Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Genesis 第11章

注释阅读优化

章节注释

Genesis 第 11 章

1

Genesis 11:1

打开经文
  • 变乱口音
  1. נסע nāsa‛,"拔出、启程、行路"。מקדם mı̂qedem,"向东、或在东边",如创世记 2:14;创世记 13:11;以赛亚书 9:11(12)。

  2. החלם hachı̂lām,"他们的起初",即 החלם hăchı̂lām,该不定式带词尾的规则形式。יזמוּ yāzmû,犹如出自 יזם yāzam,即等于 זמם zāmam。

  3. נבלה nābelâh,通常被说成是源于 בלל bālal 的 נבלה nābolâh;但加注者显然有意使它作 נבל nābal——"变为混乱"——的第三人称单数阴性完成式,其主语为 שׂפה śāpâh,即"在那里让他们的嘴唇变为混乱"。这两个动词同根。

  4. בבל bābel,Babel(巴别),"混乱",源自 בל bl——即 בלל bālal 与 נבל nābel 的共同词根——其法是重复第一个词根字母。

列国名表既已完成,这位圣作者便按其习惯,回头记录一件大事——它既为解释此名表所必需,也对人类未来的历史至关重要。他所回溯到的那个时点,是法勒的出生。眼下这段独特的经文,解释了那前所未有的变革之性质——人类借此从一个说彼此相通之言语的单一家庭,转变为许多语言与地域各异的邦国。

创世记 11:1

此处简述了人类语言先前的状态。"全地"显然意指当时所知的全部世界及其所有人类居民。应用的普世性,贯穿全段都被清楚而一贯地持守。"看哪,这民为一。"而结尾在此点上与开端相呼应。"所以那城名叫巴别,因为主在那里使全地的嘴唇混乱。"

一样的嘴唇,与一样的词库:即言语之词库。——在列国名表中,"方言"(tongue)一词曾被用来表示此处以两个词所表达者。这并非偶然。这两个词并非同义或并列,而是构成一个复合谓语的各部分。那么,我们以为,"一词库"自然指的是语言的内容、实质或材料。这对全人类都是同一的。"嘴唇"(lip)一词,本为发音器官之一,另一方面却被用来指说话的形式、即方式;即使用并连结言语内容的方式;即支配一种语言之屈折变化与派生的法则体系。这在整个人类之中也是同一的。如此,圣作者表达人类之中语言的合一,不像先前那样用单一之词,而是着眼于他眼前的目的,用一组词语来表达那构成一切有机实在的两个要素。

英文原文
  • The Confusion of Tongues
  1. נסע nāsa‛ "pluck out, break up, journey." מקדם mı̂qedem "eastward, or on the east side" as in Genesis 2:14; Genesis 13:11; Isaiah 9:11 (12).

  2. החלם hachı̂lām "their beginning", for החלם hăchı̂lām, the regular form of this infinitive with a suffix. יזמוּ yāzmû as if from יזם yāzam equals זמם zāmam.

  3. נבלה nābelâh usually said to be for נבלה nābolâh from בלל bālal; but evidently designed by the punctuator to be the third singular feminine perfect of נבל nābal "to be confounded," having for its subject שׂפה śāpâh, "and there let their lip be confounded." The two verbs have the same root.

  4. בבל bābel Babel, "confusion," derived from בל bl the common root of בלל bālal and נבל nābel, by doubling the first radical.

Having completed the table of nations, the sacred writer, according to his wont, goes back to record an event of great moment, both for the explanation of this table and for the future history of the human race. The point to which he reverts is the birth of Peleg. The present singular passage explains the nature of that unprecedented change by which mankind passed from one family with a mutually intelligible speech, into many nations of diverse tongues and lands.

Genesis 11:1

The previous state of human language is here briefly described. "The whole land" evidently means the whole then known world with all its human inhabitants. The universality of application is clearly and constantly maintained throughout the whole passage. "Behold, the people is one." And the close is on this point in keeping with the commencement. "Therefore was the name of it called Babel, because the Lord had there confounded the lip of all the land."

Of one lip, and one stock: of words. - In the table of nations the term "tongue" was used to signify what is here expressed by two terms. This is not undesigned. The two terms are not synonymous or parallel, as they form the parts of one compound predicate. "One stock of words," then, we conceive, naturally indicates the matter, the substance, or material of language. This was one and the same to the whole race. The term "lip," which is properly one of the organs of articulation, is, on the other hand, used to denote the form, that is, the manner, of speaking; the mode of using and connecting the matter of speech; the system of laws by which the inflections and derivations of a language are conducted. This also was one throughout the human family. Thus, the sacred writer has expressed the unity of language among mankind, not by a single term as before, but, with a view to his present purpose, by a combination of terms expressing the two elements which go to constitute every organic reality.

2

Genesis 11:2

打开经文

此处叙述了即将描述的语言改变之缘由。"他们往东边迁移的时候。""他们"指前一节的全地,这是以一种常见的修辞,以全地指代全人类。"东边"被证明是 מקדם mı̂qedem 一语之义,这由创世记 13:11 证明——那里说罗得从伯特利往东迁移到约旦平原。人类——也许由五百个家族组成——向东迁移,带着少数向南偏转之处,沿幼发拉底河谷而行,来到示拿地一片丰饶无比的平原(希罗多德 1:178、193)。在此丰产之处永久定居的决心,随即形成。

英文原文

The occasion of the linguage change about to be described is here narrated. "As they journeyed eastward." The word "they" refers to the whole land of the previous verse, which is put by a common figure for the whole race of man. "Eastward" is proved to be the meaning of the phrase מקדם mı̂qedem by Genesis 13:11, where Lot is said to journey (מקדם mı̂qedem) from Bethel to the plain of the Jordan, which is to the east. The human race, consisting it might be of five hundred families, journeys eastward, with a few points of deflection to the south, along the Euphrates valley, and comes to a plain of surpassing fertility in the land of Shinar (Herod. 1:178, 193). A determination to make a permanent abode in this productive spot is immediately formed.

3

Genesis 11:3

打开经文

要用砖和沥青建一座建筑。巴比伦的土壤至今仍以这些建筑材料闻名。此处有一种细黏土,与沙相混,形成制砖的极上材料,而石头在方便的距离内则无处可寻。在巴比伦与死海附近,可见沥青从土中沸腾涌出,死海因而被称为"沥青湖"(lacus Asphaltites)。幼发拉底河上 Is 或 Hit 的沥青泉,为许多作家所称道。"烧得透透的。"在东方,晒干的砖大量用于建筑。然而这些砖要被烧过,借此变得更耐久。"拿砖当石头。"这表明作者属于一个石造建筑司空见惯的国家与时代,因而不是巴比伦的。摩西在埃及很熟悉制砖;但这国也盛产石矿与辉煌的石头建筑,而西奈半岛是一片花岗岩丘陵。闪族人多半居住在盛产石头的国家。"拿沥青当灰泥。"沥青是一种矿物沥青。译作"灰泥"的词,起初意为黏土,继而指任何种类的胶结物。

英文原文

A building is to be erected of brick and asphalt. The Babylonian soil is still celebrated for these architectural materials. There is here a fine clay, mingled with sand, forming the very best material for brick, while stones are not to be found at a convenient distance. Asphalt is found boiling up from the soil in the neighborhood of Babylon and of the Dead Sea, which is hence called the "lacus Asphaltites." The asphalt springs of Is or Hit on the Euphrates are celebrated by many writers. "Burn them thoroughly." Sun-dried bricks are very much used in the East for building purposes. These, however, were to be burned, and thereby rendered more durable. "Brick for stone." This indicates a writer belonging to a country and an age in which stone buildings were familiar, and therefore not to Babylonia. Brickmaking was well known to Moses in Egypt; but this country also abounds in quarries and splendid erections of stone, and the Sinaitic peninsula is a mass of granitic hills. The Shemites mostly inhabited countries abounding in stone. "Asphalt for mortar." Asphalt is a mineral pitch. The word rendered mortar means at first clay, and then any kind of cement.

