Barnes' Notes on the Bible · Daniel 第8章

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Daniel 第 8 章

서론

Daniel 8 Introduction

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本章分析

本章記載先知在伯沙撒王在位第三年所見的異象。先知當時身在(或看來身在)以攔省的一座城——即後來成為波斯帝國首都的書珊。那城當時是重要市鎮,設想他曾前往那裏,並無不合理之處,因為他那時與政府沒有關連、也未被政府任用(Daniel 5),而且設想他有自由前往巴比倫以外帝國的其他地區,也非無理。也許那裏有猶太人,他可能是去探望他們。又或者異象的場景被置於烏萊河邊的書珊,而先知不過是要表明自己彷彿身在該處、異象彷彿在他心中於那裏展開。但對他確實身在該處這一設想,並沒有有效的反對;而且 Daniel 8:2 似乎正是這樣肯定的。

他在那裏的時候,看見一隻雙角的公綿羊,這角高過那角,牠往西、往北、往南牴觸,強大得沒有一物能在牠面前站立得住。他正觀看這羊的時候,見有一隻公山羊從西而來,飛奔而行,腳不沾塵,兩眼當中有一非常的角。這公山羊向公綿羊攻擊,折斷牠的兩角,把牠完全制伏。這山羊變得極其強大,但那大角正強盛的時候折斷了,又在角根上長出四個角來。四角之中有一角長出一個小角,這小角漸漸成為極其強大,向南、向東、向榮美之地——巴勒斯坦地——擴展。這角強大到一個地步,似乎要攻擊「天象」——就是星宿;牠將些天象拋落在地;牠向天象之君自高自大;牠使聖殿中常獻的燔祭止息,天象之君的聖所也被毀壞。

有一位聖者向另一位聖者懇切查問這事將延續多久,所得的回答是:到二千三百日,然後聖所就必潔淨。於是加百列奉差去使先知明白這異象。他宣告說:雙角的公綿羊代表瑪代和波斯諸王;公山羊代表希臘王;兩眼當中的大角代表頭一王;那角折斷後長出來的四角,代表那國將分成的四個王朝;而那小角,則代表一個面貌凶惡、能用雙關的詐語、將要起來攻擊萬君之君、而終必滅亡的王。這事的結果是:但以理有一段時間被異象壓倒;後來他甦醒過來,辦理王的事務,卻無人能明白那異象。

這是聖經中少數幾個向先知本人解釋了的預言之一,因此作為解釋其他類似性質預言的鑰匙,具有重要地位。論到瑪代波斯國和希臘國,經文有明確的陳述。把這預言的一部分應用於亞歷山大大帝、並應用於他死後其國所分成的四個王朝,也同樣確定。而把其餘部分應用於安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯,也幾乎同樣沒有可疑之處;在這一點上,幾乎所有註釋家都同意。事實上,這預言對這一連串歷史事件的應用如此顯著而清晰,以致 Porphyry 主張,這部分與但以理書其他部分一樣,都是事後寫成的。的確,兩者必居其一:不是這段經文在上述事件發生之後寫成,就是但以理受了默示。憑任何天然的敏銳,沒有人能把這些事件預言得如此準確而詳盡。

接下去的但以理書部分是以純正的希伯來文寫成的。本書從第二章第四節至第七章末的一段是用迦勒底文寫成的。關於這一點,見導論第四節 III.(1)。

英文原文

Analysis of the Chapter

This chapter contains an account of a vision seen by the prophet in the third year of the reign of Belshazzar. The prophet either was, or appeared to be, in the city of - afterward the capital of the Persian empire, in the province of Elam. To that place - then an important town - there is no improbability in supposing that he had gone, as he was then unconnected with the government, or not employed by the government Daniel 5, and as it is not unreasonable to suppose that he would be at liberty to visit other parts of the empire than Babylon. Possibly there may have been Jews at that place, and he may have gone on a visit to them. Or perhaps the scene of the vision may have been laid in Shushan, by the river Ulai, and that the prophet means to represent himself as if he had been there, and the vision had seemed to pass there before his mind. But there is no valid objection to the supposition that he was actually there; and this seems to be affirmed in Daniel 8:2.

While there, he saw a ram with two horns, one higher than the other, pushing westward, and northward, and southward, so powerful that nothing could oppose him. As he was looking on this, he saw a he-goat come from the west, bounding along, and scarcely touching the ground, with a single remarkable horn between his eyes. This he-goat attacked the ram, broke his two horns, and overcame him entirely. The he-goat became very strong, but at length the horn was broken, and there came up four in its place. From one of these there sprang up a little horn that became exceeding great and mighty, extending itself toward the south, and the east, and the pleasant land - the land of Palestine. This horn became so mighty that it seemed to attack "the host of heaven" - the stars; it cast some of them down to the ground; it magnified itself against the Prince of the host; it caused the daily sacrifice in the temple to cease, and the sanctuary of the Prince of the host was cast down.

An earnest inquiry was made by one saint to another how long this was to continue, and the answer was, unto two thousand and three hundred days, and that then the sanctuary would be cleansed. Gabriel is then sent to explain the vision to the prophet, and he announces that the ram with the two horns represented the kings of Media and Persia; the goat, the king of Greece; the great horn between his eyes, the first king; the four horns that sprang up after that was broken, the four dynasties into which the kingdom would be divided; and the little horn, a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sentences, and that would stand up against the Prince of princes, and that would ultimately be destroyed. The effect of this was, that Daniel was overcome by the vision for a certain time; afterward he revived, and attended to the business of the king, but none understood the vision.

This is one of the few prophecies in the Scriptures that are explained to the prophets themselves, and it becomes, therefore, important as a key to explain other prophecies of a similar character. Of the reference to the kingdom of Media and Persia, and to the kingdom of Greece, there is an express statement. The application of a portion of the prophecy to Alexander the Great, and to the four monarchies into which his kingdom was divided at his death, is equally certain. And there can be as little doubt of the application of the remainder to Antiochus Epiptianes, and in this, nearly all expositors are agreed. Indeed, so striking and clear is the application to this series of historical events, that Porphyry maintained that this, as well as other portions of Daniel, were written after the events occurred. One of two things, indeed, is certain - either that this was written after the events here referred to occurred, or that Daniel was inspired. No man by any natural sagacity could have predicted these events with so much accuracy and particularity.

The portion of Daniel which follows is in pure Hebrew. The portion of the book from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh chapter was written in Chaldee. On this point, see Intro. Section IV. III.((1).

1

Daniel 8:1

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伯沙撒王在位第三年——關於伯沙撒,見但以理書第五章導論第二節。

有異象現與我——這異象看來是在他清醒時、或在魂遊象外之中臨到他的;前一個異象則是在他睡著時臨到的(Daniel 7:1)。比較 Daniel 8:17-18,那裏先知描述自己因這異象而被勝過、仆倒在地。這景象看來是在光天化日之下、他完全清醒時,在他心中經過的。比較巴蘭的事例(Numbers 24:4):「得見全能者的異象,身體仆倒而眼目睜開。」

在先前顯給我的異象之後——那是在伯沙撒元年(Daniel 7:1)。

英文原文

In the third year of the reign of king Belshazzar - In regard to Belshazzar, see Intro. to Daniel 5 Section II.

A vision appeared unto me - This vision appears to have occurred to him when awake, or in an ecstasy; the former one occurred when he was asleep, Daniel 7:1. Compare Daniel 8:17-18, where the prophet represents himself as overpowered, and as falling down to the earth on account of the vision. The representation would seem to have been made to pass before his mind in open day, and when he was fully awake. Compare the case of Balaam, Numbers 24:4 : "Which saw the vision of the Almighty, falling into a trance, but having his eyes open."

After what appeared unto me at the first - That occurred in the first year of Belshazzar, Daniel 7:1.

2

Daniel 8:2

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我見了異象——即在異象向我顯現時觀看;或說,我看見某些事物在異象中向我呈現。關於「異象」一詞,見Daniel 1:17的註釋。這裏的意思大概是:異象向但以理顯現,而他懷着熱切的心注視它,要明白其含義。

我以為在以攔省書珊城中——正如本章引言所說,這可以意味着他彷彿身在其中,或異象的場景被設定在那裏;但最自然的解釋是假定但以理本人確實在當地。至於他為何在那裏——是為公務還是為私事——他沒有直接告訴我們。然而由Daniel 8:27——「後來我起來,辦王的事務」——看來,他當時多半在王的手下任職。這假定與Daniel 5:10-11的記載並不衝突;在那裏,當字跡出現在宮牆上時,太后告訴伯沙撒,他國中「有一個人,他裏頭有聖神的靈」等——有人或許據此反對說,但以理當時並不為王所知,不可能受僱於王;然而他可能是受僱於王、在政府中任職的官員,只是他具有講解異象之能這件事已被遺忘了。

他可能一直任職於公共事務,但他對王之父親所盡的服事,以及他解夢釋異象的非凡技能,未必立刻浮現在那驚惶的君王和他的臣僕心頭。書珊(Shushan),即蘇薩(Susa),是蘇西亞那的首邑,古列以後是波斯的都城,波斯諸王的主要居所(Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:2-5)。它位於友拉歐(Eulaeus)或柯阿斯佩(Choaspes)河畔,大概就在今日書施(Shus)村所在之處。——見Rennel, Geog. of Herodotus; Kinneir, Mem. Pers. Emp.; K. Porter's Travels, ii. 4, 11; Ritter, Erdkunde, Asien, 9:294; Pict. Bib. in loc.書施有廣大的遺蹟,從一端到另一端綿延約十二哩,與該國其他廢墟一樣,由土丘和瓦礫構成,上面覆滿碎磚和有色瓷片。在這些土丘腳下,有所謂但以理之墓,是一座小建築,建在當地人相信但以理遺骸安息之處。

它看似近代的建築,但若不是相信這裏是先知墳墓的所在,決不會有人把它建在如今的位置——見Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, i. 255, 256。書施城如今是一片陰沉的荒野,有獅子、鬣狗和其他猛獸出沒。——見Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Shushan"。John Kinneir爵士說,他們懾於這些野獸,他和Monteith先生不得不在環繞但以理墓的圍牆內過夜。關於那墓,John Malcolm爵士說:「那是一座小建築,但足以庇護幾位看守先知遺骸的托缽僧;他們靠敬虔朝聖者的施捨維生,這些朝聖者前來謁拜聖墓。如今這些托缽僧是蘇薩僅有的居民;而各樣野獸在昔日人類技藝所建最宏偉宮殿矗立過的地方自由遊荡。」——第1卷255-256頁。關於蘇薩廢墟的描述,見Pict. Bib. in loc.這城距西流基(Seleucia)約450羅馬哩,照Pliny(6; 27)的說法,建成周約120斯塔底亞(stadia)的方形。它是波斯王的夏都(Cyrop. 8, 6, 10),因他們春季在埃克巴塔納(Ecbatana)度過,秋冬則在巴比倫。見Lengerke, in loc.亞歷山大大帝就是在這城娶了大流士·科多曼努斯(Darius Codomanus)的女兒斯塔提拉(Stateira)。這名字的意思是百合花,大概因城之美而得名——見Lengerke。Rosenmuller認為,異象在此被描述為在這城中向但以理顯現,是因為它將成為波斯未來的都城,也因為異象的許多內容關乎波斯。見Maurer, in loc.

