty-fifth chapter, dated the fourth year of Jehoiakim, comes after predictions as to the Jews who fled to Egypt after the overthrow of Jerusalem. EWALD thinks the present arrangement substantially Jeremiah's own; the various portions are prefaced by the same formula, "The word which came to Jeremiah from the Lord"
(Jer 7:1; 11:1; 18:1; 21:1; 25:1; 30:1; 32:1; 34:1, 8; 35:1; 40:1; 44:1;
compare
Jer 14:1; 46:1; 47:1; 49:34).
Notes of time mark other divisions more or less historical
(Jer 26:1; 27:1; 36:1; 37:1).
Two other portions are distinct of themselves
(Jer 29:1; 45:1).
The second chapter has the shorter introduction which marks the beginning of a strophe; the third chapter seems imperfect, having as the introduction merely "saying"
(Jer 3:1,
Hebrew). Thus in the poetical parts, there are twenty-three sections divided into strophes of from seven to nine verses, marked some way thus, "The Lord said also unto me". They form five books: I. The Introduction, first chapter II. Reproofs of the Jews, the second through twenty-fourth chapters, made up of seven sections: (1) the second chapter (2) the third through sixth chapters; (3) the seventh through tenth chapters; (4) the eleventh through thirteenth chapters; (5) the fourteenth through seventeenth chapters; (6) the seventeenth through nineteenth and twentieth chapters; (7) the twenty-first through twenty-fourth chapters. III. Review of all nations in two sections: the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth through forty-ninth chapters, with a historical appendix of three sections, (1) the twenty-sixth chapter; (2) the twenty-seventh chapter; (3) the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth chapters. IV. Two sections picturing the hopes of brighter times, (1) the thirtieth and thirty-first chapters; (2) the thirty-second and thirty-third chapters; and an historical appendix in three sections: (1)
Jer 34:1-7;
(2)
Jer 34:8-22;
(3)
Jer 35:1-19.
V. The conclusion, in two sections: (1)
Jer 36:2;
(2)
Jer 45:1-5.
Subsequently, in Egypt, he added
Jer 46:13-26
to the previous prophecy as to Egypt; also the three sections, the thirty-seventh through thirty-ninth chapters; fortieth through forty-third chapters; and forty-fourth chapter. The fifty-second chapter was probably (see
Jer 51:64)
an appendix from a later hand, taken from
2Ki 24:18, &c.; 2Ki 25:30.
The prophecies against the several foreign nations stand in a different order in the Hebrew from that of the Septuagint; also the prophecies against them in the Hebrew (the forty-sixth through fifty-first chapters) are in the Septuagint placed after
Jer 25:14,
forming the twenty-sixth and thirty-first chapters; the remainder of the twenty-fifth chapter of the Hebrew is the thirty-second chapter of the Septuagint. Some passages in the Hebrew
(Jer 27:19-22; 33:14-26; 39:4-14
Jer 48:45-47)
are not found in the Septuagint; the Greek translators must have had a different recension before them; probably an earlier one. The Hebrew is probably the latest and fullest edition from Jeremiah's own hand. See on
Jer 25:13.
The canonicity of his prophecies is established by quotations of them in the New Testament (see
Mt 2:17; 16:14; Heb 8:8-12;
on
Mt 27:9,
see on
Introduction to Zechariah);
also by the testimony of
Ecclesiasticus 49:7,
which quotes
Jer 1:10;
of PHILO, who quotes his word as an "oracle"; and of the list of canonical books in MELITO, ORIGEN, JEROME, and the Talmud.
1
Jer 1:1-19.
耶 1:1-19。
总标题或引言
耶 1:1-3,
大概是耶利米收集自己的预言、交给同胞带往巴比伦时所加的[米迦利斯(MICHAELIS)]。
1. 亚拿突——便雅悯的一座城,距耶路撒冷以北二十斯他丢,即二三英里;即今之亚拿他(试将
赛 10:30,
与上下文
赛 10:28-32
相比较)。
是分给便雅悯哥辖人的四座城之一
(书 21:18)。
试将
王上 2:26, 27
相比较;
此后住在那里的整个祭司家族便蒙了羞辱;这里的"亚拿突的祭司"一语,可能正是暗指此事。神拣选"软弱的、卑贱的、被人藐视的事……为要废掉那有的"。
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Jer 1:1-19.