4

Genesis 11:4

打开经文

他们心中的目的如今更充分地表达出来。"我们要建造一座城、和一座塔,塔顶通天。"城是为防御受造群兽之暴力的设防围圈或堡垒。塔顶通天,是为逃避周期性洪水之可能。这是人骄傲之言——他不愿认识在自己之上的,并要升到那统管一切的护理所不及之处。"我们要为自己立名。"名表示区别与卓越。那么,为自己立名,与其说是众人的呼喊,不如说是少数人的——以宁录为首——唯独他们能指望那不寻常、而是独特之事。然而,它在此被巧妙地插入大众的欢呼之中,因为众人易于想象,连那专制者的荣耀也返照到自己身上。这给领袖们的设计赋予了一种对帝国与自我扩张的潜伏欲望之特征——即洪水前那些有名之人(创世记 6:4)所抱的同一种自私之灵的新形式。但为少数人或一人的专制,意味着为多数人的奴役及其一切数不尽的祸患。"免得我们分散在全地面上。"他们共同本性中种种不同的本能,在此一并发声。社会的纽带、亲族的牵系、对个人安全的愿望、求独立——甚至独立于神——的渴望、对绝对权力的渴慕,都为联合而申诉;然而这是一种为自私目的的联合。

英文原文

The purpose of their hearts is now more fully expressed. "Let us build us a city, and a tower whose top may be in the skies." A city is a fortified enclosure or keep for defense against the violence of the brute creation. A tower whose top may be in the skies for escape from the possibility of a periodical deluge. This is the language of pride in man, who wishes to know nothing above himself, and to rise beyond the reach of an over-ruling Providence. "And let us make us a name." A name indicates distinction and pre-eminence. To make us a name, then, is not so much the cry of the multitude as of the few, with Nimrod at their head, who alone could expect what is not common, but distinctive. It is here artfully inserted, however, in the popular exclamation, as the people are prone to imagine the glory even of the despot to be reflected on themselves. This gives the character of a lurking desire for empire and self-aggrandizement to the design of the leaders - a new form of the same selfish spirit which animated the antediluvian men of name Genesis 6:4. But despotism for the few or the one, implies slavery and all its unnumbered ills for the many. "Lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole land." The varied instincts of their common nature here speak forth. The social bond, the tie of kinsmanship, the wish for personal safety, the desire to be independent, perhaps even of God, the thirst for absolute power, all plead for union; but it is union for selfish ends.

5

Genesis 11:5

打开经文

这些经文描述了那遏制此种形式的人类自私之变化的性质。“耶和华降临。”神介入的护理在此以崇高而质朴的笔法呈现,与人类早期的心智相称。然而其中也有洪水之后时代的一些特征。在那事件以前,主的临在似乎未曾从地上收回。亚当和夏娃在园中时,他在园中行走;他们被逐之后,他把表明自己临在的使者与表征安置在园子前面;他在该隐犯下可怕罪行前后与他理论;他说:“我的灵就不永远住在他里面”;他看见人的罪恶,地在他面前败坏了;他以各种方式与挪亚交通,最后与他立定他的约。在这一切之中,他似乎一直与地上的人同在。只要他的宽容还可能对人产生好的影响,他就在园中流连;他最终定下一百二十年的期限。在洪水期间看顾挪亚之后,他似乎将其可见的恩典临在从地上收回了。因此,“耶和华降临”这一说法是合宜的。他仍然向人类的余种施怜悯,并以奇妙的方式造访大地、彰显自己的临在。但他尚未像当初在园中那样在人中间居住,也还没有如他所暗示的、终有一日要在更新了的大地上实现的那样,安家在人中间。

英文原文

These verses describe the nature of that change by which this form of human selfishness is to be checked. "The Lord came down." The interposing providence of God is here set forth in a sublime simplicity, suited to the early mind of man. Still there is something here characteristic of the times after the deluge. The presence of the Lord seems not to have been withdrawn from the earth before that event. He walked in the garden when Adam and Eve were there. He placed the ministers and symbols of his presence before it when they were expelled. He expostulated with Cain before and after his awful crime. He said, "My Spirit shall not always strive with man." He saw the wickedness of man; and the land was corrupt before him. He communicated with Noah in various ways, and finally established his covenant with him. In all this he seems to have been present with man on earth. He lingered in the garden as long as his forbearance could be expected to influence man for good. He at length appointed the limit of a hundred and twenty years. And after watching over Noah during the deluge, he seems to have withdrawn his visible and gracious presence from the earth. Hence, the propriety of the phrase, "the Lord came down." He still deals in mercy with a remnant of the human race, and has visited the earth and manifested His presence in a wondrous way. But He has not yet taken up His abode among people as He did in the garden, and as He intimates that He will sometime do on the renovated earth.

6

Genesis 11:6

打开经文

经文以同样的质朴笔法,描绘了此刻已在人的想象中萌芽的那种自行其是、公然对抗神的联合与野心之灵。“他们成为一样的人民”——一个族类,一个目的。“他们的言语都是一样的。”他们彼此明白心意,并未因语言的差异而产生任何误解。“这就是他们的开始。”罪的开端,如同争端的开端,就像人放出水流一样。主在这开端中看见了逐渐滋长之恶的种子。一切罪在初起时都是隐约而微小的,但它却在不知不觉之间膨胀到最触目、最巨大的规模。“以后他们所要作的事就没有不成就的了。”如今他们既已开了这集中、野心与名声的显著先例,在这条路上,就没有什么是他们不敢想象或尝试的了。

英文原文

In like simplicity is depicted the self-willed, God-defying spirit of combination and ambition which had now budded in the imagination of man. "The People is one" - one race, with one purpose. "And they have all one lip." They understand one another's mind. No misunderstanding has arisen from diversity of language. "This is their beginning." The beginning of sin, like that of strife, is as when one letteth out water. The Lord sees in this commencement the seed of growing evil. All sin is dim and small in its first rise; but it swells by insensible degrees to the most glaring and gigantic proportions. "And now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do." Now that they have made this notable beginning of concentration, ambition, and renown, there is nothing in this way which they will not imagine or attempt.

7

Genesis 11:7

打开经文

这里宣布了那抗拒性集中之灵将被挫败的途径。从本节与前一节我们得知,语言中将要受影响的部分是口音,而不是词语的库存;由此我们看出引言中区分这两者的合宜之处。变乱就是:在原先只有一种之处引入数种;因此在眼下的事例中,便是引入数种形式的变体,而语言原先只有一种形式。由此可见,那单一的原始语言之所以成为多样,是借着结构法则的多样化,而并未触动构成它的材料。词语的基础或词根,由声音与事物之间本能而短暂的类比提供,词源法则随即在其上发挥作用,词语便由此产生。这样,从词根“fer”,按照各语言的形成法则,我们得到“fer, ferre, ferens, fert, ferebat, feret, ferat, ferret”;φέρε phere、φέρειν pherein、φέρων pherōn、φέει pherei、ἔφερε ephere、φέρῃ pherē、φέροι pheroi 等;以及 ברה perēh、ברה pāroh、פרהo poreh、שפרה pārâh、יפרה yı̂preh 等。

显然,有些词根可能废弃而消亡,另一些词根则按交流的需要与说话者的能力而大量产生。但无论什么新词进入词库,都必须遵从规范说话者语言的形成法则。这法则已作为他心思的习惯固定下来,只有在学习并模仿另一种语言的一些形成过程时,他才偏离它。在没有任何其他语言存在的情况下,他无论如何改变这法则是不可想象的。那样做就是无故背叛习惯,并使自己与那唯一已知语言的其他说话者失去关联。

圣洁的作者并不刻意区分神圣护理过程中寻常与不寻常的部分,因为他把一切事件都归于神那独一的创造、看顾与掌管的大能。然而这里确有超乎自然之处。每当为一个新对象或新过程命名的需要唤起命名的官能时,新词进入人的词汇,这是我们能够理解并观察到的。但新词无论是否为词根,一旦被嫁接进语言之中,总是服从接纳它的那种语言的形成法则。一个民族会向自己的词汇增添新词,却不会在没有外来影响的情况下,自行改变这些词语赖以构成的原则。因此,若要统一的变为多样的,神的干预就是必需的。而这也正是史家标明全能者介入的那一点。

语言学家们区分出三四个大的语言类型或语族。第一个是闪语族或希伯来语族。闪族大部分所说的,大概都是这种轮廓分明的人类言语类型的方言。亚兰(叙利亚人)、亚法撒(希伯来人与阿拉伯人)、亚述(亚述人)肯定如此。以栏(Elymais)先臣服于古实族(Κίσσιοι Kissioi、Κοσσαῖοι Kossaioi),后又臣服于波斯人,于是丧失了自己的语言和它在列国中的个性。路德(吕底亚人)也被其他民族所吞没。但这种语言类型越出了闪族的范围,扩展到迦南人,或许还有其他一些含族。它包括旧约的语言。

第二个语族有过雅弗语、印度-日耳曼语、印欧语、雅利安语等多种名称。雅弗后裔的绝大部分都说这个语族,它涵盖一系列同源的交流方式,从印度一直延伸到美洲各地的欧洲殖民地。它包括新约的语言——希腊语。

第三类包括古实语(巴比伦语)、埃及语和其他一些非洲语言,被称为含语族。它的一些语支与闪语族和雅弗语族双方都有亲缘关系。

那些未分类语言(Allophylian、Sporadic、Turanian)的集合体,甚至包括汉语诸语,很可能与这三个相当明确的语族中的某一个有或亲或疏的关系。但比较语文学才刚刚接近它最终问题的解答,即世界一切语言的历史关系或自然关系。然而显而易见,分类的原则与其说是共同词根的数量,不如说是一种给定形式的有无。物质上的多样性可以由可指认的自然原因产生;形式上的多样性却只能出于超自然的推动。形式可以磨损消减,但若没有外来影响,就不会从一种构成法则过渡到另一种构成法则。一个强大而众多之种族的言语可以逐渐压倒并消灭一个弱小种族的言语,并在这一过程中采用它的许多词语,却决不采用它的形式。一个民族的言语只要还保留它的任何形式,这些形式就继续构成它赖以为特征的特定类型的一部分。