在王宮——這個字(בירה,bı̂yrâh)意為堡壘、城堡、設防的宮殿。——見Gesenius。參Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:5; Esther 2:5; Esther 8:14; Esther 9:6, Esther 9:11-12。這名稱大概是加給這城的,因為它是一個設防之地。這字不僅指王宮本身(王的居所),也指整個毗連的城區。不必假定但以理在王宮本身之內,只須假定他在以此為名的城裏。

在以攔省——見Isaiah 11:11的註釋。這省東接波斯本土,西連巴比倫尼亞,北鄰瑪代,南瀕波斯灣。它約有波斯的一半大,比英格蘭略小。——見Kitto's Cyclo.它大概被尼布甲尼撒征服,在伯沙撒時代處於巴比倫的統治之下。書珊在以攔王國作為獨立王國存續期間,無疑一直是該國的都城;在它負巴比倫之軛時,仍是該省的省會,直到被古列作為帝國的一部分征服為止。其後它成為瑪代波斯聯合帝國的都城之一。但以理造訪這城並在其中見異象時,正是它作為一省省會的時期。他也許後來住在那裏,並死在那裏。

我在烏萊河邊——這河流經書珊(蘇薩)城旁,注入底格里斯河與幼發拉底河的合流。Pliny(Nat. Hist. vi. 81)稱之為友拉歐(Eulaeus);但希臘作家一般以柯阿斯佩(Choaspes)之名描述它。——見Herod. v. 49; Strabo, xv. p. 728。如今它的名字是克拉(Kerah),土耳其人稱之為卡拉蘇(Karasu)。它從書施(蘇薩)廢墟的西面流過,在科爾納(Korna)以下約二十哩處注入沙特阿拉伯河(Shat-ul-Arab)。——見Kinneir, Geog. Mem. of the Persian Empire, pp. 96, 97;並見Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Ulai"。

英文原文

And I saw in a vision - I looked as the vision appeared to me; or I saw certain things represented to me in a vision. On the word vision, see the notes at Daniel 1:17. The meaning here would seem to be that a vision appeared to Daniel, and that he contemplated it with earnestness, to understand what it meant.

That I was at Shushan - As remarked in the introduction to this chapter, this might mean that he seemed to be there, or that the vision was represented to him as being there; but the most natural construction is to suppose that Daniel was actually there himself. Why he was there he has not informed us directly - whether he was on public business, or on his own. From Daniel 8:27, however - "Afterward I rose up, and did the king's business" - it would seem most probable that he was then in the service of the king. This supposition will not conflict with the statement in Daniel 5:10-11, in which the queen-mother, when the handwriting appeared on the wall of the palace informs Belshazzar that there was "a man in his kingdom in whom was the spirit of the holy gods, etc." - from which it might be objected that Daniel was at that time unknown to the king, and could not have been in his employ, for it might have been a fact that he was in the employ of the king as an officer of the government, and yet it may have been forgotten that he had this power of disclosing the meaning of visions.

He may have been employed in the public service, but his services to the father of the king, and his extraordinary skill in interpreting dreams and visions may not at once have occurred to the affrighted monarch and his courtiers. Shushan, or Susa, the chief town of Susiana, was the capital of Persia after the time of Cyrus, in which the kings of Persia had their principal residence, Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:2-5. It was situated on the Eulaeus or Choaspes, probably on the spot now occupied by the village Shus. - Rennel, Geog. of Herodotus; Kinneir, Mem. Pers. Emp.; K. Porter's Travels, ii. 4, 11; Ritter, Erdkunde, Asien, 9: 294; Pict. Bib. in loc. At Shus there are extensive ruins, stretching perhaps twelve miles from one extremity to the other, and consisting, like the other ruins in that country, of hillocks of earth, and rubbish, covered with broken, pieces of brick and colored tile. At the foot of these mounds is the so-called tomb of Daniel, a small building erected on the spot where the remains of Daniel are believed in that region to rest.

It is apparently modern, but nothing but the belief that this was the site of the prophet's sepulchre could have led to its being built in the place where it stands - Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, i. 255, 256. The city of Shus is now a gloomy wilderness, inhabited by lions, hyenas, and other beasts of prey. - Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Shushan." Sir John Kinneir says that the dread of these animals compelled Mr. Monteith and himself to take shelter for the night within the walls that encompass Daniel's tomb. Of that tomb Sir John Malcolm says, "It is a small building, but sufficient to shelter some dervishes who watch the remains of the prophet, and are supported by the alms of pious pilgrims, who visit the holy sepulchre. The dervishes are now the only inhabitants of Susa; and every species of wild beast roams at large over the spot on which some of the proudest palaces ever raised by human art once stood." - Vol. i. pp. 255, 256. For a description of the ruins of Susa, see Pict. Bib. in loc. This city was about 450 Roman miles from Seleucia, and was built, according to Pliny, 6; 27, in a square of about 120 stadia. It was the summer residence of the Persian kings (Cyrop. 8, 6, 10), as they passed the spring in Ecbatana, and the autumn and winter in Babylon. See Lengerke, in loc. It was in this city that Alexander the Great married Stateira, daughter of Darius Codomanus. The name means a lily, and was probably given to it on account of its beauty - Lengerke. Rosenmuller supposes that the vision here is represented to have appeared to Daniel in this city because it would be the future capital of Persia, and because so much of the vision pertained to Persia. See Maurer, in loc.

In the palace - This word (בירה bı̂yrâh) means a fortress, a castle, a fortified palace. - Gesenius. See Nehemiah 1:1; Esther 1:5; Esther 2:5; Esther 8:14; Esther 9:6, Esther 9:11-12. It would seem to have been given to the city because it was a fortified place. The word applied not only to the palace proper, a royal residence, but to the whole adjacent city. It is not necessary to suppose that Daniel was in the palace proper, but only that he was in the city to which the name was given.

Which is in the province of Elam - See the notes at Isaiah 11:11. This province was bounded on the east by Persia Proper, on the west by Babylonia, on the north by Media, and on the south by the Persian Gulf. It was about half as large as Persia, and not quite as large as England. - Kitto's Cyclo. It was probably conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, and in the time of Belshazzar was subject to the Babylonian dominion, Shushan had been doubtless the capital of the kingdom of Elam while it continued a separate kingdom, and remained the capital of the province while it was under the Babylonian yoke, and until it was subdued as a part of the empire by Cyrus. It was then made one of the capitals of the united Medo-Persian empire. It was when it was the capital of a province that it was visited by Daniel, and that he saw the vision there. Possibly he may have dwelt there subsequently, and died there.

And I was by the river of Ulai - This river flowed by the city of Shushan, or Susa, and fell into the united stream of the Tigris and the Euphrates. It is called by Pliny (Nat. Hist. vi. 81) Eulaeus; but it is described by Greek writers generally under the name of Choaspes. - Herod. v. 49; Strabo, xv. p. 728. It is now known by the name Kerah, called by the Turks Karasu. It passes on the west of the ruins of Shus (Susa), and enters the Shat-ul-Arab about twenty miles below Korna. - Kinneir, Geog. Mem. of the Persian Empire, pp. 96, 97. See Kitto's Cyclo., art. "Ulai"

3

Daniel 8:3

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我舉目觀看——即在異象中看見,或說彷彿在我眼前。

站在河邊——即站在河岸上。

有雙角的公綿羊——解釋這個象徵的用意,不可能有錯,因為 Daniel 8:20 明說它代表瑪代和波斯二王。王國聯合的權勢由公綿羊本身代表;有兩個權勢或王國聯合這一事實,則由公綿羊的兩角代表。

兩角都高——兩者都表明強大的權勢。

這角高過那角,更高的是後長的——後長而更高的那一角代表波斯。波斯成了兩者中更強大的勢力,以致瑪代這名稱最終幾乎不再被使用,聯合王國在希臘史上被稱為波斯帝國。瑪代(或亞述)的勢力較古,但波斯成了最強大的。

英文原文

Then I lifted up mine eyes and saw - And saw in vision, or there seemed to be before me.

There stood before the river - On the bank of the river.

A ram which had two horns - There can be no error in explaining the design of this symbol, for in Daniel 8:20 it is expressly said that it denoted the two kings of Media and Persia. The united power of the kingdom was denoted by the ram itself; the fact that there were two powers or kingdoms combined, by the two horns of the ram.

And the two horns were high - Both indicating great power.

But one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last - The higher horn springing up last denotes Persia, that became the more mighty power of the two, so that the name Media became finally almost dropped, and the united kingdom was known in Grecian history as the Persian The Median or Assyrian power was the older, but the Persian became the most mighty.

4

Daniel 8:4

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我見那公綿羊往西、往北、往南牴觸——表示聯合王國的征服。沒有提東方,因為瑪代波斯帝國的征服沒有一個是向那個方向擴展的:然而,再沒有比這描述更能貼切表達瑪代波斯帝國實際成就的征服了。在西面,征服包括巴比倫尼亞、美索不達米亞、敘利亞和小亞細亞;在北面,包括科爾基斯、亞美尼亞、伊比利亞以及裏海周圍的地區;在南面,包括巴勒斯坦、埃提阿伯、埃及和利比亞。——Lengerke. 這瑪代波斯的權勢被描述為來自東方。Isaiah 41:2:「誰從東方興起一人」等;Isaiah 46:11:「我召鷙鳥從東方來」等。

牠任意而行,自高自大——這也恰當地表達了瑪代波斯帝國的特性。它擴展到已知世界的大部分,把地上的一大片土地收歸自己之下。在早期的征服中,它未遇成功的抵抗,也未被阻止——直到在留克特拉和馬拉松敗於希臘,並最終被亞歷山大大帝傾覆。

英文原文

I saw the ram pushing westward, and northward, and southward - Denoting the conquests of the united kingdom. The east is not mentioned, for none of the conquests of the Medo-Persian empire extended in that direction: Yet nothing could better express the conquests actually made by the Medo-Persian empire than this representation. On the west the conquests embraced Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Asia Minor; on the north, Colchis, Armenia, Iberia, and the regions around the Caspian Sea; and on the south, Palestine, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Lybia. - Lengerke. This Medo-Persian power is represented as coming from the east. Isaiah 41:2 : "who raised up the righteous man from the east, etc." Isaiah 46:11 : "calling a ravenous bird from the east, etc."

He did according to his will, and became great - This expresses well also the character of the Medo-Persian empire. It extended over a great part of the known world, subduing to itself a large portion of the earth. In its early conquests it met with no successful opposition, nor was it stayed until it was subdued by Greece - as at Leuctra and Marathon, and then as it was finally overthrown by Alexander the Great.