THE GENERAL TITLE OR INTRODUCTION
Jer 1:1-3,
probably prefixed by Jeremiah, when he collected his prophecies and gave them to his countrymen to take with them to Babylon [MICHAELIS].
1. Anathoth--a town in Benjamin, twenty stadia, that is, two or three miles north of Jerusalem; now Anata (compare
Isa 10:30,
and the context,
Isa 10:28-32).
One of the four cities allotted to the Kohathites in Benjamin
(Jos 21:18).
Compare
1Ki 2:26, 27;
a stigma was cast thenceforth on the whole sacerdotal family resident there; this may be alluded to in the words here, "the priests . . . in Anathoth." God chooses "the weak, base, and despised things . . . to confound the mighty."
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2, 3. 约雅敬……约西亚……西底家——约哈斯和耶哥尼雅被省略,因为他们各只作王三个月。每位先知说预言时的首末两位王常如此在总标题中列出。关于这些王以及耶利米的生平,参见我的
引言。
十三……他作王的年——
(耶 25:3)。
五月——
(王下 25:8)。
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2, 3. Jehoiakim . . . Josiah . . . Zedekiah--Jehoahaz and Jehoiachin are omitted for they reigned only three months each. The first and last of the kings under whom each prophet prophesied are often thus specified in the general title. See on these kings, and Jeremiah's life, my
Introduction.
thirteenth . . . of his reign--
(Jer 25:3).
fifth month--
(2Ki 25:8).
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4-10. 耶利米奉召作先知。
对我——其他抄本作"对他";但英文译本可能反映了真实的希伯来文文本;这题记无疑为耶利米本人所写。
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4-10. Jeremiah's call to the prophetical office.
unto me--other manuscripts read "to him"; but English Version probably represents the true Hebrew text; this inscription was doubtless made by Jeremiah himself.
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5. 晓得——悦纳你为我所拣选的器皿
(Ex 33:12, 17;
比较
Isa 49:1, 5; Ro 8:29)。
分别为圣——更当译作"分别出来"。首要意思是"从凡用分别出来"归为专用;由此引申出第二义,即礼仪上和道德上的"成圣"。这里并非说耶和华洗净了耶利米的原罪,或借圣灵使他重生;而是把他分别出来,归于他特殊的先知职分,其范围不仅包括希伯来人,也包括与之为敌的列国
(Jer 25:12-38; 27:1-21; 46:1-51:64),
[HENDERSON]。这里的成圣所指的不是效果,而是耶和华隐密旨意中的预定(比较
Lu 1:15, 41; Ac 15:18; Ga 1:15; Eph 1:11)。
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5. knew--approved of thee as My chosen instrument
(Ex 33:12, 17;
compare
Isa 49:1, 5; Ro 8:29).
sanctified--rather, "separated." The primary meaning is, "to set apart" from a common to a special use; hence arose the secondary sense, "to sanctify," ceremonially and morally. It is not here meant that Jehovah cleansed Jeremiah from original sin or regenerated him by His Spirit; but separated him to his peculiar prophetical office, including in its range, not merely the Hebrews, but also the nations hostile to them
(Jer 25:12-38; 27:1-21; 46:1-51:64),
[HENDERSON]. Not the effect, but the predestination in Jehovah's secret counsel, is meant by the sanctification here (compare
Lu 1:15, 41; Ac 15:18; Ga 1:15; Eph 1:11).
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6. 从他职任的长久
(Jer 1:2, 3; Jer 40:1,
等;Jer 43:8,
等),可以推测他蒙召之时不满二十五岁。
孩童——同一个词在
(2Sa 18:5)
中译作"少年人"。
神所默示的仆人常常显示不愿接受呼召
(Ex 4:10; 6:12, 30; Jon 1:3),
这表明他们并非在自我欺骗的狂热冲动下承担职任,假先知却常如此。
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6. From the long duration of his office
(Jer 1:2, 3; Jer 40:1, &c.; Jer 43:8,
&c.), it is supposed that he was at the time of his call under twenty-five years of age.
child--the same word is translated, "young man"
(2Sa 18:5).