因此我们看出,护理之工对人类口音的变乱,乃是语文学之谜的历史解答——这谜就是:语言多样性的存在,与形式天然的持存性及人类历史的统一性同时并存。语文学的资料表明,要产生多样性,需要触动的是语言的形式一面;这与此处叙述的事实正相吻合。再者,形式的超自然多样化,也标示出这场心思习惯大变革之中多样性里所贯穿的秩序。不必以为在这场剧变的危急关头,一种语言一下子生出了七十种语言;只需认为产生了少数几个类形式,足以成就神圣的目的,并借它们的相互作用衍生出后来一切语言或方言的变体。我们也不必想象那些互异的形成原理一时之间全部进入实际的展开;它们只是启动了一个过程,这过程与其他起作用的因素相结合,最终产生了如今显示于人类中间的一切言语多样性。

使他们彼此听不通对方的口音。——这是使人类言语的形成法则多样化的直接结果,即使物质元素仍与先前大致相同也是如此。进一步的后果很快就会显明。

英文原文

Here is announced the means by which the defiant spirit of concentration is to be defeated. From this and the previous verse we learn that the lip, and not the stock of words, is the part of language which is to be affected, and hence, perceive the propriety of distinguishing these two in the introductory statement. To confound, is to introduce several kinds, where before there was only one; and so in the present case to introduce several varieties of form, whereas language was before of one form. Hence, it appears that the one primitive tongue was made manifold by diversifying the law of structure, without interfering with the material of which it was composed. The bases or roots of words are furnished by instinctive and evanescent analogies between sounds and things, on which the etymological law then plays its part, and so vocables come into existence. Thus, from the root "fer," we get "fer, ferre, ferens, fert, ferebat, feret, ferat, ferret;" φέρε phere, φέρειν pherein, φέρων pherōn, φέει pherei, ἔφερε ephere, φέρῃ pherē, φέροι pheroi, etc.; ברה perēh, ברה pāroh, פרהo poreh, שפרה pārâh, יפרה yı̂preh, etc., according to the formative law of each language.

It is evident that some roots may become obsolete and so die out, while others, according to the exigencies of communication and the abilities of the speaker, may be called into existence in great abundance. But whatever new words come into the stock, are made to comply with the formative law which regulates the language of the speaker. This law has been fixed as the habitude of his mind, from which he only deviates on learning and imitating some of the formative processes of another tongue. In the absence of any other language, it is not conceivable that he should on any account alter this law. To do so would be to rebel against habit without reason, and to put himself out of relation with the other speakers of the only known tongue.

The sacred writer does not care to distinguish the ordinary from the extraordinary in the procedure of Divine Providence, inasmuch as he ascribes all events to the one creating, superintending, and administering power of God. Yet there is something beyond nature here. We can understand and observe the introduction of new words into the vocabulary of man as often as the necessity of designating a new object or process calls the naming faculty into exercise. But the new word, whether a root or not, if engrafted into the language, invariably obeys the formative law of the speech into which it is admitted. A nation adds new words to its vocabulary, but does not of itself, without external influence, alter the principle on which they are formed. Here, then, the divine interference was necessary, if the uniform was ever to become multiform. And accordingly this is the very point in which the historian marks the interposition of the Almighty.

Philologists have distinguished three or four great types or families of languages. The first of these was the Shemitic or Hebrew family. It is probable that most of the Shemites spoke dialects of this well-defined type of human speech. Aram (the Syrians), Arpakshad, (the Hebrews and Arabs), and Asshur (the Assyrians), certainly did so. Elam (Elymais), succumbed first to the Kushite race (Κίσσιοι Kissioi, Κοσσαῖοι Kossaioi) and afterward to the Persian, and so lost its language and its individuality among the nations. Lud (the Lydians) was also overrun by other nationalities. But this type of language was extended beyond the Shemites to the Kenaanites and perhaps some other Hamites. It includes the language of the Old Testament.

The second family of languages has been variously designated Japhetic, Indo-Germanic, Indo-European and Arian. It is spoken by the great bulk of the descendants of Japheth, and embraces a series of cognate modes of communication, extending from India to the various European colonies of America. It includes Greek, the tongue of the New Testament.

A third class, including the Kushite (Babylonian), Egyptian, and other African languages, has been termed Hamitic. Some of its stocks have affinities both with the Shemitic and Japhetic families.

It is probable that the congeries of unclassed languages (Allophylian, Sporadic, Turanian), including even the Chinese tongues, have relations more or less intimate with one or other of these three tolerably definite families. But the science of comparative philology is only approaching the solution of its final problem, the historical or natural relationship of all the languages of the world. It is evident, however, that the principle of classification is not so much the amount of roots in common, as the absence or presence of a given form. The diversity in the matter may be brought about by assignable natural causes; but the diversity in the form can only arise from a preternatural impulse. Forms may wear off; but they do not pass from one constituent law to another without foreign influence. The speech of a strong and numerous race may gradually overbear and annihilate that of a weak one; and in doing so may adopt many of its words, but by no means its form. So long as a national speech retains any of its forms, they continue to be part of that special type by which it is characterized.

Hence, we perceive that the interposition of Providence in confounding the lip of mankind, is the historical solution of the enigma of philology; the existence of diversity of language at the same time with the natural persistency of form and the historical unity of the human race. The data of philology, indicating that the form is the side of language needing to be touched in order to produce diversity, coincide also with the facts here narrated. The preternatural diversification of the form, moreover, marks the order amid variety which prevailed in this great revolution of mental habitude. It is not necessary to suppose that seventy languages were produced from one at the very crisis of this remarkable change, but only the few generic forms that sufficed to effect the divine purpose, and by their interaction to give origin to all subsequent varieties of language or dialect. Nor are we to imagine that the variant principles of formation went into practical development all at once, but only that they started a process which, in combination with other operative causes, issued in all the diversities of speech which are now exhibited in the human race.

That they may not understand one another's lip. - This is the immediate result of diversifying the formative law of human speech, even though the material elements were to remain much the same as before. Further results will soon appear.

8

Genesis 11:8

打开经文

神施行干涉的果效记在创世记 11:8-9。“于是耶和华使他们从那里分散在全地上。”由于彼此听不懂对方的言语,他们实际上感到彼此已经分离。意见与行动的合一变得不可能。误解随之而来,又生出猜疑。利益的差异逐渐滋长,分裂随之发生。那些言语相通的人便从联合的中心退往僻静之处,在那里自成一群、自建社群。羊群缺乏草场、自身缺乏供给,导致了渐进的迁移。这样,神要他们生养众多、遍满地面的旨意(Genesis 9:1)就得了成全。与此同时,人类的分散也终结了少数人的野心计划。“他们就停工,不造那城了。”很可能,民众开始看穿首领们用来遮掩其自私目的的那层貌似有理的面纱。那城此后大概就只留给宁录的亲党了。这就使建城工程中断了一段时间。城中的住处对于留下的居民而言,恐怕都嫌过多。这城因那使它一度中断进程的非凡事件,得了巴别(变乱)之名。

这样,这段经文就解释了列国名单——在那里,他们不仅按出生和土地来区分,更是“各随各的方言”来区分。因此,这段经文作为必要的附录附于列国名单之后,就此完成了圣经所记载的列国历史。到了这里,历史的线索离开了普世层面,迅速收窄为一个人——就是那最终要作蒙拣选之后裔之祖的人;在列国退化为无知与错谬(那是罪的自然产物)之际,神和他真理的认识要保存在这后裔里面。

这样,第二部圣经的附录到此为止,或者说,神对人类启示的第二卷到此结束。正如第一卷或许当归于亚当,第二卷就内容而言可归于挪亚,并由闪续成。这两卷合在一起,并不属于某个特殊的民族,而是属于普世的人类。它们若在摩西之前曾以书面形式出现,就既可能传给以色列人,也可能传给外邦人。但对圣洁之事缺乏兴趣,可以解释它们在外邦人中失传的原因。然而,若有这样一部书存世,也只有讲原始语言的族群能保有对它的认识。其中一部分内容可能保存在记忆中,传给上古列国奠基者的后代。因此,在所有拥有古老历史的民族的传统中,我们都或多或少发现真神、创造、堕落和洪水的清晰或模糊的痕迹。