5

Daniel 8:5

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我正思想的時候——即我觀看這異象之時。這是一個自然引人注意、也不易理解的異象。它顯然表示某個正在嘗試征服的聯合權勢;但我們不應設想但以理會輕易明白它的含義。整個場景都屬於未來——因為在伯沙撒的時代,瑪代波斯權勢尚未整合;公綿羊所代表的征服延續多年,而公山羊所代表的更遠伸入未來。

見有一隻公山羊從西而來——在 Daniel 8:21,這被稱為「公山羊」。這象徵的應用毫無疑問,因為 Daniel 8:21 明說牠是「希利尼王」。所代表的權勢,是亞歷山大大帝之下整合起來、並出而制服那龐大波斯帝國之時的希利尼。可以說明這一點、並表明以山羊為馬其頓權勢之象徵的恰當性的,是這樣的事實:這象徵以各種方式常與馬其頓相連出現,而且出於某種原因,山羊被用作那權勢的表號。Taylor Combe 先生提供給 Calmet 辭典編者的幾項事實,可以表明以山羊的表號指馬其頓是恰當的,而且後世的人容易明白這暗示。以下由 Taylor 的 Calmet, v. 410-412 中他的記述摘錄而成。

(1)馬其頓人的第一王卡拉努斯(Caranus),於主前814年開始作王。他受山羊引領來到以得撒城,並在那裏建立王國的都城時,把城名改為埃迦(AEgae);這一情節值得注意:「Urbem Edessam, ob memoriam muneris AEgas populam AEgeadas.」——Justin, lib. vii. c. 1。馬其頓歷史中的這一重要事件,很早就提示人以山羊作馬其頓的表號。

(2)發現有青銅的山羊像作為馬其頓的象徵。Combe 先生說:「我最近有機會購得一尊古代青銅山羊像,牠有一隻角,是馬其頓古老的象徵。由於表現古代國家之表號的雕像極為罕見,而且迄今未見馬其頓的青銅或大理石象徵,請容我以以下幾點觀察相擾。」等等。接着他說:「送上供您鑑定的山羊像,是在小亞細亞出土的,由一個貧窮的土耳其人連同其他古物帶到本國。」所附版畫便是這形像的摹繪。只要對這形像稍加審視,就可看出我們面前這表現的恰當。Combe 先生接着說:「不僅馬其頓和色雷斯的許多個別城邑採用這一圖型,連馬其頓王國本身——我們有規整而連貫之歷史的歐洲最古老王國——也以山羊來表示,其特點是牠只有一隻角。」

(3)在卡拉努斯之後約三百年的阿明塔斯(Amyntas)一世年間,即約主前547年,馬其頓人在入侵的威脅之下,向波斯人納貢。在波斯波利斯的一根壁柱上,這件事似乎以頗能說明本主題的方式被記錄下來:一隻山羊被描繪成額頭中央長出一隻巨角,旁邊有一個穿波斯服裝的人,左手握着那角——這表示馬其頓的臣服。下附的便是所指的形像,它醒目地表明這象徵使用之早。

(4)主前413年,馬其頓的阿基勞斯(Archelaus)年間,該王一枚錢幣的背面出現只有一隻角的山羊頭。這枚以獨角著稱的錢幣有兩個品種:一種(第1號)由佩勒蘭(Pellerin)製版,另一種(第2號)保存於已故的 W. Hunter 博士的珍藏中。

(5)Combe 先生說:「佛羅倫薩收藏品中有一件寶石雕刻,它既印證了上面所說的話,又一直未被人理解,所以我認為值得一提。從這寶石的圖樣可以看出:具有兩角的公綿羊頭與具有一角的公山羊頭,除了各自以其合適象徵出現的波斯王國和馬其頓王國之外,別無他意。不過,從這兩個特徵圖型結合在一起這一情形看,這寶石極可能是在亞歷山大大帝征服波斯之後雕刻的。」這些論述和圖解,既表明此處所用象徵的恰當,也表明後世的人何等容易明白它。沒有證據顯示但以理知道這曾是馬其頓的象徵;即使他知道,也沒有證據顯示他能憑任何天然的敏識推測出,由這象徵所代表的權勢將成為瑪代和波斯的征服者。因此,與此相關的每一情節,只更清楚地表明他是在默示的影響之下。Josephus(Ant. b. xi. ch. viii.)斷言:亞歷山大在耶路撒冷時,大祭司把但以理論及他的預言指給他看,而這事正是他向猶太人施予重要恩惠的原因。若真有此事,此處所提的情節就表明亞歷山大何等容易認出這是對他自己國家和自身的指涉,也表明 Josephus 所記——這是使他對猶太民族產生好感的原因——何等可信。這項受人質疑的記載之可信性,在 Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 241-246 中有考察。

遍行全地——他彷彿行過整個世界——恰當地代表了亞歷山大的行動;他征服了當時已知的世界,據說還因再無別的世界可征服而哭泣。

腳不沾塵——欄外註作「在地上無人加害於他」。但正文的翻譯比欄外註更準確。他彷彿跳躍前行而不觸地——表示他行動和征服的迅速。類似而出色的一段描述,見 Virgil, AEn. vii. 806 及以下論卡米拉:

「Cursu pedum pravertere ventos.

Illa vel intactae segetis per summa volaret

Gramina, nec teneras cursu laesisset aristas,

Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti

Ferretiter, celeres nec tingeret aequore plantas」

沒有甚麼比但以理所用的言語更能表達亞歷山大大帝的迅速征服。他三十三歲早逝;二十一歲被選為希利尼人對抗波斯人的統帥,因此他用於征服和公眾生涯的全部時間不過十二年;然而在那段時間內,他使世界屈服於他的武力。只要略看他迅速的行動,便可見此處描述的恰當:主前334年,他入侵波斯,在格拉尼庫斯河之戰擊敗波斯人;主前333年,他在伊蘇斯之戰再敗他們,並征服帕提亞、巴克特里亞、希爾卡尼亞、索格迪亞納和小亞細亞;主前332年,他征服推羅和埃及,並建造亞歷山大城;主前331年,他擊敗大流士·科多曼努斯,並於330年完成對波斯帝國的征服;主前328年,他擊敗印度王波魯斯(Porus),並進軍至恆河。因此,在這短短數年間,他以比以往任何征服更迅速、更決定性的征服,席捲了當時已知世界的幾乎全部。

這山羊兩眼當中有一非常的角——山羊代表馬其頓的權勢,而這一切權勢都集中於亞歷山大一人身上——無疑即由那獨角所表示——彷彿希利尼的全部權勢都集中在他身上。欄外註作「外觀的角」。這與希伯來文相符——譯作「非常」的詞(חזוּת châzût)本義為外貌、樣子,繼而指顯著或可觀的事物。直譯當作「外貌之角」,即顯著而大的角——見 Gesenius, Lexicon。

英文原文

And as I was considering - As I was looking on this vision. It was a vison which would naturally attract attention, and one which would not be readily understood. It evidently denoted some combined power that was attempting conquest, but we are not to suppose that Daniel would readily understand what was meant by it. The whole scene was future - for the Medo-Persian power was not yet consolidated in the time of Belshazzar, and the conquests represented by the ram continued through many years, and those denoted by the he-goat extended still much further into futurity.

Behold, an he-goat came from the west - In Daniel 8:21, this is called the "rough-goat," There can be no doubt as to the application of this, for in Daniel 8:21 it is expressly said that it was "the king of Grecia." The power represented is that of Greece when it was consolidated under Alexander the Great, and when he went forth to the subjugation of this vast Persian empire. It may serve to illustrate this, and to show the propriety of representing the Macedonian power by the symbol of a goat, to remark that this symbol is often found, in various ways, in connection with Macedon, and that, for some reason, the goat was used as emblematic of that power. A few facts, furnished to the editor of Calmet's Dictionary, by Taylor Combe, Esq., will show the propriety of this allusion to Macedonia under the emblem of a goat, and that the allusion would be readily understood in after-times. They are condensed here from his account in Taylor's Calmet, v. 410-412.

(1) Caranus, the first king of the Macedonians, commenced his reign 814 years before the Christian era. The circumstance of his being led by goats to the city of Edessa, the name of which, when he established there the seat of his kingdom, he converted into AEgae, is well worthy of remark: Urbem Edessam, ob memoriam muneris AEgas populam AEgeadas. - Justin, lib. vii. c. 1. The adoption of the goat as an emblem of Macedon would have been early suggested by an important event in their history.

(2) bronze figures of a goat have been found as the symbol of Macedon. Mr. Combe says, "I have lately had an opportunity of procuring an ancient bronze figure of a goat with one horn, which was the old symbol of Macedon. As figures representing the types of ancient countries are extremely rare, and as neither a bronze nor marble symbol of Macedon has been hitherto noticed, I beg leave to trouble you with the few following observations, etc." He then says, "The goat which is sent for your inspection was dug up in Asia Minor, and was brought, together with other antiquities, into this country by a poor Turk." The annexed engraving is a representation of this figure. The slightest inspection of this figure will show the propriety of the representation before us. Mr. Combe then says, "Not only many of the individual towns in Macedon and Thrace employed this type, but the kingdom itself of Macedon, which is the oldest in Europe of which we have any regular and connected history, was represented also by a goat, with this peculiarity, that it had but one horn."

(3) In the reign of Amyntas the First, nearly 300 years after Caranus, and about 547 years before Christ, the Macedonians, upon being threatened with an invasion, became tributary to the Persians. In one of the pilasters of Persepolis, this very event seems to be recorded in a manner that throws considerable light on this subject. A goat is represented with an immense horn growing out of the middle of his forehead, and a man in a Persian dress is seen by his side, holding the horn with his left hand, by which is signified the subjection of Macedon. The subjoined is the figure referred to, and it strikingly shows how early this symbol was used.

(4) In the reign of Archelaus of Macedon, 413 b.c., there occurs on the reverse of a coin of that king the head of a goat having only one horn. Of this coin, so remarkable for the single horn, there are two varieties, one (No. 1) engraved by Pellerin, and the oth. er (No. 2) preserved in the cabinet of the late Dr. W. Hunter.

(5) "there is a gem," says Mr. Combe, "engraved in the Florentine collection, which, as it confirms what has been already said, and has not hitherto been understood, I think worthy of mention. It will be seen by the drawing of this gem that nothing more or less is meant by the ram's head with two horns, and the goat's head with one, than the kingdoms of Persia and Macedon, represented under their appropriate symbols. From the circumstance, however; of these characteristic types being united, it is extremely probable that the gem was engraved after the conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great." These remarks and illustrations will show the propriety of the symbol used here, and show also how readily it would be understood in after-times. There is no evidence that Daniel understood that this ever had been a symbol of Mace-donia, or that, if he had, he could have conjectured, by any natural sagacity, that a power represented by that symbol would have become the conqueror of Media and Persia, and every circumstance, therefore, connected with this only shows the more clearly that he was under the influence of inspiration. It is affirmed by Josephus (Ant. b. xi. ch. viii.) that when Alexander was at Jerusalem, the prophecies of Daniel respecting him were shown to him by the high priest, and that this fact was the means of his conferring important favors on the Jews. If such an event occurred, the circumstances here alluded to show how readily Alexander would recognize the reference to his own country, and to himself, and how probable the account of Josephus is, that this was the means of conciliating him toward the Jewish people. The credibilty of the account, which has been called in question, is examined in Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 241-246.

On the face of the whole earth - He seemed to move over the whole world - well representing the movements of Alexander, who conquered the known world, and who is said to have wept because there were no other worlds to conquer.

And touched not the ground - Margin, none touched him in the earth. The translation in the text, however, is more correct than that in the margin. He seemed to bound along as if he did not touch the ground - denoting the rapidity of his movements and conquests. A similar description of great beauty occurs in Virgil, AEn. vii. 806, following of Camillia:

"Cursu pedum pravertere ventos.