The reluctance often shown by inspired ministers of God
(Ex 4:10; 6:12, 30; Jon 1:3)
to accept the call, shows that they did not assume the office under the impulse of self-deceiving fanaticism, as false prophets often did.
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7. 凡——"凡……的"[ROSENMULLER]。更当译作"凡敌对的";含敌意(比较
Jer 1:8, 17, 18, 19)
[MAURER]。那时犹大首领和百姓如此乖谬,凡愿作忠信先知的,都需要以无畏的心志武装自己;耶利米天性胆怯敏感;然而圣灵造就了他到所需的勇敢程度,却没有除掉他独特的个性。
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7. to all that--to all "to whom" [ROSENMULLER]. Rather, "to all against whom"; in a hostile sense (compare
Jer 1:8, 17, 18, 19)
[MAURER]. Such was the perversity of the rulers and people of Judea at that time, that whoever would desire to be a faithful prophet needed to arm himself with an intrepid mind; Jeremiah was naturally timid and sensitive; yet the Spirit moulded him to the necessary degree of courage without taking away his peculiar individuality.
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8.
(Eze 2:6; 3:9)。
我与你同在——
(Ex 3:12; Jos 1:5)。
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8.
(Eze 2:6; 3:9).
I am with thee--
(Ex 3:12; Jos 1:5).
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9. touched my mouth(摸我的口)——超自然异象中的象征性举动,表明神必赐他口才,尽管他原本无力言语
(Jer 1:6)。
以赛亚的嘴唇也曾被活炭沾过
(Isa 6:7;
参
Eze 2:8, 9, 10; Da 10:16)。
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9. touched my mouth--a symbolical act in supernatural vision, implying that God would give him utterance, notwithstanding his inability to speak
(Jer 1:6).
So Isaiah's lips were touched with a living coal
(Isa 6:7;
compare
Eze 2:8, 9, 10; Da 10:16).
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10. set thee over(立你 over)——字面译作"派你监管"。他要留心列国,并预言他们的毁灭或复兴,全视其行为善恶而定。先知被说成行了他们预言要成的事;因为他们的话就是神的话;而祂的话是祂借以成全万事的器皿
(Ge 1:3; Ps 33:6, 9)。
在祂,言与行是一回事。祂先知所说的,就如同已经成了一样确定。先知自己的意识被吸入神的意识之中;他感觉自己与神联合得如此紧密,以致耶和华的言语和行为都被描述为他的。在
Jer 31:28,
说神行了此处所描述耶利米所行的事(参
Jer 18:7; 1Ki 19:17; Eze 43:3)。
root out(拔出)——
(Mt 15:13)。
pull down(拆毁)——隐喻转为建筑
(2Co 10:4)。
希伯来文中"拔出……拆毁"有音近的双关:linthosh, linthotz。
build . . . plant(建立……栽植)——在他们悔改时使他们复原。他的预言在起初和主要是谴责性的;因此列国的毁灭被置于首位,并且用以描述的词汇比复原的更多样。
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10. set thee over--literally, "appointed thee to the oversight." He was to have his eye upon the nations, and to predict their destruction, or restoration, according as their conduct was bad or good. Prophets are said to do that which they foretell shall be done; for their word is God's word; and His word is His instrument whereby He doeth all things
(Ge 1:3; Ps 33:6, 9).
Word and deed are one thing with Him. What His prophet saith is as certain as if it were done. The prophet's own consciousness was absorbed into that of God; so closely united to God did he feel himself, that Jehovah's words and deeds are described as his. In
Jer 31:28,
God is said to do what Jeremiah here is represented as doing (compare
Jer 18:7; 1Ki 19:17; Eze 43:3).
root out--
(Mt 15:13).
pull down--change of metaphor to architecture
(2Co 10:4).