但即使各民族并未以书面形式拥有这部两卷的圣经,它在这里居于神圣真理著作之首这一事实,也标明了旧约的普世性宗旨,并暗示全能者怜悯的旨意涵盖全人类。在天意的安排中,列国此刻似乎被任凭随己意而行。这样一个民族——第二次听见了神怜悯的宣告,又第二次离弃了他们列祖的神——受到如此的司法性离弃,本是意料之中的事。但我们永远不可忘记,在任凭他们走自己的路之前,神曾两次向“全人类”显明他的怜悯。即使当他们被交给自己的顽固不义和不敬虔时,那也只是为了设立并展开那奥秘,借此使他们可以再次充分而有效地被带回与神和好。

这期间罪的新发展主要有三样——酗酒、羞辱父母,以及妄图摆脱神的大能、阻挠神使人遍满地面之旨意的野心企图。这些人类自私的形态,仍徘徊在两块法版首要诫命的边缘。对神至高权柄的不顺服,伴随着对父母权柄的不敬重。酗酒本身则是滥用了神起初赐给人自由享用树上果子的恩赐。这些罪的表现尚未深入到十诫后来明文禁止的那些更粗鄙或更隐秘的不义深渊。这表明当时的民族在习性上仍相对单纯未凿。

从挪亚到亚伯拉罕这段时期,临到人类的额外动因包括:挪亚的传道、不信的洪水前世代之灭亡、挪亚一家的蒙保守、洁净与不洁动物的区分、准许食用动物性食物、特别禁止流人的血、随之设立的民政治理,以及与挪亚和他的后裔所立不再有洪水的约。

挪亚的传道,就是把神圣怜悯的邀请和警告恳切地陈明给一个邪恶的世代。但当它因不悔改之世代的淹没和敬虔之家蒙拯救而得到证实时,它对后来的世代产生了新的力量。这既是可畏的显明,显明神圣的复仇临到那些固执于罪的人,也显明神圣的怜悯临到谦卑者和悔改者。洁净与不洁的区分,是针对与世俗同化的特别警告——神的儿子们正是因着那种同化而在人类中绝迹。准许食用动物性食物,与人的身体构造相合;而它被延迟到这个时代,似乎既是出于身体的原因,也是出于道德的原因。在园子里,以及后来在伊甸,地里的出产足以维持人的健康。但在人类散布到普世之后,动物性食物就成为必需。

在人类定居的某些地区,即使不是全年,也有大半年份只有这类食物可资利用。而对死亡——悖逆的明确刑罚——存有益的畏惧,在人类的婴孩期是一门必要的功课。但那注定灭亡之世代所遭的灭顶毁灭,已足以将这门功课不可磨灭地铭刻在幸存者的心中。因此,如今准许食用动物性食物是稳妥的,尤其是当它伴随着对杀人的明文禁令,违者要被处刑者处死。这一禁令的直接用意,是对付该隐和拉麦的坏榜样,并拦阻那些宰杀动物的人去杀人;同时借着民政治理的设立,为其刑罚的执行作了安排。与挪亚所立的约,是承认人类已在其新元首里与神和好,因此适合被看作与神和睦的一方,并进入与神相交的条款之中。这约应许保障不再被洪水毁灭,这乃是日后一切更大祝福的凭据——这些祝福本于与神的和睦而自然涌流。

这样,我们便看到,神向洪水后之人所作的启示,在许多方面印证了、在另一些方面扩展了神向洪水前世界所作的启示。洪水的种种惊人之事,奇妙地印证了向亚当所显明之神的公义与怜悯。挪亚的传道,是把神的真理铭刻于人心的新方式——此时的人已经在反思性思维上有了一定的操练。洁净与不洁的区分,强化了敬虔者与不敬虔者之间确实存在的区别。禁止流人血的禁令,是具体的律法从良知中道德正直这一伟大原则里生长出来,其步伐与人类行为中邪恶的发展同步。与挪亚所立的约,则是那实际上早已与相信而悔改的亚当所立之盟约关系的展开,如今获得了明确的表述。亚当自己因所显出的悖逆而深深自卑,久久无言。在挪亚身上,儿子名分的灵已达到言语自由的地步;因此,神在他出方舟、献上挽回祭与感恩祭这一重大时刻,与他立了平安的约,以确定的祝福向他保证。

这与挪亚所立的约尤其令人关注,因为它涵盖全人类,并且至今有效。它与对亚伯拉罕的约同样确实是恩典之约。它实际上就是同一个约,只是处于较早、较不发展的形态。这约是与那在主眼前蒙恩的挪亚立的,是神对人之恩宠先前表达的加添;它明确提及的一项益处,不过是神的恩典所涌流之一系列今世与永恒益处的头一项、也是最明显的一项——这一切到了时候,都要交付给救恩的承受者。我们无法知道有多少外邦人明确或含蓄地同意了这普遍之约并享有它的祝福。但对挪亚的神存公平之心,我们应当感恩:过去和现在都有一条向全人类发出的怜悯邀请,凡接受的都成为他恩典的分享者;而后来的一切约,都只是帮助人最终、普遍地接受那根本之约——这约虽被亚当和他一切寻常的后裔所违犯,但在时候满足的时候,要由那成为女人后裔和末后亚当的那位来成全。

英文原文

The effect of the divine interposition is noted in Genesis 11:8-9. "And the Lord scattered them abroad." Not understanding one another's mode of speech, they feel themselves practically separated from one another. Unity of counsel and of action becomes impossible. Misunderstanding naturally follows, and begets mistrust. Diversity of interest grows up, and separation ensues. Those who have a common speech retreat from the center of union to a sequestered spot, where they may form a separate community among themselves. The lack of pasture for their flocks and provision for themselves leads to a progressive migration. Thus, the divine purpose, that they should be fruitful and multiply and replenish the land Genesis 9:1 is fulfilled. The dispersion of mankind at the same time put an end to the ambitious projects of the few. "They left off to build the city." It is probable that the people began to see through the plausible veil which the leaders had cast over their selfish ends. The city would henceforth be abandoned to the immediate party of Nimrod. This would interrupt for a time the building of the city. Its dwellings would probably be even too numerous for its remaining inhabitants. The city received the name of Babel (confusion), from the remarkable event which had interrupted its progress for a time.

This passage, then, explains the table of nations, in which they are said to be distinguished, not merely by birth and land, but "every one after his tongue." It is therefore attached to the table as a needful appendix, and thus completes the history of the nations so far as it is carried on by the Bible. At this point the line of history leaves the universal, and by a rapid contraction narrows itself into the individual, in the person of him who is to be ultimately the parent of a chosen seed, in which the knowledge of God and of his truth is to be preserved, amidst the degeneracy of the nations into the ignorance and error which are the natural offspring of sin.

Here, accordingly, ends the appendix to the second Bible, or the second volume of the revelation of God to man. As the first may have been due to Adam, the second may be ascribed in point of matter to Noah, with Shem as his continuator. The two joined together belong not to a special people, but to the universal race. If they had ever appeared in a written form before Moses, they might have descended to the Gentiles as well as to the Israelites. But the lack of interest in holy things would account for their disappearance among the former. The speakers of the primitive language, however, would alone retain the knowledge of such a book if extant. Some of its contents might be preserved in the memory, and handed down to the posterity of the founders of the primeval nations. Accordingly we find more or less distinct traces of the true God, the creation, the fall and the deluge, in the traditions of all nations that have an ancient history.

But even if this two-volumed Bible were not possessed by the nations in a written form, its presence here, at the head of the writings of divine truth, marks the catholic design of the Old Testament, and intimates the comprehension of the whole family of man within the merciful purposes of the Almighty. In the issues of Providence the nations appear now to be abandoned to their own devices. Such a judicial forsaking of a race, who had a second time heard the proclamation of his mercy, and a second time forsaken the God of their fathers, was naturally to be expected. But it is never to be forgotten that God twice revealed his mercy "to the whole human race" before they were left to their own ways. And even when they were given over to their own willful unrighteousness and ungodlincss, it was only to institute and develop the mystery by which they might be again fully and effectually brought back to reconciliation with God.

The new developments of sin during this period are chiefly three - drunkenness, dishonoring of a parent, and the ambitious attempt to be independent of God's power, and to thwart his purpose of peopling the land. These forms of human selfishness still linger about the primary commands of the two tables. Insubordination to the supreme authority of God is accompanied with disrespect to parental authority. Drunkenness itself is an abuse of the free grant of the fruit of the trees orignally made to man. These manifestations of sin do not advance to the grosser or more subtle depths of iniquity afterward explicitly forbidden in the ten commandments. They indicate a people still comparatively unsophisticated in their habits.

The additional motives brought to bear on the race of man during the interval from Noah to Abraham, are the preaching of Noah, the perdition of the unbelieving antediluvians, the preservation of Noah and his family, the distinction of clean and unclean animals, the permission to partake of animal food, the special prohibition of the shedding of man's blood, the institution thereupon of civil government, and the covenant with Noah and his seed that there should not be another deluge.