Illa vel intactae segetis per summa volaret

Gramina, nec teneras cursu laesisset aristas,

Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti

Ferretiter, celeres nec tingeret aequore plantas"

Nothing would better express the rapid conquests of Alexander the Great than the language employed by Daniel. He died at the early age of thirty-three, and having been chosen generalissimo of the Greeks against the Persians at the age of twenty-one, the whole period occupied by him in his conquests, and in his public life, was but twelve years; yet in that time he brought the world in subjection to his arms. A single glance at his rapid movements will show the propriety of the description here. In the year 334 b.c., he invaded Persia, and defeated the Persians in the battle of the Granicus; in the year 333, he again defeated them at the battle of Issus, and conquered Parthia, Bactria, Hyrcania, Sogdiana, and Asia Minor. In the year 332, he conquered Tyre and Egypt, and built Alexandria. In the year 331, he defeated Darius Codomanus, and in 330 completed the conquest of the Persian empire. In the year 328, he defeated Porus, king of India, and pursued his march to the Ganges. In these few years, therefore, he had overrun nearly all the then known world, in conquests more rapid and more decisive than had ever before been made.

And the goat had a notable horn between his eyes - The goat represented the Macedonian power, and all this power was concentrated in the person of Alexander - undoubtedly denoted by the single horn - as if all the power of Greece was concentrated in him. The margin is, a horn of sight. This corresponds with the Hebrew - the word rendered "notable" (חזוּת châzût) meaning, properly, look, appearance, and then something conspicuous or remarkable. The literal translation would be, a horn of appearance; that is, conspicuous, large - Gesenius, Lexicon

6

Daniel 8:6

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牠往公綿羊那裏去……——代表瑪代波斯的權勢。

大發忿怒,向牠直闖——代表亞歷山大在格拉尼庫斯河、伊蘇斯和阿爾貝拉攻擊波斯人、並侵入他們本國將其傾覆時所表現的猛烈與狂怒。說這是在「能力的忿怒」中行出來的,再沒有比這更好的表達了。

英文原文

And he came to the ram ... - Representing the Medo-Persian power.

And ran unto him in the fury of his power - Representing the fierceness and fury with which Alexander attacked the Persians at the Granicus, at Issus, and at Arbela, with which he invaded and overthrew them in their own country. Nothing would better express this than to say that it was done in "the fury of power."

7

Daniel 8:7

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我見公山羊就近公綿羊——公綿羊站在友拉歐河岸,正位於帝國的心臟地帶。這景象無疑是要表明:希臘的權勢將在波斯自己的疆土之內攻擊它。異象或許正是以那將成為帝國京都的地方為背景,來表明這一點。

向牠發烈怒——(即向公綿羊。)帶着怒氣與憤恨。就是說,牠的行動如同暴怒已極。這並非不恰當的描繪。亞歷山大雖以野心為主導的動機,但把全希臘因波斯屢次入侵而積聚的義怒視為集中在他一人身上,也並無不妥。誠然,波斯人曾在留克特拉、馬拉松與薩拉米斯被擊敗,他們的大軍曾在溫泉關(Thermopylae)被遏阻,他們從未成功征服希臘,而希臘人在保衛祖國時滿得了榮耀;這都是事實。但同樣真實的是,加於希臘人或企圖加於希臘人的種種傷害從未被遺忘,而且不容置疑,對這些傷害的記憶,正是感動許多希臘人在格拉尼庫斯河、伊蘇斯與阿爾貝拉諸役奮戰的動機。這也必是亞歷山大激勵其大軍時所能訴諸的最強動機之一。

折斷牠的兩角——把牠的權勢完全打垮——亞歷山大推翻大流士·科多曼努斯(Darius Codomanus)、使瑪代波斯帝國臣服於自己時,正是如此行。那帝國便在當時終結,歸併於腓力之子的帝國之中。

綿羊在牠面前站立不住——即無力抵擋牠。

牠將綿羊觸倒在地,用腳踐踏——這舉動生動地刻畫了亞歷山大的作為。那帝國被他的權勢壓碎,可說是被踐踏在地。

沒有能救綿羊脫離牠手的——波斯帝國所能召來的任何援軍,都不能救它脫離這位希臘征服者的手。

英文原文

And I saw him, come close unto the ram - The ram standing on the banks of the Ulai, and in the very heart of the empire. This representation is designed undoubtedly to denote that the Grecian power would attack the Persian in its own dominions. Perhaps the vision was represented at the place which would be the capital of the empire in order to denote this.

And he was moved with choler against him - (i. e., the ram)." With wrath or anger. That is, he acted as if he were furiously enraged. This is not an improper representation. Alexander, though spurred on by ambition as his ruling motive, yet might be supposed without impropriety to represent the concentrated wrath of all Greece on account of the repeated Persian invasions. It is true the Persians had been defeated at Leuctra, at Marathon, and at Salamis, that their hosts had been held in check at Thermopylae, that they had never succeeded in subduing Greece, and that the Grecians in defending their country had covered themselves with glory. But it is true, also, that the wrongs inflicted or attempted on the Greeks had never been forgotten, and it cannot be doubted that the remembrance of these wrongs was a motive that influenced many a Greek at the battle of the Granicus and Issus, and at Arbela. It would be one of most powerful motives to which Alexander could appeal in stimulating his army.

And brake his two horns - Completely prostrated his power - as Alexander did when he overthrew Darius Codemenus, and subjugated to himself the Medo-Persian empire. That empire ceased at that time, and was merged in that of the son of Philp.

And there was no power in the ram to stand before him - To resist him.

But he cast him down to the ground, and stamped upon him - An act strikingly expressive of the conduct of Alexander. The empire was crushed beneath his power, and, as it were, trampled to the earth.

And there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand - No auxiliaries that the Persian empire could call to its aid that could save it from the Grecian conqueror.

8

Daniel 8:8

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這山羊極其自高自大——指馬其頓的權勢,尤其是亞歷山大治下的權勢。

正強盛的時候,那大角折斷了——即在它力量最強盛之時或最強盛的時期。那時發生了一件事,折斷了權勢所集中的那角。這事如何應用於馬其頓的權勢,不難看出。這帝國從未比亞歷山大去世之時更為強盛。它的權勢並未衰殘,也沒有像君主國常常那樣因年久、奢侈和腐敗而削弱;它恰在被亞歷山大之死折斷的時期,正處於最興盛亨通的狀態。此後它再未恢復元氣,也再未重新整合。從那時起,這強大帝國分裂為若干王國,失去了它在世上的影響力。

又在角根上向天的四方長出四個非常的角來——在權勢所集中的這一角的原處,長出了另外四個傑出而顯著的角。關於「非常」一詞,見 Daniel 8:5 的註釋。這一描述使我們可以推想,那集中在單一君主國中的權勢將被分為四份、分散於四方,而且在那權勢的原處,將有四個王國興起,佔據世上大約相同的空間、擁有大約相同的疆域、具備大約相同的特性——因此可以被視為那一王朝的繼承者。關於這權勢,Daniel 7:6 也有同樣的描述:「這獸有四個頭。」另見 Daniel 11:4:「他的國必破裂,向天的四方分開。」這與史書中關於亞歷山大之死所生後果的記載相符;因為王國雖非由他親自分為四部分,但由於隨之而起的混亂與衝突,權勢最終集中於四個王朝。

他死後,他的兄弟阿里達烏斯(Aridaeus)被宣布立王繼位,佩爾狄卡斯(Perdiccas)任攝政。但馬其頓權勢的統一已告終結,隨之而來的是無序、混亂和爭奪帝國的鬥爭。《馬加比一書》的作者(1 Macc. 1:7-9)說:「亞歷山大在位十二年之後便死了。他的臣僕各自在自己的位置上掌權。他死以後,他們都給自己戴上冠冕,他們的子孫在其後多年也照樣行,地上的禍患就增多了。」亞歷山大死於主前323年;安提帕特(Antipater)於主前321年繼佩爾狄卡斯之後執政;同年,多利買·拉古斯(Ptolemy Lagus)取得了埃及;卡桑德(Cassander)於主前317年接管馬其頓的統治;西流基·尼卡托爾(Seleucus Nicator)於主前311年取得敘利亞;主前305年,亞歷山大的繼業者們取得了王的稱號;主前301年爆發了伊普索斯(Ipsus)之戰,統治小亞細亞的安提柯(Antigonus)陣亡,隨後同年,亞歷山大的帝國在四位得勝的君王——多利買、西流基、卡桑德和呂西馬科斯(Lysimachus)——之間正式瓜分。伊普索斯是弗呂家的一座城;這場大戰是在安提柯及其子德米特里(Demetrius)為一方、上述諸王的聯合兵力為另一方之間進行的。

安提柯覬覦普世的王權;他曾奪取並劫掠居比路島,摧毀了多利買·拉古斯的艦隊,並已自立為王。多利買、卡桑德和呂西馬科斯聯合兵力,對抗他及其篡奪,結果他在伊普索斯之戰中被徹底推翻。——Lengerke, in loc.。在這場戰役中,安提柯失去了他全部的征服地和性命。在帝國的瓜分中,西流基·尼卡托爾獲得了敘利亞、巴比倫尼亞、瑪代和蘇西亞那(Susiana)、亞美尼亞、卡帕多細亞的一部分以及基利家,他的王國至少在名義上從赫勒斯滂海峽延伸到印度。呂西馬科斯的王國遍及色雷斯的一部分、小亞細亞、卡帕多細亞的一部分,以及托羅斯山(Mount Taurus)界內的諸地。卡桑德據有馬其頓、帖撒利(Thessaly)和希臘的一部分。多利買獲得了埃及、居比路和古利奈(Cyrene),最終又獲得科伊勒敘利亞(Coele-Syria)、腓尼基(Phoenicia)、猶太,以及小亞細亞和色雷斯的一部分。——Lengerke, in loc.。

向天的四方——意即向着世界的四個方位。如此,西流基的領土在東方,卡桑德的在西方,多利買的在南方,呂西馬科斯的在北方。

英文原文

Therefore the he-goat waxed very great - The Macedonian power, especially under the reign of Alexander.

And when he was strong, the great horn was broken - In the time, or at the period of its greatest strength. Then an event occurred which broke the horn in which was concentrated its power. It is easy to see the application of this to the Macedonian power. At no time was the empire so strong as at the death of Alexander. Its power did not pine away; it was not enfeebled, as monarchies are often, by age, and luxury, and corruption; it was most flourishing and prosperous just at the period when broken by the death of Alexander. Never afterward did it recover its vigour; never was it consolidated again. From that time this mighty empire, broken into separate kingdoms, lost its influence in the world.

And for it came up four notable ones - In the place of this one horn in which all the power was concentrated, there sprang up four others that were distinguished and remarkable. On the word notable, see the notes at Daniel 8:5. This representation would lead us to suppose that the power which had thus been concentrated in one monarchy would be divided and distributed into four, and that instead of that one power there would be four kingdoms that would fill up about the same space in the world, occupy about the same territory, and have about the same characteristics - so that they might be regarded as the succession to the one dynasty. The same representation we have of this one power in Daniel 7:6 : "The beast had also four heads." See also Daniel 11:4 : "His kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided toward the four winds of heaven." This accords with the accounts in history of the effect of Alexander's death, for though the kingdom was not by him divided into four parts, yet, from the confusion and conflicts that arose, the power was ultimately concentrated into four dynasties.