There is a play on the similar sounds, linthosh, linthotz, in the Hebrew for "root out . . . pull down."
build . . . plant--restore upon their repenting. His predictions were to be chiefly, and in the first instance, denunciatory; therefore the destruction of the nations is put first, and with a greater variety of terms than their restoration.
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11. rod(一根枝子)——枝条,或枝子。
almond tree(杏树)——字面意为"觉醒之树",因为它比别的树更早从冬眠中醒过来,正月开花,三月结果;是神早早执行其旨意的象征;
Jer 1:12
作"留意保守我的话"(参
Am 8:3)。
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11. rod--shoot, or branch.
almond tree--literally, "the wakeful tree," because it awakes from the sleep of winter earlier than the other trees, flowering in January, and bearing fruit in March; symbol of God's early execution of His purpose;
Jer 1:12,
"hasten My word" (compare
Am 8:3).
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12. hasten(留意保守)——宁可译作:"我必对我的话觉醒"云云;呼应
Jer 1:11
的"觉醒之树"[MAURER]。
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12. hasten--rather, "I will be wakeful as to My word," &c.; alluding to
Jer 1:11,
"the wakeful tree" [MAURER].
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13. 另一个异象,表明即将"成全"的"话"是什么,以及借什么器皿而成全。
seething(烧开的)——字面意为"从下吹";即因底下被吹旺的火焰而沸腾。东方用以象征激烈战争的隐喻。
toward(从)——宁可译作"从北方"。字面意为"从位于北方之地的面前"(参
Jer 1:14, 15)
[MAURER]。北方的锅侧在一边,锅口将要向南,即向犹大,倒出其中的内容。巴比伦虽在犹大以东,希伯来人却视之为北,因为他们将"东"一词专用于从巴勒斯坦延伸到幼发拉底河的阿拉伯旷野;或宁可说[BOCHART],此处所指的不是位置,而是巴比伦人的路线;他们既不能穿过沙漠,就必须从北疆借道哈马口的利比拉进入圣地
(Jer 39:5; 52:9)。
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13. Another vision, signifying what is the "word" about to be "performed," and by what instrumentality.
seething--literally, "blown under"; so boiling by reason of the flame under it kept brisk by blowing. An Oriental symbol of a raging war.
toward--rather, "from the north." Literally, "from the face of the region situated towards the north" (compare
Jer 1:14, 15)
[MAURER]. The pot in the north rested on one side, its mouth being about to pour forth its contents southwards, namely, on Judea. Babylon, though east of Judea, was regarded by the Hebrews as north, because they appropriated the term "east" to Arabia-Deserta, stretching from Palestine to the Euphrates; or rather [BOCHART], the reference here is not to the site, but to the route of the Babylonians; not being able to cross the desert, they must enter the Holy Land by the northern frontier, through Riblah in Hamath
(Jer 39:5; 52:9).
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14. break forth(发作)——"要显出来"。
Out of the north(从北方)——
(Jer 4:6; 6:1, 22; 10:22; 25:9; Eze 26:7)。
迦勒底人直到数年后,于主前625年尼波普拉撒在位时,才挣脱亚述的轭;但很久以前他们已经壮大到足以威胁那时已经衰弱的亚述和邻近诸民。
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14. break forth--"shall disclose itself."
Out of the north--
(Jer 4:6; 6:1, 22; 10:22; 25:9; Eze 26:7).
The Chaldeans did not cast off the yoke of Assyria till several years after, under Nabopolassar, 625 B.C.; but long previously they had so increased as to threaten Assyria, which was now grown weak, and other neighboring peoples.
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15. families(宗族)——组成巴比伦诸国的各支派或氏族;一一指明使灾祸的画面更为可怕
(Jer 25:9)。
throne at . . . gates(城门的宝座)——施行审判的常处。征服的首领们要在那里设立审判座
(Jer 39:3, 5; 52:9)。
或指军营的帐幕
(Jer 43:10)
[MAURER]。
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15. families--the tribes or clans composing the various kingdoms of Babylon; the specification of these aggravates the picture of calamity
(Jer 25:9).
throne at . . . gates--the usual place of administering justice. The conquering princes will set up their tribunal there
(Jer 39:3, 5; 52:9).