The preaching of Noah consisted in pressing the invitations and warnings of divine mercy on a wicked race. But it bore with new power on the succeeding generations, when it was verified by the drowning of the impenitent race and the saving of the godly household. This was an awful demonstration at the same time of the divine vengeance on those who persisted in sin, and of the divine mercy to the humble and the penitent. The distinction of the clean and the unclean was a special warning against that conformity with the world by which the sons of God had died out of the human race. The permission to partake of animal food was in harmony with the physical constitution of man, and seems to have been delayed until this epoch for moral as well as physical reasons. In the garden, and afterward in Eden, the vegetable products of the soil were adequate to the healthy sustenance of man. But in the universal diffusion of the human race, animal food becomes necessary.

In some regions where man has settled, this alone is available for a great portion of the year, if not for the whole. And a salutary dread of death, as the express penalty of disobedience, was a needful lesson in the infancy of the human race. But the overwhelming destruction of the doomed race was sufficient to impress this lesson indelibly on the minds of the survivors. Hence, the permission of animal food might now be safely given, especially when accompanied with the express prohibition of manslaying, under the penalty of death by the hands of the executioner. This prohibition was directly intended to counteract the bad example of Cain and Lamek, and to deter those who slew animals from slaying men; and provision was made for the enforcement of its penalty by the institution of civil government. The covenant with Noah was a recognition of the race being reconciled to God in its new head, and therefore suited to be treated as a party at peace with God, and to enter on terms of communion with him. Its promise of security from destruction by a flood was a pledge of all greater and after blessings which naturally flow from amity with God.

Thus, we perceive that the revelation of God to the antediluvian world was confirmed in many respects, and enlarged in others, by that made to the postdiluvians. The stupendous events of the deluge were a marvelous confirmation of the justice and mercy of God revealed to Adam. The preaching of Noah was a new mode of urging the truths of God on the minds of men, now somewhat exercised in reflective thought. The distinction of clean and unclean enforced the distinction that really exists between the godly and the ungodly. The prohibition of shedding human blood is the growth of a specific law out of the great principle of moral rectitude in the conscience, apace with the development of evil in the conduct of mankind. The covenant with Noah is the evolution into articulate utterance of that federal relation which was virtually formed with believing and repentant Adam. Adam himself was long silent in the depth of his self-abasement for the disobedience he had exhibited. In Noah the spirit of adoption had attained to liberty of speech, and accordingly, God, on the momentous occasion of his coming out of the ark and presenting his propitiatory and eucharistic offering, enters into a covenant of peace with him, assuring him of certain blessings.

There is something especially interesting in this covenant with Noah, as it embraces the whole human race, and is in force to this day. It is as truly a covenant of grace as that with Abraham. It is virtually the same covenant, only in an earlier and less developed form. Being made with Noah, who had found grace in the eyes of the Lord, and added to the former expression of the divine favor to man, it explicitly mentions a benefit which is merely the first and most palpable of the series of benefits, temporal and eternal, flowing from the grace of God, all of which are in due time made over to the heirs of salvation. We cannot tell how many of the Gentiles explicitly or implicitly consented to this general covenant and partook of its blessings. But it is only just to the God of Noah to be thankful that there was and is an offer of mercy to the whole family of man, all who accept of which are partakers of his grace, and that all subsequent covenants only help to the ultimate and universal acceptance of that fundamental covenant which, though violated by Adam and all his ordinary descendants, was yet in the fullness of time to be implemented by him who became the seed of the woman and the second Adam.

10

Genesis 11:10

打开经文
  • 第九部 - 通往亚伯兰的世系

  • 三十五、亚伯兰的世系

  1. רעוּ re‛û Re'u(拉吴),“朋友”;动词:“喂养、使之喜悦、享受”。

  2. שׂרוּג śerûg Serug(西鹿),“葡萄藤的嫩枝”。

  3. נחור nāchôr Nachor(拿鹤),“喷鼻息”。

  4. תרה terach Terach(他拉),“迟延?”亚兰语。

  5. אברם 'abrām Abram(亚伯兰),“尊贵之父”。הרן hārān Haran(哈兰),“山地人”。

“……的后代记在下面”这一惯用语标志着第五份文献的开始。因此,我们现在进入人类发展的一个新阶段。各民族已经逐渐远离了永生的神。然而,他们并未停在这种不敬虔的否定性阶段,而是陷入了多神论与偶像崇拜之中。对天地之创造者、拥有者与维系者——独一真神——的认识,正濒临完全丧失的边缘。尽管如此,那先赐给亚当族类、说女人的后裔要伤蛇的头的应许,以及随后赐给挪亚之家、说耶和华要作闪的神的应许,仍然有效。从后一个应许显然可见,女人的后裔当在闪的世系中期待。

本段包含亚伯兰出自闪的家谱。由此可见,圣作者在此回述到洪水以后的第二年——一个远早于前文叙述结束之时的时间点。“闪是一百岁的儿子”,即在他一百岁那年,洪水以后二年,因而正值挪亚六百零三年,结果比雅弗晚三年。亚伯兰是包括亚当在内的第二十代,自闪算起的第十代,自希伯算起的第七代。七十士译本与路加福音在亚法撒之后插入了第二个该南。但在给出亚伯兰家谱的 1 Chronicles 1:24 里,这个名字连在七十士译本中也没有出现。它在撒玛利亚五经、各他尔根或古译本中均无踪影。约瑟夫斯(Josephus)与斐洛(Philo)也未提及。路加福音的贝扎抄本(Codex Bezae)中同样不见此名。因此,它必须被视为后人插补。

下表是第五章所给表格的延续,可用于比较这些数字呈现的各种形式:

亚伯兰世系:希伯来文、撒玛利亚五经、七十士译本、约瑟夫斯四栏并列,分别给出各人得子时的年龄与本人去世时的年龄,以及出生与死亡的年代。11. 闪:希伯来文 (97) 2、600;撒玛利亚 (97) 2、600;七十士译本 (97) 2、600;约瑟夫斯 (97) 12;出生 1559,死亡 2150。12. 亚法撒(Καινᾶν):希伯来文 35、438;撒玛利亚 135、438;七十士译本 135、535;约瑟夫斯 135;出生 1658,死亡 2096。13. 沙拉:希伯来文 30、433;撒玛利亚 130、433;七十士译本 130、460;约瑟夫斯 130;出生 1693,死亡 2126。14. 希伯:希伯来文 34、464;撒玛利亚 134、404;七十士译本 134、404;约瑟夫斯 134;出生 1723,死亡 2187。15. 法勒:希伯来文 30、239;撒玛利亚 130、239;七十士译本 130、339;约瑟夫斯 130;出生 1757,死亡 1996。16. 拉吴:希伯来文 32、239;撒玛利亚 132、239;七十士译本 132、339;约瑟夫斯 130;出生 1787,死亡 2096。17. 西鹿:希伯来文 30、230;撒玛利亚 130、230;七十士译本 130、330;约瑟夫斯 132;出生 1819,死亡 2049。18. 拿鹤:希伯来文 29、148;撒玛利亚 79、148;七十士译本 175、304;约瑟夫斯 120;出生 1849,死亡 1997。19. 他拉(哈兰出生时):希伯来文 70 与 60、205;撒玛利亚 70 与 60、145;七十士译本 70 与 60、205;约瑟夫斯 70、292、205;出生 1878,死亡 2083。20. 亚伯兰(进入迦南):希伯来文 70 与 75;撒玛利亚 70 与 75;七十士译本 70 与 75;约瑟夫斯 130 与 75;出生 2008、2078。合计:422、1072、1302、422。洪水年代:1656、1307、2262、2256。蒙召年代:2078、2379、3564、2678。

从本表可以看出,在寿数总额上,希伯来文、撒玛利亚与七十士译本在闪的项上彼此一致;希伯来文与七十士译本在他拉的项上一致;撒玛利亚与七十士译本在希伯的项上一致;而希伯来文与撒玛利亚在其余所有项上都一致。然而,就为父之年而论,希伯来文独树一帜,撒玛利亚与七十士译本彼此吻合(他拉的项除外,该项三者一致)。差异不在于个位或十位,而在于在希伯来文的数字上加了百年;惟独拿鹤的项上所加的是五十年,或按七十士译本梵蒂冈抄本(B)所载是一百五十年。这里同样值得注意的是,约瑟夫斯在为父之前的大多数个别数字上虽与撒玛利亚和七十士译本一致,但在从洪水到他拉七十岁的年数总和上却与希伯来文一致(292年,Josephus I. 6, 5)。在拉吴和西鹿两项上,数字彼此颠倒,看来是由他给出数字的顺序颠倒所致的错误。