At his death, his brother Aridaeus was declared king in his stead, and Perdiccas regent. But the unity of the Macedonian power was gone, and disorder and confusion, and a struggle for empire, immediately succeeded. The author of the books of Maccabees (1 Macc. 1:7-9) says: "So Alexander reigned twelve years, and then died. And his servants bare rule every one in his place. And after his death, they all put crowns upon themselves; so did their sons after them many years; and evils were multiplied in the earth." Alexander died 323 b.c.; Antipater succeeded Perdiccas, 321 b.c.; Ptolemy Lagus the same year took possession of Egypt; Cassander assumed the government of Macedon, 317 b.c.; Seleucus Nicator took possession of Syria, 311 b.c.; in 305 b.c. the successors of Alexander took the title of kings, and in 301 b.c. there occurred the battle of Ipsus, in which Antigonus, who reigned in Asia Minor, was killed, and then followed in that year a formal division of Alexander's empire between the four victorious princes, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus. This great battle of Ipsus, a city of Phrygia, was fought between Antigonus and his son Demetrius on the one side, and the combined forces of these princes on the other.

Antigonus had aimed at universal sovereignty; he had taken and plundered the island of Cyprus; had destroyed the fieet of Ptolemy Lagus, and had assumed the crown. Against him and his usurpations, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, combined their forces, and the result was his complete overthrow at the battle of Ipsus. - Lengerke, in loc. In this battle, Antigonus lost all his conquests and his life. In the division of the empire, Seleucus Nicator obtained Syria, Babylonia, Media, and Susiana, Armenia, a part of Cappadocia, Cilicia, and his kingdom, in name at least, extended from the Hellespont to the Indies. The kingdom of Lysimachus extended over a part of Thrace, Asia Minor, part of Cappadocia, and the countries within the limits of Mount Taurus. Cassander possessed Macedonia, Thessaly, and a part of Greece. Ptolemy obtained Egypt, Cyprus, and Cyrene, and ultimately Ccelo-Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and a part of Asia Minor and Thrace - Lengerke, in loc.

Toward the four winds of heaven - Toward the four quarters of the world. Thus the dominions of Seleucus were in the east; these of Cassander in the west; those of Ptolemy in the south, and those of Lysimachus in the north.

9

Daniel 8:9

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四角之中有一角長出一個小角——象徵將要興起的一股新權勢。可比較 Daniel 7:8 的註釋。這小角是從四角之一長出來的;它並不像 Daniel 7:8 的小角在十角中間長出來那樣,長在其他諸角之中。它似乎是從四角之一生長出來的,其含義不致誤解:從亞歷山大帝國將要分成的四個權勢或王國之一,將興起這股野心勃勃、逼迫人的權勢。

漸漸成為強大——意即變得極其強盛。它起初相當微小,最終卻成為強大。這裏所指是安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯(Antiochus Epiphanes),是無可置疑的。預言的一切情節都在他身上得着應驗;即使假定這是在他死後寫成、作者有意用這象徵描寫他,也找不到比這更鮮明、更貼切的象徵了。敘利亞文譯本在此處的敘利亞文文本中插入了「安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯」的字樣,而釋經家們幾乎毫無例外地同意這裏所指的就是他。關於他的概略記述,見 Daniel 7:24 以下的註釋。《馬加比一書》的作者在上引的段落中提及亞歷山大之死及其後的紛亂之後,說:「他們中間興起一條惡根,就是安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯;他是安提阿古王的兒子,曾在羅馬作人質,於希臘國第一百三十七年登基」(1 Macc. 1:10)。少數釋經家認為這段經文指敵基督——聖經釋經家還有甚麼想不到的呢?但絕大多數解經者都認為它指安提阿古。這位君王是西流基·尼卡托爾的繼承者;西流基在亞歷山大帝國的瓜分中得了敘利亞、巴比倫尼亞、瑪代等地(見上文 Daniel 8:8 的註釋),以安提阿為都。從西流基到安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯,在安提阿作王的諸王世系如下:

(1)西流基·尼卡托爾,主前312-280年。

(2)其子安提阿古·索特爾,主前280-261年。

(3)其子安提阿古·提奧斯,主前261-247年。

(4)其子西流基·卡利尼庫斯,主前247-226年。

(5)其子(亞歷山大),又稱西流基·克勞努斯,主前226-223年。

(6)其兄弟安提阿古大帝,主前223-187年。

(7)其子西流基·菲洛帕托爾,主前187-176年。

(8)其兄弟安提阿古·伊皮法尼斯,主前176-164年。

——克林頓(Clinton)《希臘編年史》(Fasti Hellenici)卷三,附錄第三章。

在安提阿作王的敘利亞諸王世系一直延續,直到主前63年龐培(Pompey)把敘利亞改建為羅馬行省為止。安提阿古的前任西流基·菲洛帕托爾被一名廷臣刺殺後,雖然王位的自然繼承人——西流基的兒子德米特里(Demetrius)——仍然在世,卻在羅馬作人質;他的兄弟安提阿古便急忙佔據了空懸的王位。安提阿古取了伊皮法尼斯(Epiphanes)之名,意即「顯赫者」。Daniel 11:21 暗示他是以諂媚得了國;毫無疑問,他也使用了賄賂和向人許諾賞賜的手段來穩固權勢。見 Kitto 的 Cyclopaedia, i. 168-170。關於這位君王的事蹟,在本章餘下部分和 Daniel 11 的註釋中將有機會更詳盡地敘述。

向南——指向埃及等地。主前171年,他向多利買·菲洛梅托爾宣戰;主前170年,他征服埃及,並劫掠了耶路撒冷。1 Macc. 1:16-19:「安提阿古的國位穩固之後,他想要統治埃及,好兼併兩國。於是他帶着大軍、戰車、大象和騎兵,以及龐大的艦隊進入埃及,攻打埃及王多利買(Ptolemee);多利買懼怕他,便逃走了,有許多人重傷至死。這樣,他們奪了埃及地堅固的城邑,擄掠其中的財物。」

向東——指向波斯和東方諸國。他前往那裏——這些國家名義上都臣屬於他——按照《馬加比一書》作者的記載(1 Macc. 3:21-37),是為了補充他枯竭的府庫,使他能繼續與猶太人作戰,並維持宮廷的豪華與揮霍:「他見自己府庫的銀錢短絀,又因他帶進那地的紛爭和災禍,各地的貢銀微薄,便恐怕不能再擔負開支,也不能像從前那樣慷慨饋贈;於是心裏大為愁煩,決意往波斯去,收取各國的貢銀,聚斂大批銀錢。王便於第一百四十七年離開王都安提阿,渡過伯拉大河,經行高地諸國。」

向榮美之地——這裏所用的詞(צבי tsebı̂y)本義是光彩、秀美(Isaiah 4:2;Isaiah 24:16;Isaiah 28:1、28:4-5)。在 Isaiah 13:19,它用於巴比倫——「列國的榮耀」。這裏它顯然指以色列人的地,即巴勒斯坦——那地常被描寫為華美之地、流奶與蜜之地等。這是敬虔的希伯來人論到自己國土時自然會用的話,尤其是像但以理那樣身處異地的人。這樣一個稱呼便足以指明那地,使聞者明白——正如對一個流落異鄉的中國人,只消說起「花之國」,便足以指明他的故土一樣。安提阿古從埃及歸回時,轉道侵入猶太,最終劫掠聖殿、毀壞耶路撒冷,使全地荒涼。見 1 Macc. 1。

英文原文

And out of one of them, came forth a little horn - Emblematic of new power that should spring up. Compare the notes at Daniel 7:8. This little horn sprang, up out of one of the others; it did not spring up in the midst of the others as the little horn, in Daniel 7:8, did among the ten others. This seemed to grow out of one of the four, and the meaning cannot be misunderstood. From one of the four powers or kingdoms into which the empire of Alexander would be divided, there would spring up this ambitions and persecuting power.

Which waxed exceeding great - Which became exceedingly powerful. It was comparatively small at first, but ultimately became mighty. There can be no doubt that Antiochus Epiphanes is denoted here. All the circumstances of the prediction find a fulfillment in him; and if it were supposed that this was written after he had lived, and that it was the design of the writer to describe him by this symbol, he could not have found a symbol that would have been more striking or appropriate than this. The Syriac version has inserted here, in the Syriae text, the words "Antiochus Epiphanes," and almost without exception expositors have been agreed in the opinion that he is referred to. For a general account of him, see the notes at Daniel 7:24, following The author of the book of Maccabees, after noticing, in the passage above quoted, the death of Alexander, and the distractions that followed his death, says, "And there came out of them a wicked root, Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the king, who had been a hostage at Rome, and he reigned in the hundred and thirty and seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks," 1 Macc. 1:10. A few expositors have supposed that this passage refers to Antichrist - what will not expositors of the Bible suppose? But the great body of interpreters have understood it to refer to Antiochus. This prince was a successor of Seleucus Nicator, who, in the division of the empire of Alexander, obtained Syria, Babylonia, Media, etc. (see above the note at Daniel 8:8), and whose capital was Antioch. The succession of princes who reigned in Antioch, from Seleucus to Antiochus Epiphanes, were as follows:

(1) Seleucus Nicator, 312-280 b.c.

(2) Antiochus Soter, his son, 280-261.

(3) Antiochus Theos, his son, 261-247.

(4) Seleucus Callinicus, his son, 247-226.

(5) (Alexander), or Seleucus Ceraunus, his son, 226-223.

(6) Antiochus the Great, his brother, 223-187.

(7) Seleucus Philopater, his son, 187-176.

(8) Antiochus Epiphanes, his brother, 176-164.

  • Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. iii. Appendix, ch. iii.

The succession of the Syrian kings reigning in Antioch was continued until Syria was reduced to the form of a Roman province by Pompey, 63 b.c. Seleucus Philopater, the immediate predecessor of Antiochus, having been assassinated by one of his courtiers, his brother Antiochus hastened to occupy the vacant throne, although the natural heir, Demetrius, son of Seleucus, was yet alive, but a hostage at Rome. Antiochus assumed the name of Epiphanes, or Illustrious. In Daniel 11:21, it is intimated that he gained the kingdom by flatteries; and there can be no doubt that bribery, and the promise of reward to others, was made use of to secure his power. See Kitto's Cyclo., i.-168-170. Of the acts of this prince there will be occasion for a fuller detail in the notes on the remainder of this chapter, and Daniel 11.

Toward the south - Toward the country of Egypt, etc. In the year 171 b.c., he declared war against Ptolemy Philometer, and in the year 170 he conquered Egypt, and plundered Jerusalem. 1 Macc. 1:16-19: "Now when the kingdom was established before Antiochus, he thought to reign over Egypt, that he might have the dominion of two realms. Wherefore he entered Egypt with a great multitude, with chariots, and elephants, and horsemen, and a great navy. And made war against Ptolemee king of Egypt: but Ptolemee was afraid of him, and fled; and many were wounded to death. Thus they got the strong cities in the land of Egypt, and he took the spoils thereof."

And toward the east - Toward Persia and the countries of the East. He went there - these countries being nominally subject to him - according to the author of the book of Maccabees (1 Macc. 3:21-37), in order to replenish his exhausted treasury, that he might carry on his wars with the Jews, and that he might keep up the splendor and liberality of his court: "He saw that the money of his treasures failed, and that the tributes in the country were small, because of the dissension and plague which he had brought upon the land, and he feared that he should not be able to bear the charges any longer, nor to have such gifts to give so liberally as he did before; wherefore, being greatly perplexed in his mind, he determined to go into Persia, there to take the tributes of the countries, and to gather much money. So the king departed from Antioch, his royal city, the hundred forty and seventh year; and having passed the river Euphrates, he went through the high countries."