Or the reference is to the military pavilion
(Jer 43:10)
[MAURER].
16
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16. utter(发)——宣告。入侵的首领们宣告对犹太人的审判判决,实际上就是"神的审判"
(Isa 10:5)。
works(行为)——偶像。
bản gốc tiếng anh
16. utter--pronounce. The judicial sentences, pronounced against the Jews by the invading princes, would be virtually the "judgments of God"
(Isa 10:5).
works--idols.
17
Không có tiêu đề
17. gird . . . loins(束上腰)——坚决预备去做所派的工。取自东方所穿宽长衣袍的隐喻:动手做活跃的工作之前,必须用带子束上,以免碍事
(Job 38:3; Lu 12:35; 1Pe 1:13)。
dismayed . . . confound(惊惶……惊惶)——同一个希伯来文词;字面意为"破碎"。不要因他们的脸色惊惶(在他们面前),免得我使你在他们面前惊惶(在他们面前),即"免得我容让你被他们制服"(参
Jer 49:37)。
bản gốc tiếng anh
17. gird . . . loins--resolutely prepare for thy appointed task. Metaphor from the flowing robes worn in the East, which have to be girt up with a girdle, so as not to incommode one, when undertaking any active work
(Job 38:3; Lu 12:35; 1Pe 1:13).
dismayed . . . confound--the same Hebrew word; literally, "to break." Be not dismayed at their faces (before them), lest I make thee dismayed before their faces (before them), that is, "lest I should permit thee to be overcome by them" (compare
Jer 49:37).
18
Không có tiêu đề
18. defenced city, 等(坚固城等)——即我必赐你力量,是仇敌一切权势所不能胜过的
(Jer 6:27; 15:20; Isa 50:7; 54:17; Lu 21:15; Ac 6:10)。
walls(墙)——复数,表达所赐的丰盛力量。DE ROSSI 的抄本作单数"墙"。
people of the land(这地的民)——指一般百姓,与首领和祭司有别。
bản gốc tiếng anh
18. defenced city, &c.--that is, I will give thee strength which no power of thine enemies shall overcome
(Jer 6:27; 15:20; Isa 50:7; 54:17; Lu 21:15; Ac 6:10).
walls--plural, to express the abundant strength to be given him. DE ROSSI'S'S manuscripts read singular, "wall."
people of the land--the general masses, as distinguished from the princes and priests.
引言
耶利米,希勒家的儿子,是住在便雅悯地亚拿突的一位普通祭司
(耶 1:1),
并非那位发现律法书的大祭司希勒家