在拿鹤的项上,他本人或他的抄写者似乎按照统一的法则加了一百年,却漏掉了九年。为弥补这一遗漏,显然在亚法撒出生时洪水之后的年数上加了不准确的整数 10。我们已曾指出,约瑟夫斯的一些抄本给出从创造到洪水的总年数为 1656 年,在这种情形下,约瑟夫斯与希伯来文的合计恰好吻合。他还陈述(viii. 3, 1),世界创造于所罗门开始建殿之前 3102 年,大洪水发生在同一时点之前 1440 年。由此我们得出创造与洪水之间相隔 1662 年;只要从中扣除加给拉麦的六年,便与希伯来文相符。在同一段落中他说,亚伯兰进入迦南是在建殿之前 1020 年。

由此我们推断,从洪水到亚伯兰蒙召经过了 420 年;若从亚法撒的出生算起,容许哈兰与亚伯兰的出生之间相隔六十年,并把亚伯兰的蒙召定在七十岁,就与希伯来文完全吻合。这些合计无法以任何可信的方式与他本人文本、七十士译本或撒玛利亚文本的细节相调和。再者,约瑟夫斯计算(x. 8, 5),圣殿于创造后 3513 年、洪水后 1957 年被焚。这样,从创造到洪水的间隔便是 1556 年,与希伯来文相差一百年;若把挪亚第五百岁视为终止时点,便可与之调和。他还断定圣殿被焚发生于出埃及以后 1062 年,如此从洪水到出埃及的间隔便是 895 年,而希伯来文所记为 852 年。若把从挪亚第五百岁到洪水的 100 年、约瑟夫斯所给从洪水到亚伯拉罕出生的 292 年、其后到蒙召的 75 年,以及从那时到出埃及的 430 年相加,便得 897 年;省去洪水到亚法撒出生的 2 年,它就缩减为约瑟夫斯的数字;省去洪水前的 100 年,加上约瑟夫斯在此忽略的哈兰与亚伯兰之间的 60 年,并把亚伯兰的蒙召定在七十岁,它就缩减为希伯来文的数字。然而,据我们所知,无论用什么方法,都无法把这些出自约瑟夫斯的计算数字与他本人文本、撒玛利亚或七十士译本的细节调和。我们作者的这些计算显然是以希伯来文的数字为基础的。

撒玛利亚文本中,自法勒以下各人为父之年都超出了人生的中年,这与一切经验相悖。七十士译本的编者似乎注意到了这一反常,便违背希伯来文与撒玛利亚的共同见证,给这些寿数中的三个各加了 100 年,给拿鹤的加了 156 年。倘若梵蒂冈抄本中的为父之年是正确的读法,这里本应加上一个大得多的数目。撒玛利亚文本从他拉的年龄中减去 60 年,这与希伯来文、撒玛利亚和约瑟夫斯的共同见证相悖,似乎是因为那位编者认为亚伯兰是在他拉七十岁那年出生的。

从翁克洛斯(Onkelos)他尔根与别西大译本(Peshito)可以看出,直到基督教时代,希伯来文本一直与现今相同。在那以前,没有任何可想见的理由要缩短这些年代,而民族的虚荣与争竞却很容易促使人将其拉长。公认七十士译本的文本逊于希伯来文本。

希伯来文本中的成年之龄,比其他文本给人口增长留出更大的余地。因为人若在三十岁开始养育家室,比起在一百年之后才开始、而一生总寿数相同的人,更可能拥有更大的家庭。如今,希伯来文与撒玛利亚在总寿数上大体一致而共同有别于七十士译本;并且在希伯与他拉两个实例中,撒玛利亚的数字甚至比希伯来文的更小。还要记得,各文本中的世代数目在每种情形下都相同。因此,按照一切人的或然性,希伯来文的为父之年将使亚伯兰时代的世界拥有更多的居民。若按每个家庭五对子女的适中平均数计算,估计人口为 4 × 5 的九次方对,即 15,625,000 人。这个数目对于亚伯兰时代存在的所有王国而言绰绰有余。若把为父之时推迟整整一个世纪,必定会减少而非增加他拥有如此庞大家庭的机会,从而也降低挪亚以后第十代地上存在这种人口的可能性。

在这些情形下,我们倾向于坚守以原初形式传留给我们的希伯来文本,直到看见比年代学者们迄今所能提出的更有力的理由,才舍弃其中的任何数字。与此同时,我们满足于这样的事实:同一套数字体系显然位于我们现有全部文本的底层,尽管在某些情形下,或许难以令所有人满意地断定原来的数字究竟为何。确定古代历史的年代,既不是一个攸关要旨的问题,如今也不是希伯来记录首要或直接宗旨的一部分。

英文原文
  • Section IX - The Line to Abram

  • XXXV. The Line of Abram

  1. רעוּ re‛û, Re'u, "friend;" verb: "feed, delight in, enjoy."

  2. שׂרוּג śerûg, Serug, "vine-shoot."

  3. נחור nāchôr, Nachor, "snorting."

  4. תרה terach, Terach, "delay?" Aramaic.

  5. אברם 'abrām, Abram, "high father." הרן hārān Haran, "mountaineer."

The usual phrase, "These are the generations," marks the beginning of the fifth document. Accordingly, we now enter upon a new phase of human development. The nations have gradually departed from the living God. They have not, however, stopped at this negative stage of ungodliness. They have fallen into polytheism and idolatry. And the knowledge of the one true God, the Maker, Possessor, and Upholder of heaven and earth, is on the verge of being entirely lost. Nevertheless the promises, first to the race of Adam, that the seed of the woman should bruise the serpent's head, and next to the family of Noah, that the Lord should be the God of Shem, were still in force. It is obvious, from the latter promise, that the seed of the woman is to be expected in the line of Shem.

The present passage contains the pedigree of Abram from Shem. From this it appears that the sacred writer here reverts to the second year after the flood - a point of time long before the close of the preceding narrative. "Shem was the son of a hundred years," or in his hundredth year, two years after the flood, and therefore in the six hundred and third year of Noah, and consequently three years after Japheth. Abram was the twentieth, inclusive, from Adam, the tenth from Shem, and the seventh from Heber. A second Kenan is inserted after Arpakshad in the Septuagint, and in the Gospel according to Luke. But this name does not occur even in the Septuagint in 1 Chronicles 1:24, where the genealogy of Abram is given. It is not found in the Samaritan Pentateuch, the Targums, or the ancient versions. It does not appear in Josephus or Philo. Neither is it found in the Codex Bezae in the Gospel of Luke. It must therefore be regarded as an interpolation.

The following table is a continuation of that given at the fifth chapter, and will serve for the comparison of the different forms in which the numbers are presented:

Line of Abram Hebrew Sam. Pent. Septuagint Josephus Date Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath Son's Birth OwnDeath OfBirth OfDeath 11. Shem (97) 2 600 (97) 2 600 (97) 2 600 (97) 12 1559 2150 12. Arpakshad (Καινᾶν) 35 438 135 438 135 535 135 1658 2096 13. Shelah 30 433 130 433 130 460 130 1693 2126 14. Heber 34 464 134 404 134 404 134 1723 2187 15. Peleg 30 239 130 239 130 339 130 1757 1996 16. Reu 32 239 132 239 132 339 130 1787 2096 17. Serug 30 230 130 230 130 330 132 1819 2049 18. Nahor 29 148 79 148 175 304 120 1849 1997 19. Terah

(Haran) 70

60 205 70

60 145 70

60 205 70

292 205 1878 2083 20. Abram cd.

Enters Ken. 70

75 70

75 70

75 130

75 2008 2078 Sum 422 1072 1302 422 D. of Flood 1656 1307 2262 2256 D. of Call 2078 2379 3564 2678

From this table it appears that in the total years of life the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Septuagint agree on Shem; the Hebrew and Septuagint on Terah; the Samaritan and Septuagint on Heber; and the Hebrew and Samaritan on all the rest. In regard, however, to the years of paternity, the Hebrew stands alone, against the Samaritan and Septuagint agreeing, except in Terah, where they all agree. The difference is not in units or tens, but in the addition to the Hebrew numbers of a hundred years, except in the case of Nahor, where the addition is fifty years, or a hundred and fifty according to the Codex Vaticanus (B) of the Septuagint. Here, again, it is remarkable that Josephus while agreeing with the Samaritan and Septuagint in most of the separate numbers before paternity, agrees with the Hebrew in the sum of years from the flood to the 70th year of Terah (292 years, Josephus I. 6, 5). In Reu and Serug the numbers are transposed, seemingly by a mistake arising from the inverted order in which he gives the numbers.

In Nahor he, or his transcriber, seems to have added one hundred years according to the uniform law, and neglected the nine. To make up for this omission, the inexact round number 10 has been apparently added to the number of years after the flood, when Arpakshad was born. We have already noticed that some MSS. of Josephus gave 1656 as the sum-total of years from the creation to the flood, in which case the sums of Josephus and the Hebrew exactly agree. We find him also stating (viii. 3, 1) that the world was created 3102 years before Solomon began to build the temple, and that the deluge took place 1440 before the same point of time. Hence, we obtain 1662 years between the creation and the deluge; and this, if we only deduct from it the six years added to Lamek, agrees with the Hebrew. In the same passage he states that the entrance of Abram into Kenaan was 1020 years before the building of the temple.