And toward the pleasant land - The word used here (צבי tsebı̂y) means, properly, splendor, beauty, Isaiah 4:2; Isaiah 24:16; Isaiah 28:1, Isaiah 28:4-5. It is applied, in Isaiah 13:19, to Babylon - "the glory of kingdoms." Here it evidently denotes the land of the Israelites, or Palestine - so often described as a land of beauty, as flowing with milk and honey, etc. This is such language as a pious Hebrew would naturally use of his own country, and especially if he was an exile from it, as Daniel was. Nothing more would be necessary to designate the land so as to be understood than such an appellation - as nothing more would be necessary to designate his country to an exile from China than to speak of "the flowery land." Antiochus, on his return from Egypt, turned aside and invaded Judea, and ultimately robbed the temple, destroyed Jerusalem, and spread desolation through the land. See 1 Macc. 1.

10

Daniel 8:10

開啟正文

牠漸漸強大——意即變得極其強大。這在征服埃及等地之後的安提阿古身上尤為真實。

高及天象——欄外註作「對抗」(against)。希伯來文字詞(עד(‛ad))意為「到」或「以至於」,自然的觀念似乎是他想把自己置於眾星之中,或高舉自己超過一切屬地之物。可比較 Isaiah 14:13 的註釋:「你心裏曾說:我要升到天上;我要高舉我的寶座在神眾星以上。」Lengerke 認為這裏的意思是:他不僅把征服推展到埃及和東方,以及整個聖地,更向神的聖潔軍旅——耶和華的祭司和敬拜者,即此處所稱的「天象」——發動戰爭。Maurer 也這樣理解。在《馬加比二書》9:10,安提阿古被這樣描述:「那不久前還自以為能觸及天上眾星的人」等。上下文似乎要求 Lengerke 與 Maurer 所提出的解釋,因為下文立刻說他把天象和眾星中的一些摔到地上。這解釋也與聖經別處論到希伯來民族祭司和掌權者的用語相符。這樣,在 Isaiah 24:21,他們被稱為「高處的眾軍」。見該處的註釋。這樣的用語在聖經中絕非罕見。把君王和掌權者,尤其是宗教上的掌權者,比作日、月、星辰,乃是慣常之事。這裏的用意無疑是描述安提阿古的驕傲與野心,表明他認為沒有任何事物高得讓他不敢覬覦。沒有人因太高或太聖潔而在他傾覆的圖謀下得以倖免;連那些因地位與品格看似配稱為日為星、配稱「天象」的人,也不得安全。

將些天象和星宿拋落在地——那角似乎長到眾星那裏,把它們從本位奪下,摔在地上。在應驗上,安提阿古把神聖潔軍旅中的君王、官長和百姓摔下並踐踏。這話所蘊含的一切,都在他對猶太人的所作所為中充分應驗。可比較《馬加比一書》1章,以及《馬加比二書》8:2。

用腳踐踏——帶着忿怒與輕蔑。再沒有別的話更能表達安提阿古對待猶太人的行徑了。

英文原文

And it waxed great - It became very powerful. This was eminently true of Antiochus, after having subdued Egypt, etc.

Even to the host of heaven - Margin, against. The Hebrew word (עד ‛ad) means "to" or "unto," and the natural idea would seem to be that he wished to place himself among the stars, or to exalt himself above all that was earthly. Compare the notes at Isaiah 14:13 : "For thou hast said in thine heart, I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of God." Lengerke supposes that the meaning here is, that he not only carried his conquests to Egypt and to the East, and to the holy land in general, but that he made war on the holy army of God - the priests and worshippers of Jehovah, here spoken of as the host of heaven. So Maurer understands it. In 2 Macc. 9:10, Antiochus is described in this language: "And the man that thought a little afore he could reach the stars of heaven, etc." The connection, would seem to demand the interpretation proposed by Lengerke and Maurer, for it is immediately said that he cast down some of the host and the stars to the ground. And such an interpretation accords with the language elsewhere used, of the priests and rulers of the Hebrew people. Thus, in Isaiah 24:21, they are called "the host of the high ones that are on high." See the note at that passage. This language is by no means uncommon in the Scriptures. It is usual to compare princes and rulers, and especially ecclesiastical rulers, with the sun, moon, and stars. Undoubtedly it is the design here to describe the pride and ambition of Antiochus, and to show that he did not think anything too exalted for his aspiration. None were too high or too sacred to be secure from his attempts to overthrow them, and even those who, by their position and character, seemed to deserve to be spoken of as suns and stars, as "the host of heaven," were not secure.

And it cast down some of the host and of the stars to the ground - The horn seemed to grow up to the stars, and to wrest them from their places, and to cast them to the earth. Antiochus, in the fulfillment of this, east down and trampled on the princes, and rulers, and people, of the holy host or army of God. All that is implied in this was abundantly fulfilled in what he did to the Jewish people. Compare 1 Macc. 1, and 2 Macc. 8:2.

And stamped upon them - With indignation and contempt. Nothing could better express the conduct of Antiochus toward the Jews.

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Daniel 8:11

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牠自高自大,以為高及天象之君——Grotius、敘利亞人以法蓮(Ephraem the Syrian)等人認為這是指大祭司俄尼亞(Onias),視為聖民的最高官員。Lengerke 則認為它指神自己。後一解釋更為可取;「天象之君」這短語的觀念是:神既統管天上的軍旅——引領眾星座、部署群星——祂也可以被視為統管地上聖潔軍旅、即宗教的職事者和祂子民的主宰。安提阿古正是高舉自己,敵對這位子民的統帥和領袖,特別企圖改變祂的律法,並使對祂的敬拜止息。

除掉常獻給君的燔祭——欄外註作「從祂」(from him)。其意思是:行這事的命令或權柄出於祂。聖殿中每日早晚獻的祭被中止了。這事的完整記載見於《馬加比一書》1:20-24、29-32、44-50。安提阿古在執行自己的計劃時,「進入聖所,奪去金壇、燈臺和其一切器皿,以及陳設餅的桌子、澆奠的器皿等,並把聖殿的一切金飾剝除淨盡。」兩年之後,他再次來到那城,「狠狠擊打它,殺了許多以色列人,奪了城中的財物之後放火焚燒,又拆毀四圍的城牆。」耶路撒冷的一切都荒涼了。「她的聖所荒涼如曠野,她的節期變為哀哭,她的安息日變為羞辱,她的尊榮變為蔑視。」其後,他藉着一道莊嚴的諭令和更堅決的行動,終止了聖殿中對神的敬拜,並使聖殿的每個部分受玷污、遭褻瀆。「因為王曾差使者送信到耶路撒冷和猶大諸城,吩咐他們隨從那地的異法,禁止在聖殿獻燔祭、素祭和奠祭,褻瀆安息日和節期,玷污聖所和聖民,築壇、立亞舍拉木像和偶像的廟宇,獻豬肉和不潔的牲畜為祭,又不給他們的男孩行割禮,使他們的心靈因各樣不潔和褻瀆的事而成為可憎;為要使他們忘記律法,改變一切的規例」(《馬加比一書》1:44-49)。

我們面前的這段經文,無疑就是指安提阿古的這些行為;這事件與預言的話如此吻合,彷彿這段預言是事後所寫、有意把實際發生的事當作史實來描繪一般。譯作「常獻的燔祭」的字——「燔祭」一詞是譯者補上的——תמיד(tâmı̂yd)——本義為持續、恆久,繼而指持續或常存之物,如每日獻的祭或舉行的事奉。「燔祭」一詞在此補得恰當。——Gesenius《辭典》(Lexicon)。譯作「除掉」的字——הרם(huram,出於 רום(rûm,高舉、舉起)的 Hophal 式)——在此的意思是:它被高舉起來,然後被除去;即它被止住了——彷彿被挪去一般。——Gesenius。

毀壞君的聖所——指「天象之君」、即神之聖所或聖地。所指是聖殿。聖殿並沒有被安提阿古徹底拆毀,卻遭搶劫洗劫,聖器被拿走。城牆固然還在,聖殿卻荒涼,那時一切的事奉都被廢棄了。見上面所引《馬加比一書》的經文。

英文原文

Yea, he magnified himself even to the prince of the host - Grotius, Ephraem the Syrian, and others, understand this of Onias the high priest, as the chief officer of the holy people. Lengerke supposes that it means God himself. This interpretation is the more probable; and the idea in the phrase "prince of the host" is, that as God is the ruler of the host of heaven - leading on the constellations, and marshalling the stars, so he may be regarded as the ruler of the holy army here below - the ministers of religion, and his people. Against him as the Ruler and Leader of his people Antiochus exalted himself, particularly by attempting to change his laws, and to cause his worship to cease.

And by him - Margin, "from him." The meaning is, that the command or authority to do this proceeded from him.

The daily sacrifice was taken away - The sacrifice that was offered daily in the temple, morning and evening, was suspended. A full account of this may be found in 1 Macc. 1:20-24, 29-32, 44-50. In the execution of the purposes of Antiochus, he "entered the sanctuary, and took away the golden altar, and the candlestick, and all the vessels thereof; and the table of showbread, the pouring vessels, etc., and stripped the temple of all the ornaments of gold." After two years he again visited the city, and "smote it very sore, and destroyed much people of Israel, and when he had taken the spoils of the city he set it on fire, and pulled down the walls thereof on every side." Everything in Jerusalem was made desolate. Her sanctuary was laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts were turned into mourning, her sabbaths into reproach, her honor into contempt." Subsequently, by a solemn edict, and by more decisive acts, he put a period to the worship of God in the temple, and polluted and defiled every part of it. "For the king had sent letters by messengers unto Jerusalem and the cities of Judah, that they should follow the strange laws of the land, and forbid burnt-offerings, and sacrifices, and drink-offerings in the temple; and that they should profane the sabbaths and festival days, and pollute the sanctuary and holy people; set up altars, and groves, and chapels of idols, and sacrifice swine's flesh, and unclean beasts; that they should also leave their children uncir. cumcised, and make their souls abominable with all manner of uncleanness and profanation; to the end they might forget the laws, and change all the ordinances," 1 Macc. 1:44-49.

It was undoubtedly to these acts of Antiochus that the passage before us refers, and the event accords with the words of the prediction as clearly as if what is a prediction had been written afterward, and had been designed to represent what actually occurred as a matter of historical record. The word which is rendered "daily sacrifice" - the word "sacrifice" being supplied by the translators - תמיד tâmı̂yd - means, properly, continuance, prepetuity, and then what is continuous or constant - as a sacrifice or service daily occurring. The word sacrifice is properly inserted here. - Gesenius, Lexicon The meaning of the word rendered "was taken away" - הרם huram (Hophal from רום rûm - to exalt, to lift up) - here is, that it was lifted up, and then was taken away; that is, it was made to cease - as if it had been carried away. - Gesenius.

And the place of his sanctuary - Of the sanctuary or holy place of the, "Prince of the host," that is, of God. The reference is to the temple.

Was cast down - The temple was not entirely destroyed by Antiochus, but it was robbed and rifled, and its holy vessels were carried away. The walls indeed remained, but it was desolate, and the whole service then was abandoned. See the passages quoted above from 1 Macc.