(王下 22:8);
若是同一人,此处便会称为"那祭司"或"那大祭司"。再者,他住在亚拿突,表明他属于亚比亚他的谱系;亚比亚他曾被所罗门废去大祭司的职任
(王上 2:26-35),
此后那职任便留在撒督的家系中。提到耶利米的经文见于
代下 35:25;36:12, 21。
主前629年,约西亚王第十三年,他还年幼的时候
(耶 1:5),
在亚拿突蒙召作先知
(耶 1:2);
他与大祭司希勒家、女先知户勒大和先知西番雅一同推动了约西亚的宗教改革
(王下 23:1-25)。
他最初所领受的使命中,有一项是要他前去在耶路撒冷传扬神的信息
(耶 2:2)。
他也作了一次正式的巡回,向犹大各城宣布在圣殿中所寻得的律法书的内容
(耶 11:6),
那时距他蒙召作先知已有五年。他回到亚拿突后,同乡因他的责备而恼怒,密谋害他的性命。为了逃避他们的逼迫
(耶 11:21),
以及他本家亲属的逼迫
(耶 12:6),
他离开亚拿突,迁居耶路撒冷。在约西亚在位的十八年间事奉时,他未受骚扰;在约哈斯(即沙龙)作王三个月期间也是如此
(耶 22:10-12)。
约雅敬登基时,显然可见约西亚的改革不过是对偶像崇拜的强制压抑和外在确立对神的敬拜而已。那时祭司、先知和百姓将耶利米带到官长面前,催促要因他宣告灾祸要临到这城而将他治死
(耶 26:8-11)。
然而众首领,特别是亚希甘,出面为他求情
(耶 26:16, 24),
但他被监禁,至少他认为不宜公开露面。约雅敬第四年(主前606年),他受命要将口所传的预言写下,向百姓宣读。他既"被囚",不能亲自进耶和华的殿
(耶 36:5),
便派他的书记巴录在禁食的日子公开宣读。众首领便劝巴录和耶利米躲避王的怒气。随后他们把书卷念给王听,王勃然大怒,用刀割破书卷扔进火里,同时下令捉拿先知和巴录。他们逃脱了约雅敬的毒手——他此前已经杀了先知乌利亚
(耶 26:20-23)。
巴录在另一书卷上重新写下那些话,并加了补充的预言
(耶 36:27-32)。
约雅斤(即哥尼雅)在位三个月期间,他预言王和太后的被掳
(耶 13:18;22:24-30;
试将
王下 24:12
相比较)。
在这王在位时,他一度被巴施户珥囚禁
(耶 20:1-18),
巴施户珥是耶和华殿的总管;但西底家登基时他是自由的
(耶 37:4),
因为王曾差人到他那里"求问耶和华",那时尼布甲尼撒上来攻耶路撒冷
(耶 21:1-3, 等等;耶 37:3)。
迦勒底人听见法老军队临近,便暂时撤退
(耶 37:5);
但耶利米警告王,埃及人必背弃他,迦勒底人必回来焚烧这城
(耶 37:7, 8)。
众首领因此恼怒,便以耶利米在喘息之时出城为借口,指控他投降迦勒底人,将他囚禁
(耶 38:1-5)。
若不是古实人以伯米勒的代求
(耶 38:6-13),
他必死在玛基雅的牢狱里。西底家虽然私下咨询耶利米,却被众首领说动,把耶利米留在监里
(耶 38:14-28),
直到耶路撒冷被攻取。尼布甲尼撒吩咐他的护卫长尼布撒拉旦释放他,使他可以随意往巴比伦去,或与百姓的余民同住。作为一个真正的爱国者,尽管他的国家在四十余年里以冷漠和逼迫回报他的事奉,他仍选择与尼布甲尼撒所派管理犹大的基大利同住
(耶 40:6)。
以实玛利谋杀基大利之后,百姓所承认的领袖约哈难惧怕迦勒底人为基大利之死报仇,便带着百姓逃往埃及,并强迫耶利米和巴录同行,尽管先知警告说,百姓若下埃及必灭亡,留在本地才得保全
(耶 41:1-43:13)。
在答比匿——尼罗河坦尼斯或培琉细阿支流上的一座边城——他预言了埃及的覆灭
(耶 43:8-13)。
传说他死于埃及。据《伪以皮法纽》所载,他在答弗内(即答比匿)被人用石头打死。犹太人极其敬重他,甚至相信他将来要从死里复活,作弥赛亚的先锋
(太 16:14)。