Hence, we infer that 420 years elapsed from the flood to the call of Abram, which, if we count from the birth of Arpakshad, allow sixty years to elapse between the births of Haran and Abram, and date the call of Abram at 70, will exactly tally with the Hebrew. These sums cannot in any probable way be reconciled with the details in his own text, or in the Septuagint, or Samaritan. Again, Josephus calculates (x. 8, 5) that the temple was burnt 3513 years from the creation, and 1957 from the flood. Hence, the interval from the creation to the deluge would be 1556 years, differing from the Hebrew by 100 years, and reconcilable with it, if we suppose the 500th year of Noah to be the terminating date. He also concludes that the burning of the temple took place 1062 years after the exodus, thus making the interval from the flood to the exodus 895 years, while the Hebrew makes it 852. If we reckon the 100 years from the 500th year of Noah to the flood, the 292 which Josephus gives from the flood to the birth of Abraham, the 75 years to the call of Abraham, and the 430 from that to the exodus, we have 897 years, which will be reduced to Josephus's number by omitting the 2 years from the flood to the birth of Arpakshad; and to the Hebrew number by omitting the 100 years before the flood, adding the 60 between Haran and Abram, which Josephus here neglects, and dating the call of Abram at 70 years. But by no process that we are aware of can these calculated numbers of Josephus be reconciled with the details of his own text, or the Samaritan, or Septuagint. It seems perfectly clear that the Hebrew numbers lie at the basis of these calculations of our author.

The age of paternity in the Samaritan from Peleg down is beyond the middle age of life, which is contrary to all experience. The editor of the Septuagint seems to have observed this anomaly, and added 100 years to three of these lives, and 156 to that of Nahor, against the joint testimony of the Hebrew and Samaritan. If the year of paternity in the Vatican be the correct reading, a much greater number should have been here added. The Samaritan deducts 60 years from the age of Terah, against the joint testimony of the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Josephus, seemingly because the editor conceived that Abram was born in his seventieth year.

From the Targum of Onkelos and the Peshito it is evident that the Hebrew text was the same as now up to the Christian era. Before that time there was no conceivable reason for shortening the chronology, while national vanity and emulation might easily prompt men to lengthen it. It is acknowledged that the text of the Septuagint is inferior to that of the Hebrew.

The age of puberty in the Hebrew affords more scope for the increase of population than that in the other texts. For if a man begin to have a family at thirty, it is likely to be larger than if he began a hundred years later and only lived the same number of years altogether. Now the Hebrew and Samaritan agree generally, against the Septuagint, in the total years of life; and in two instances, Heber and Terah, the Samaritan has even a less number than the Hebrew. It is to be remembered, also, that the number of generations is the same in every case. Hence, in all human probability the Hebrew age of paternity will give the greater number of inhabitants to the world in the age of Abram. If we take the moderate average of five pairs for each family, we shall have for the estimated population 4 X 5(to the 9th power) pairs, or 15,625,000 souls. This number is amply sufficient for all the kingdoms that were in existence in the time of Abram. If we defer the time of becoming a father for a whole century, we shall certainly diminish, rather than increase, the chance of his having so large a family, and thereby the probability of such a population on the earth in the tenth generation from Noah.

In these circumstances we are disposed to abide by the Hebrew text, that has descended to us in an original form, at least until we see some more cogent reasons for abandoning any of its numbers than chronologers have yet been able to produce. And we content ourselves, meanwhile, with the fact that the same system of numbers manifestly lay at the basis of all our present texts, though it may be difficult in some cases to determine to the satisfaction of all what was the original figure. The determination of the chronology of ancient history is neither a question of vital importance, nor, to us now, a part of the primary or direct design of the Hebrew records.

27

翻译准备中 · 英文原文

Genesis 11:27

打开经文
  • Section X - Abraham

  • XXXVI. The Father of Abram

  1. לוט lôṭ, Lot, "veil;" verb: "cover."

  2. אוּר 'ûr, Ur, "light, flame." כשׂדים kaśdı̂ym, Kasdim, Cardi, Kurds, Χαλδαῖοι Kaldaioi. כסד kesed, "gain?" Arabic. Ur Kasdim has been identified with Hur, now called Mugheir (the bitumened), a heap of ruins lying south of the Euphrates, nearly opposite its jucnction with the Shat el-Hie. Others place it at Edessa, now Orfa, a short way north of Carrhae.

  3. שׂרי sāray, Sarai, "strife;" שׂרה śārâh "strive, rule." מלכה mı̂lkâh Milkah, "counsel, queen;" verb: "counsel, reign." יסכה yı̂sekâh, Jiskah, "one who spies, looks out."

  4. הרן hārān, Haran, "burnt place." Χαῤῥαι Charran, Κάῤῥαι Karrai, a town on the Bilichus (Bililk), a tributary of the Frat, still called Harran. This has been identified by some with Harae, on the other side of the Frat, not far from Tadmor or Palmyra.

This passage forms the commencement of the sixth document, as is indicated by the customary phrase, "These are the generations." The sense also clearly accords with this distinction; and it accounts for the repetition of the statement, "Terah begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran." Yet the scribe who finally arranged the text makes no account of this division; as he inserts neither the Hebrew letter פ (p) nor even the Hebrew letter ס (s) at its commencement, while he places the threefold פ (p), marking the end of a Sabbath lesson, at its close. We learn from this that the Jewish rabbis did not regard the opening phrase as a decided mark of a new beginning, or any indication of a new author. Nevertheless, this passage and the preceding one form the meet prelude to the history of Abram - the one tracing his genealogy from Shem and Heber, and the other detailing his relations with the family out of which he was called.

God has not forsaken the fallen race. On the contrary, he has once and again held out to them a general invitation to return, with a promise of pardon and acceptance. Many of the descendants of Noah have already forsaken him, and he foresees that all, if left to themselves, will sink into ungodliness. Notwithstanding all this, he calmly and resolutely proceeds with his purpose of mercy. In the accomplishment of this eternal purpose he moves with all the solemn grandeur of longsuffering patience. One day is with him as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day. Out of Adam's three sons he selects one to be the progenitor of the seed of the woman; out of Noah's three sons he again selects one; and now out of Terah's three is one to be selected. Among the children of this one he will choose a second one, and among his a third one before he reaches the holy family. Doubtless this gradual mode of proceeding is in keeping with the hereditary training of the holy nation, and the due adjustment of all the divine measures for at length bringing the fullness of the Gentiles into the covenant of everlasting peace.

The history here given of the postdiluvians has a striking resemblance in structure to that of the antediluvians. The preservation of Noah from the waters of the flood, is the counterpart of the creation of Adam after the land had risen out of the roaring deep. The intoxication of Noah by the fruit of a tree corresponds with the fall of Adam by eating the fruit of a forbidden tree. The worldly policy of Nimrod and his builders is parallel with the city-building and many inventions of the Cainites. The pedigree of Abram the tenth from Shem, stands over against the pedigree of Noah the tenth from Adam; and the paragraph now before us bears some resemblance to what precedes the personal history of Noah. All this tends to strengthen the impression made by some other phenomena, already noticed, that the book of Genesis is the work of one author, and not a mere file of documents by different writers.

The present paragraph is of special interest for the coming history. Its opening word and intimates its close connection with the preceding document; and accordingly we observe that the one is merely introductory to the other. The various characters brought forward are all of moment. Terah is the patriarch and leader of the migration for part of the way. Abram is the subject of the following narrative. Nahor is the grandfathcr of Rebekah. Haran is the father of Lot the companion of Abram, of Milcah the wife of Nahor and grandmother of Rebekah, and of Iskah. Iskah alone seems to have no connection with the subsequent narrative. Josephus says Sarai and Milkah were the daughters of Haran, taking no notice of Iskah. He seems, therefore, to identify Sarai and Iskah. Jerome, after his Jewish teachers, does the same. Abram says of Sarai, "She is the daughter of my father, but not the daughter of my mother" Genesis 20:12.

In Hebrew phrase the granddaughter is termed a daughter; and therefore this statement might be satisfied by her being the daughter of Haran. Lot is called the brother's son and the brother of Abram Genesis 14:12, Genesis 14:16. If Sarai be Haran's daughter, Lot is Abram's brother-in-law. This identification would also explain the introduction of Iskah into the present passage. Still it must be admitted, on the other hand, that persons are sometimes incidentally introduced in a history of facts, without any express connection with the course of the narrative, as Naamah in the history of the Cainites. The studied silence of the sacred writer in regard to the parentage of Sarai, in the present connection, tells rather in favor of her being the actual daughter of Terah by another wife, and so strictly the half-sister of Abram. For the Mosaic law afterward expressly prohibited marriage with "the daughter of a father" Leviticus 18:9. And, lastly, the text does not state of Iskah, "This is Sarai," which would accord with the manner of the sacred writer, and is actually done in the Targum of Pseudo-Jonathan.