12

Daniel 8:12

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有軍旅交付他——武加大譯本作 robur——「有力量賜給了他」等。Theodotion 譯作「有罪被容許(ἐδόθη edothē)臨到祭物;這義被摔在地上;於是他這樣行,並且亨通」。Luther 譯作「這樣的能力(或權勢,macht)賜給了他」。敘利亞譯本作「有力量賜給了他」等。Bertholdt 譯作 Statt jenes stellte man den Greuel——「代替這殿,設立了可憎之物」。Dathe 譯作「眾星被交付在他手中」——tradita ei fuerunt astra, seu populus Judaicus。Maurer 也認為這是指猶太人,並解釋為「有軍隊(exercitus)——即猶太人的眾民——與常獻的祭一同,因邪惡的緣故,即為了一件惡事,或為不潔的祭物,被交付毀滅」。Lengerke 的譯法與我們的譯本相同:「有軍隊(ein Heer)與常獻的祭一同,因惡行的緣故被交在他手中」。「軍旅」一詞(צבא tsâbâ’)在此無疑應取與 Daniel 8:10 相同的含義,在那裏它是與天相連——「天象」。它若在那裏指猶太人,在此也必然如此;這稱呼也是很自然會用上的一個。這就等於說「耶和華的軍隊」,或「耶和華的子民」;這裏本應譯作「軍旅被交在他手中」,即神的子民,或聖潔的子民,被交在他手裏。

對着常獻的燔祭——這譯法並不能傳達任何清晰的觀念。Lengerke 譯作 sammt den bestandigen opfer——「與常獻的祭一同」。他指出,介詞 על ‛al(我們的譯本譯作 against,即「敵對」),如同希臘文的 ἐπὶ epi 一樣,可表示與某物的關聯,或與某物同在——Zusammenseyn——因而表示時間上的聯合,即這些事同時發生,Genesis 32:11 (12);Hosea 10:14;Amos 3:15。可比較 Gesenius(Lexicon)論 על ‛al 一詞的部分,3。據此,其含義是:「軍旅」,即猶太人,與常獻的燔祭一同、或相連地被交在他手中。對這民族的征服,以及有關常獻之祭的命令,是同時發生的。兩者都落入他的手中,他對兩者都施行了管轄。

因罪過的緣故——希伯來文作 בפשׁע beppâsha‛。就是說,這一切都是因百姓的過犯,因罪孽氾濫的緣故而臨到。神因盛行的不敬虔,將這百姓、他們的聖殿和他們的祭物,都交在安提阿古(Antiochus)手中。可比較 1 Macc. 1:11-16。該書的作者將這一切災禍追溯至某些惡人的行為;這些人得安提阿古的准許,把異教的風俗引入耶路撒冷,並且確實在那裏確立了許多這類風俗。

他將真理拋在地上——指真實的宗教體系,或敬拜神的真方法——在此以抽象的「真理」來代表。正如 Isaiah 59:14 所說:「誠實在街上仆倒,正直也不得進入。」這裏的含義是:真宗教的制度將會全然傾覆。這由安提阿古完全應驗了。見 1 Macc. 1。

並且行事——希伯來文作「它行了」,或「它有所行動」。意思是說,它承擐一項工作,並且成功了。正如 Psalm 1:3 出現同樣的表達:「凡他所作的,盡都順利。」這在安提阿古身上完全應驗了;他攻擊耶路撒冷的一切行動都大獲成功。見 1 Macc. 1。

英文原文

And a host was given him - The Vulgate renders this, "and strength - robur - was given him, etc." Theodotion, "and sin was permitted - ἐδόθη edothē - against the sacrifice; and this righteousness was cast on the ground; so he acted and was prospered." Luther renders it, "and such might (or power, macht) was given him." The Syriac renders it, "and strength was given him, etc." Bertholdt renders it, Statt jenes stellte man den Greuel auf, "instead of this (the temple) there was set up an abomination." Dathe, "and the stars were delivered to him" - tradita ei fuerunt astra, seu populus Judaicus. Maurer understands it also of the Jewish people, and interprets it, "and an army - exercitus - the people of the Jews was delivered to destruction, at the same time with the perpetual sacrifice, on account of wickedness, that is, for a wicked thing, or for impure sacrifices." Lengerke renders it, as in our translation, "an host - ein Heer - was Wen up to him at the same time with the daily offering, on account of evil." The word "host" (צבא tsâbâ') is doubtless to be taken here in the same sense as in Daniel 8:10, where it is connected with heaven - "the host of heaven." If it refers there to the Jewish people, it doubtless does here, and the appellation is such a one as would not unnaturally be used. It is equivalent to saying "the army of the Lord," or "the people of the Lord," and it should have been rendered here "and the host was given up to him;" that is, the people of God, or the holy people were given into his hands.

Against the daily sacrifice - This does not convey any clear idea. Lengerke renders it, sammt den bestandigen opfer - "at the same time with the permanent sacrifice." He remarks that the preposition על ‛al (rendered in our version against), like the Greek ἐπὶ epi, may denote a connection with anything, or a being with a thing - Zusammenseyn - and thus it would denote a union of time, or that the things occurred together, Genesis 32:11 (12); Hosea 10:14; Amos 3:15. Compare Gesenius (Lexicon) on the word על ‛al, 3. According to this, the meaning is, that the "host," or the Jewish people, were given to him at the same time, or in connection with the daily sacrifice. The conquest over the people, and the command respecting the daily sacrifice, were simultaneous. Both passed into his hands, and he exercised jurisdiction over them both.

By reason of transgression - - בפשׁע beppâsha‛. That is, all this was on account of the transgression of the people, or on account of abounding iniquity. God gave up the people, and their temple, and their sacrifices, into the hands of Antiochus, on account of the prevailing impiety. Compare 1 Macc. 1:11-16. The author of that book traces all these calamities to the acts of certain wicked men, who obtained permission of Antiochus to introduce pagan customs into Jerusalem, and who actually established many of those customs there.

And it cast down the truth to the ground - The true system of religion, or the true method of worshipping God - represented here as truth in the abstract. So in Isaiah 59:14, it is said: "Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter." The meaning here is, that the institutions of the true religion would be utterly prostrate. This was fully accomplished by Antiochus. See 1 Macc. 1.

And it practiced - Hebrew. "it did," or it acted. That is, it undertook a work, and was successful. So in Psalm 1:3, where the same expression occurs: "And whatsoever he doeth shall prosper." This was fully accomplished in Antiochus, who was entirely successful in all his enterprises against Jerusalem. See 1 Macc. 1.

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Daniel 8:13

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我聽見有一位聖者說話——即一位聖潔者。異象這時已經結束;先知如今把自己描述為聽見懇切的詢問:這荒涼將持續多久。他把這番談話、這些詢問,描述為在他所稱為「聖者」——קדשׁ qâdôsh——的彼此之間聽見的。這詞可以指地上的聖徒,也可以指天使——任何聖潔的存在者。然而,由於其中一位能解釋異象,並能說出這荒涼將持續多久,把它理解為指天使就更自然。Lengerke 也是這樣理解。這裏的描述是:但以理聽見一位聖者(即天使)談論這題目,但他所說的話沒有記錄下來;所暗示的只是,他正談論將臨到聖城和神子民的荒涼。另一位聖者趨近這位正在說話、並被引入為有能力解釋異象的,問這種局面將持續多久。這問題的答覆(Daniel 8:14)不是對發問的那位說的,而是對但以理說的,顯然是為使它可以記錄下來。但以理沒有說這異象發生在何處——在天上還是在地上。然而,它離他如此之近,以致他能聽見所說的話。

又有一位聖者——即另一位聖潔者——大概是天使。若是這樣,我們便可以得出一個本身各方面都極其可能的結論:一位天使比另一位天使知道得更多,或說有些事啟示給某幾位,而不啟示給其他。

問那說話的聖者——邊註作:Palmoni,即「秘密的數算者」,或「奇妙的數算者」。希伯來詞 פלמוני palemônı̂y 在聖經中沒有別處出現。相似的形式 פלני pelonı̂y 見於 Ruth 4:1,「喂,某人,請轉過來」;1 Samuel 21:2,「我派定僕人到某處某處」;以及 2 Kings 6:8,「在某處某處」。斜體字即代表相應的希伯來詞。按 Gesenius 的說法,這詞意為某人、某一位;在阿拉伯語中,指一位明確而特定的人——是可用手指指出、而不能以名字稱呼的。它源於一個已廢的名詞 פלון pâlôn,出自動詞 פלה pâlâh(分別);且常與 אלמני 'alemonı̂y 一詞連用——其本義為一位隱藏的或不知名的人。因此,這是我們想與之交談、或想用手指指出、或以類似方式指明、卻無法叫出名字的陌生人之恰當稱呼。應用在眼前這段經文,它的意思是:但以理並不知道這樣說話之人的名字,只是看見一位在向另一位說話。他無法以別的方式指稱或區別他們,只能用一個通常用來稱呼想趨前談話、或想指出、或想叫到跟前之陌生人的詞。邊註所提示的含義,在這詞中毫無根據。Theodotion 不嘗試翻譯這詞,而是原樣保留——φελμουνὶ phelmouni——即 Phelmouni。拉丁文武加大譯本很好地表達了這含義:dixit unus sanctus alteri nescio loquenti。其完整含義無疑包含在兩個觀念中:

(a) 所指的那位名字不為人知;

(b) 說話者想以某種方式指明他,或把他指出來。

這除掉常獻的燔祭的異象要到幾時呢——異象所要代表的事將持續多久?就是說,殿中常獻燔祭的供獻實際上將中止多久?

和施行毀壞的罪過——邊註作「施行毀壞」。即安提阿古那使聖城和聖殿如此荒涼的罪惡行徑——這還要持續多久?

將聖所——即聖殿;神以可見的記號居住、並受人敬拜的聖所。

和軍旅——即神的子民——猶太人。

踐踏——即被徹底藐視、被傾覆——如任何被我們踩在腳下的東西一樣。

英文原文

Then I heard one saint speaking - One holy one. The vision was now ended, and the prophet represents himself now as hearing earnest inquiries as to the length of time during which this desolation was to continue. This conversation, or these inquiries, he represents himself as hearing among those whom he calls "saints" - or holy ones - קדשׁ qâdôsh. This word might refer to a saint on earth, or to an angel - to any holy being. As one of these, however, was able to explain the vision, and to tell how long the desolation was to continue, it is more natural to refer it to angels. So Lengerke understands it. The representation is, that one holy one, or angel, was heard by Daniel speaking on this subject, but nothing is recorded of what he said. It is implied only that he was conversing about the desolations that were to come upon the holy city and the people of God. To him thus speaking, and who is introduced as having power to explain it, another holy one approaches, and asks how long this state of things was to continue. The answer to this question Daniel 8:14 is made, not to the one who made the inquiry, but to Daniel, evidently that it might be recorded. Daniel does not say where this vision occurred - whether in heaven or on earth. It was so near to him, however, that he could hear what was said.

And another saint - Another holy one - probably an angel. If so, we may conclude, what is in itself every way probable, that one angel has more knowledge than another, or that things are communicated to some which are not to others.