哈弗尼克(HAVERNick)指出,耶利米性命中种种特征的组合,正证明他的使命出于神:性情温和、胆怯、易于忧郁,但在履行先知职责时却勇敢无畏,对君王也不稍宽——预言的灵约束了他天然的性情,使他适合这危险的事工,却没有抹杀他的个性。西番雅、哈巴谷、但以理和以西结都是他的同代人。最后一位与耶利米形成鲜明对比:在他身上,圣灵所塑造的性情以坚定著称,正如耶利米的性情以畏缩和细腻的敏感著称。以西结从罪与义相对立的角度看民族的罪——耶利米则从罪生发祸患的角度看;前者取客观的角度,后者取主观的角度看当时的邪恶。耶利米的文笔与其性格相称:尤以感伤与对受苦者的同情为特色;他的《耶利米哀歌》正说明了这一点;整卷哀歌只有一个目的——为沦亡的祖国表达哀伤;然而他呈现这主题所用的光芒与意象如此丰富,以至读者非但不觉乏味,反被全篇哀婉的调子所吸引。其语言带有亚兰文的色彩,这大概就是耶柔米(JEROME)批评其文笔"粗俗"的原因。罗思(LOWTH)否认此一指责,认为他在某些部分并不逊于以赛亚。他短语叠用、套语反复——而且往往三次重复——这些都与他的情感有关,也与他要加强表达的意图有关;有时他更为简洁、有力、崇高,尤其是在攻击列国和韵律体的部分。
其预言编排的原则难以确定。列王的次序为:约西亚(在其下他预言了十八年)、约哈斯(三个月)、约雅敬(十一年)、耶哥尼雅(三个月)、西底家(十一年)。但他在约西亚手下所说的预言(第一章至第二十章)紧接着的就是西底家时代的一段(第二十一章)。再者,
耶 24:8-10
关于西底家的话,插在关于约哈斯、约雅敬和耶哥尼雅的那一段(第二十二、二十三、二十五章等)中间。又如论约雅敬的第三十五、三十六章,跟在论西底家的第二十七、二十八、二十九、三十三、三十四章之后;而注明为约雅敬第四年的第四十五章,却排在论及耶路撒冷覆亡后逃往埃及之犹太人的预言之后。艾瓦尔德(EWALD)认为现有的编排大体上是耶利米亲自定的;各段以相同的套语作起头:"耶和华的话临到耶利米"
(耶 7:1; 11:1;18:1;21:1;25:1;30:1;32:1;34:1, 8;35:1;40:1;44:1;
试将
耶 14:1;46:1;47:1;49:34
相比较)。
其他段落则有年代标记,多少带有史事性质
(耶 26:1;27:1;36:1;37:1)。
另有两段本身各自独立
(耶 29:1;45:1)。
第二章有较短的引言,标记着一首诗的开端;第三章似乎不全,其引言只有"说"
(耶 3:1,
希伯来文)一字。这样,在诗体部分共有二十三段,分为每七至九节一首的诗段,有的以"耶和华又对我说"这类话标记。它们分为五卷:一、引言,第一章。二、对犹太人的责备,第二章至第二十四章,由七段组成:(1) 第二章;(2) 第三至六章;(3) 第七至十章;(4) 第十一至十三章;(5) 第十四至十七章;(6) 第十七至十九、二十章;(7) 第二十一至二十四章。三、对万国的总评,分为两段:第二十五章,和第二十六至四十九章,另有史事附录三段:(1) 第二十六章;(2) 第二十七章;(3) 第二十八、二十九章。四、描绘更美之时盼望的两段:(1) 第三十、三十一章;(2) 第三十二、三十三章;以及史事附录三段:(1)
耶 34:1-7;
(2)
耶 34:8-22;
(3)
耶 35:1-19。
五、结语,分两段:(1)
耶 36:2;
(2)
耶 45:1-5。
后来在埃及,他在先前关于埃及的预言上加了
耶 46:13-26;
也加了三段:第三十七至三十九章;第四十至四十三章;以及第四十四章。第五十二章大概(参见
耶 51:64)
是后人所加的附录,取材于
王下 24:18, 等等;王下 25:30。
攻击各外邦的预言,在希伯来文中的次序与七十士译本不同;而且希伯来文中攻击他们的预言(第四十六至五十一章),在七十士译本中置于
耶 25:14
之后,构成第二十六和第三十一章;希伯来文第二十五章的其余部分,在七十士译本中为第三十二章。希伯来文中有些段落
(耶 27:19-22;33:14-26;39:4-14; 耶 48:45-47)
不见于七十士译本;希腊文译者所据的必然是另一版本,可能是较早的版本。希伯来文大概是出于耶利米亲手的最晚、最全的版本。参见
耶 25:13 的注释。
其预言的正典地位,可由新约的引用确立(参见
太 2:17;16:14; 来 8:8-12;
关于
太 27:9,
参见
撒迦利亚书引言的注释);
也可由
《便西拉智训》49:7
的见证确立,那里引用了
耶 1:10;
以及斐罗(PHILO)的见证,他引用耶利米的话称之为"神谕";还有墨利托(MELITO)、俄利根(ORIGEN)、耶柔米(JEROME)和塔木德所列正典书目的见证。