28

翻译准备中 · 英文原文

Genesis 11:28

打开经文

And Haran died in the presence of his father Terah. - There is reason to believe that Haran was the oldest son of Terah. Though mentioned in the third place, like Japheth the oldest son of Noah, yet, like Japheth, also, his descendants are recounted first. He is the father of Lot, Milkah, and Iskah. His brother Nahor marries his daughter Milkah. If Iskah be the same as Sarai, Haran her father must have been some years older than Abram, as Abram was only ten years older than Sarai; and hence her father, if younger than Abram, must have been only eight or nine when she was born, which is impossible. Hence, those who take Iskah to be Sarai, must regard Abram as younger than Haran.

In the land of his birth. - The migration of Terah, therefore, did not take place until after the death of Haran. At all events, his three grandchildren, Lot, Milkah, and Iskah, were born before he commenced his journey. Still further, Milkah was married to Nahor for some time before that event. Hence, allowing thirty years for a generation, we have a period of sixty years and upwards from the birth of Haran to the marriage of his daughter. But if we take seventy years for a generation, which is far below the average of the Samaritan or the Septuagint, we have one hundred and forty years, which will carry us beyond the death of Terah, whether we reckon his age at one hundred and forty-five with the Samaritan, or at two hundred and five with the other texts. This gives another presumption in favor of the Hebrew average for a generation.

In Ur of the Kasdim. - The Kasdim, Cardi, Kurds, or Chaldees are not to be found in the table of nations. They have been generally supposed to be Shemites. This is favored by the residence of Abram among them, by the name Kesed, being a family name among his kindred Genesis 22:22, and by the language commonly called Chaldee, which is a species of Aramaic. But among the settlers of the country, the descendants of Ham probably prevailed in early times. Nimrod, the founder of the Babylonian Empire, was a Kushite. The ancient Babylonish language, Rawlinson (Chaldaea) finds to be a special dialect, having affinities with the Shemitic, Arian, Turanian, and Hamitic tongues. The Chaldees were spread over a great extent of surface; but their most celebrated seat was Chaldaea proper, or the land of Shinar. The inhabitants of this country seem to have been of mixed descent, being bound together by political rather than family ties.

Nimrod, their center of union, was a despot rather than a patriarch. The tongue of the Kaldees, whether pure or mixed, and whether Shemitic or not, is possibly distinct from the Aramaic, in which they addressed Nebuchadnezzar in the time of Daniel Dan 1:4; Daniel 2:4. The Kaldin at length lost their nationality, and merged into the caste or class of learned men or astrologers, into which a man might be admitted, not merely by being a Kaldai by birth, but by acquiring the language and learning of the Kasdim Daniel 1:4; Daniel 5:11. The seats of Chaldee learning were Borsippa (Birs Nimrud), Ur, Babylon, and Sepharvaim (Sippara, Mosaib). Ur or Hur has been found by antiquarian research (see Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies) in the heap of ruins called Mugheir, "the bitumened." This site lies now on the right side of the Frat; but the territory to which it belongs is mainly on the left. And Abram coming from it would naturally cross into Mesopotamia on his way to Haran. Orfa, the other supposed site of Ur, seems to be too near Haran. It is not above twenty or twenty-five miles distant, which would not be more than one day's journey.

29

翻译准备中 · 英文原文

Genesis 11:29

打开经文

But Sarai was barren. - From this statement it is evident that Abram had been married for some time before the migration took place. It is also probable that Milkah had begun to have a family; a circumstance which would render the barrenness of Sarai the more remarkable.

31

翻译准备中 · 英文原文

Genesis 11:31

打开经文

And Terah took Abram. - Terah takes the lead in this emigration, as the patriarch of the family. In the Samaritan Pentateuch Milkah is mentioned among the emigrants; and it is not improbable that Nahor and his family accompanied Terah, as we find them afterward at Haran, or the city of Nahor Genesis 24:10. "And they went forth with them." Terah and Abram went forth with Lot and the other companions of their journey. "To go into the land of Kenaan. It was the design of Terah himself to settle in the land of Kenaan. The boundaries of this land are given in the table of nations Genesis 10:19. The Kenaanites were therefore in possession of it when the table of nations was drawn up. It is certain, however, that there were other inhabitants, some of them Shemites probably, anterior to Kenaan, and subjected by his invading race. The prime motive to this change of abode was the call to Abram recorded in the next chapter. Moved by the call of God, Abram "obeyed; and he went out not knowing whither he went" Hebrews 11:8.

But Terah was influenced by other motives to put himself at the head of this movement. The death of Haran, his oldest son, loosened his attachment to the land of his birth. Besides, Abram and Sarai were no doubt especially dear to him, and he did not wish to lose their society. The inhabitants also of Ur had fallen into polytheism, or, if we may so speak, allotheism, the worship of other gods. Terah had himself been betrayed into compliance with this form of impiety. It is probable that the revelation Abram had received from heaven was the means of removing this cloud from his mind, and restoring in him the knowledge and worship of the true God. Hence, his desire to keep up his connection with Abram, who was called of God. Prayerful conversation with the true and living God, also, while it was fast waning in the land of the Kasdim, seems to have been still maintained in its ancient purity in some parts of the land of Kenaan and the adjacent countries. In the land of Uz, a Shemite, perhaps even at a later period, lived Job; and in the neighboring districts of Arabia were his several friends, all of whom acknowledged the true God. And in the land of Kenaan was Melkizedec, the king of Salem, and the priest of the Most High God. A priest implies a considerable body of true worshippers scattered over the country. Accordingly, the name of the true God was known and revered, at least in outward form, wherever Abram went, throughout the land. The report of this comparatively favorable state of things in the land of Kenaan would be an additional incentive to the newly enlightened family of Terah to accompany Abram in obedience to the divine call.

Terah set out on his journey, no doubt, as soon after the call of Abram as the preparatory arrangements could be made. Now the promise to Abram was four hundred and thirty years before the exodus of the children of Israel out of Egypt Exodus 12:40. Of this long period his seed was to be a stranger in a land that was not theirs for four hundred years Genesis 15:13. Hence, it follows that Isaac, his seed, was born thirty years after the call of Abram. Now Abram was one hundred years old when Isaac was born, and consequently the call was given when he was seventy years of age - about five years before he entered the land of Kenaan Genesis 12:4. This whole calculation exactly agrees with the incidental statement of Paul to the Galatians Gal 3:17 that the law was four hundred and thirty years after the covenant of promise. Terah was accordingly two hundred years old when he undertook the long journey to the land of Kenaan; for he died at two hundred and five, when Abram was seventy-five. Though proceeding by easy stages, the aged patriarch seems to have been exhausted by the length and the difficulty of the way. "They came to Haran and dwelt there." Broken down with fatigue, he halts for a season at Haran to recruit his wasted powers. Filial piety, no doubt, kept Abram watching over the last days of his venerable parents, who probably still cling to the fond hope of reaching the land of his adoption. Hence, they all abode in Haran for the remainder of the five years from the date of Abram's call to leave his native land. "And Terah died in Haran." This intimates that he would have proceeded with the others to the land of Kenaan if his life had been prolonged, and likewise that they did not leave Haran until his death.

We have already seen that Abram was seventy-five years of age at the death of Terah. It follows that he was born when Terah was one hundred and thirty years old, and consequently sixty years after Haran. This is the reason why we have placed one hundred and thirty (seventy and sixty), in the genealogical table opposite Terah, because the line of descent is not traced through Haran, who was born when he was seventy, but through Abram, who by plain inference was born when he was one hundred and thirty years old. It will be observed, also, that we have set down seventy opposite Abram as the date of his call, from which is counted the definite period of four hundred and thirty years to the exodus. And as all our texts agree in the numbers here involved, it is obvious that the same adjustment of years has in this case to be made, whatever system of chronology is adopted. Hence, Abram is placed first in the list of Terah's sons, simply on account of his personal pre-eminence as the father of the faithful and the ancestor of the promised seed; he and his brother Nahor are both much younger than Haran, are married only after his death, and one of them to his grown-up daughter Milkah; and he and his nephew Lot are meet companions in age as well as in spirit.

Hence, also, Abram lingers in Haran, waiting to take his father with him to the land of promise, if he should revive so far as to be fit for the journey. But it was not the lot of Terah to enter the land, where he would only have been a stranger. He is removed to the better country, and by his departure contributes no doubt to deepen the faith of his son Abram, of his grandson Lot, and of his daughter-in-law Sarai. This explanation of the order of events is confirmed by the statement of Stephen: "The God of glory appeared unto our father Abraham when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran. Then came he out of the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in Charran; and from thence, when his father was dead, he removed him into this land, wherein ye now dwell" Acts 7:2-4.