Unto that certain saint which spake - Margin, Palmoni, or, the numberer of secrets, or, the wondeful numberer. The Hebrew word, פלמוני palemônı̂y, occurs nowhere else in the Scriptures. The similar form, פלני pelonı̂y, occurs in Ruth 4:1, "Ho, such a one, turn aside;" in 1 Samuel 21:2, "appointed my servants to such and such a place;" and 2 Kings 6:8, "In such and such a place." The Italic words denote the corresponding Hebrew word. The word, according to Gesenius, means some one, a certain one; in Arabic, one who is distinct or definite, whom one points out as with the finger, and not by name. It is derived from an obsolete noun, פלון pâlôn, from the verb פלה pâlâh, to distinguish, and is united commonly with the word אלמני 'alemonı̂y - meaning, properly, one concealed or unknown. It is language, therefore, which would be properly addressed to an unknown person with whom we would desire to speak, or whom we would designate by the finger, or in some such way, without being able to call the name. Thus applied in the passage here, it means that Daniel did not know the names of the persons thus speaking, but simply saw that one was speaking to another. He had no other way of designating or distinguishing them than by applying a term which was commonly used of a stranger when one wished to address him, or to point him out, or to call him to him. There is no foundation in the word for the meaning suggested in the margin. Theodotion does not attempt to translate the word, but retains it - φελμουνὶ phelmouni - Phelmouni. The Latin Vulgate well expresses the meaning, dixit unus sanctus alteri nescio loquenti. The full sense is undoubtedly conveyed by the two ideas,

(a) that the one referred to was unknown by name, and

(b) that he wished to designate him in some way, or to point him out.

How long shall be the vision concerning the daily sacrifice? - How long is what is designed to be represented by the vision to continue; that is, how long in fact will the offering of the daily sacrifice in the temple be suspended?

And the transgression of desolation - Margin, making desolate. That is, the act of iniquity on the part of Antiochus producing such desolation in the holy city and the temple - show long is that to continue?

To give both the sanctuary - The temple; the holy place where God dwelt by a visible symbol, and where he was worshipped.

And the host - The people of God - the Jewish people.

To be trodden under foot - To be utterly despised and prostrated - as anything which is trodden under our feet.

14

Daniel 8:14

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他對我說——那回答不是向發問的那一位說,而是向但以理說,無疑是要叫他可以記錄下來,或傳達給別人。若那回答是向發問者說的,它便只存留在他那裏,對世界毫無用處。然而,為著鼓勵那將目睹聖所與聖城如此荒涼的希伯來民族,並為提供一個預言清楚應驗的實例,這回答被記錄下來是重要的;因此,它是向但以理說的。

到二千三百日——邊註作「晚上、早晨」。希伯來文如此:בקר ערב ‛ereb boqer。拉丁武加大譯本(Vulgate)如此:ad vesperam et mane。Theodotion 也如此:ἔως ἑσπέρας καὶ πρωΐ̀ heōs hesperas kai prōi——「直到晚上和早晨」。這裏的語言顯然出自創世記第一章,或是希伯來人中通行的說法,以「晚上和早晨」構成一日。然而,毫無疑問,這裏所指的乃是一日,因為這是公平而明顯的解釋。希臘人也慣於以 νυχθήμερον nuchthēmeron 一詞用同樣的方式表示一日的期間(見 2 Corinthians 11:25),為要更有力地指明一個完整的日子。見 Stuart 教授《預言提示》(Hints on Prophecy),頁九九、一〇〇。如此,這裏所指定的時間便是六年零一百一十天。

解經家們在協調這話與但以理書中其他被認為指同一事件的時間表述、以及 Josephus 關於聖所荒涼、每日獻祭中止期間的記載時,感到極大的困難。但以理書中被認為指同一事件的其他時間表述是:Daniel 7:25,那裏提到的時間是三年半,即一千二百六十日;Daniel 12:7,那裏提到相同的時間,「一載、二載、半載」,即三年半,或如前所述,一千二百六十日;Daniel 12:11,那裏提到的時期是「一千二百九十日」;Daniel 12:12,那裏提到的時間是「一千三百三十五日」。Josephus 所提到的時間是整整三年——從「他們對神的敬拜衰落、被貶為褻瀆的俗用」之時,直到燈重新點亮、敬拜恢復之時,因為他說,後一事件恰好發生在前一事件之後三年的同一月日——《猶太古史》(Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6)。然而,在他的《猶太戰爭史》(b. i. ch. i. Section 1)中,他說 Antiochus「劫掠聖殿,並中止了每日獻贖罪祭的常例,為期三年零六個月」。如今,為了解釋我們面前的這段經文,協調這些記載,或表明它們之間並無矛盾,可作以下的說明:

(1)我們可以撇開 Daniel 7:25 那段經文。見該處的註釋。若那裏的論證成立,那段經文便與 Antiochus 無關;而且,雖然按照 Josephus 的記載,那裏所提的時間與每日獻祭中止的期間之間有顯著的吻合,但那並不能證明那裏所指的就是 Antiochus。

(2)我們目前也可以撇開 Daniel 12:11-12 的經文。那些將是日後討論的主題,目前不應讓它們妨礙我們確定面前這段經文的意義。

(3)然而,在假定那些經文指 Antiochus、且上引 Josephus 的記載正確的前提下——雖然他提到不同的時間,雖然但以理提到不同的時期——這種差異可以用一個假設來解釋:計算的起點所指的,是各自不同的紀元——即 terminus a quo(起算點)。事實是,在 Antiochus 的歷史中,有幾個導致耶路撒冷最終荒涼的決定性行動;一個作者在一個時候可能注視其中之一,在另一個時候可能注視另一個。例如:Jason——由 Antiochus 立為大祭司——獲准照外邦人的樣式在耶路撒冷設立體育館的行動(Prideaux, iii. 216;1 Macc. 1:11-15);他攻襲並奪取耶路撒冷、進入至聖所、剝奪聖殿的財寶、玷污聖殿、並在燔祭壇上獻一頭大母豬的行動(Prideaux, iii. 230, 231;1 Macc. 1:20-28);此後恰好兩年,他在遠征埃及失利之後,決意把一切忿怒發洩在猶太人身上,在歸途中派 Apollonius 率大軍蹂躪毀滅耶路撒冷的行動——那時 Apollonius 既已劫掠該城,便放火焚燒,拆毀房屋,拆倒城牆,並用被拆之城的廢墟在亞克拉山(Mount Acra)上築起一座堅固的堡壘,俯瞰聖殿,從那裏可以攻擊一切上聖殿敬拜的人(Prideaux, iii. 239, 240;1 Macc. 1:29-40);以及 Antiochus 明令禁止聖殿中一切燔祭、祭牲和奠祭的行動(Prideaux, iii. 241, 242;1 Macc. 1:44-51)。如今顯然可見,一個論述這些災禍、並提及它們將持續多久的人,可能一時以這些事件之一為開端、為 terminus a quo,另一時又以另一事件為矚目的對象。這些事件中的每一件都是輪廓鮮明而具有決定性的事件,每一件都可以被視為一個在某種重要意義上決定該城命運、終止該地對神之敬拜的時期。

(4)看來我們面前這段經文所提到的時間,大概是要涵蓋整個災禍事件的系列——從導致每日獻祭中止、或終止該地對神之敬拜的第一個決定性行動,直到「聖所潔淨」之時。這一點從本章向但以理展示的異象系列看來,似乎是可靠的。那代表 Antiochus 的「小角」在異象中的作為,始於他向「榮美之地」的攻擊(Daniel 8:9);而引動但以理注意的事,乃是他「漸漸強大」,向「天象」爭戰,「將些天象和星宿拋落在地」(Daniel 8:10),並「自高自大,以為高及天象之君」(Daniel 8:11)——這些作為顯然指他攻擊神的子民、攻擊祭司或宗教的執事,並攻擊神自己這位「天象之君」——除非這短語應理解為指大祭司。因此,我們與其把這段時間理解為每日獻祭被明文法令禁止的時期,不如把事件的整個系列看作都包括在這二千三百日之內。在整段期間,獻祭實際上已經中止,對神的敬拜已經中斷。

(5)終點——terminus ad quem——時期的結束是明確而確定的,這就是「聖所的潔淨」。這事發生在猶大馬加比(Judas Maccabeus)手下,主前一六五年十二月二十五日——Prideaux, iii. 265-268。如今,從這時期回推二千三百日,我們便來到主前一七一年八月五日。問題是:在這一年、約在這個時候,在這一系列事件中,是否有任何足夠重要的事件,可構成起算的時期;是否有與但以理所見、視為異象開端——「有些軍旅和星宿被拋落踐踏」——相符的事件。而事實是,主前一七一年開始了 Antiochus 對猶太人的祭司職分、聖殿與聖城的一連串侵犯,這串侵犯直到他死才終止。直到這一年,Antiochus 與猶太民族的關係都是和平而友好的。

主前一七五年,他應允猶太人的請求,准許他們在耶路撒冷設立體育館,如上所述。主前一七三年,剛剛登基的埃及王 Philometor 和他的母親向 Antiochus 提出對 Ccelo-Syria 和巴勒斯坦諸省的要求——這要求成了 Antiochus 與埃及王之間戰爭的起因,也是一切動亂的開端——Prideaux, iii. 218。主前一七二年,Antiochus 把大祭司的職分授予 Menelaus,他是大祭司 Jason 的兄弟。Jason 曾派 Menelaus 到安提阿向王繳納貢銀;Menelaus 在那裏萌生了取代其兄弟的設計,因出價高過 Jason,便謀得這任命,回到耶路撒冷——Prideaux, iii. 220-222。到此時為止,Antiochus 與猶太人的一切往來都屬和平性質,未曾發生任何敵對之事。

主前一七一年,開始了那最終導致該城被侵佔毀滅、導致對神之公開敬拜中止的事件系列。Menelaus 既謀得大祭司職分,便拒付他為此應許的貢銀,被召到安提阿。那時 Antiochus 正好不在;Menelaus 乘他不在,藉著他留在耶路撒冷的 Lysimachus,從聖殿中取出器皿,在推羅變賣,以此籌得獻給王的銀錢。其間,那逃到安提阿的合法大祭司 Onias III 嚴厲斥責 Menelaus 的瀆聖;不久,在 Menelaus 的慫恿下,Onias 被誘出他避難所在的 Daphne,被 Antiochus 的代理官 Andronicus 所殺。同時,耶路撒冷的猶太人因 Menelaus 的褻瀆和劫掠聖殿的瀆聖罪而極其憤慨,起來背叛 Lysimachus 和護衛他的敘利亞軍隊,把這「瀆聖的強盜」(Prideaux 語)和他周圍的衛兵盡行剪除。

這次對 Antiochus 官員的攻擊和對他的背叛,乃是導致該城傾覆、對神敬拜止息的敵對行動的開端——Prideaux, iii. 224-226;Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, p. 102。由此開始了對猶太人的祭司職分、聖殿和聖城的一連串侵犯;這串侵犯偶有間斷,一直持續到 Antiochus 之死,並導致了褻瀆聖殿、中止對神公開敬拜的一切作為;先知在此所指的,無疑就是這個時候。在描述這一系列對猶太民族如此災難性的事件時,這是自然的起點;這也是今日把它們當作歷史來描述的人所會開始的時期。誠然,要確切算出日數或許不可能,因為確切的日期並未保存於史冊;但計算的結果落於主前一七一年——正是為使二千三百日得以完滿而必須假定的那一年。參 Lengerke, in loc., p. 388。人們曾作過多種嘗試,要藉史載確定日數的確切數目。Bertholdt——Lengerke 所跟從的——是這樣確定的:他把所指的時間看作從設立外邦祭壇的命令,到戰勝 Nicanor 並隆重慶祝那勝利之日,即 1 Macc. 7:48, 49 所指的。按這計算法,時間如下:設立偶像祭壇的命令頒於一四五年基斯流月十五日。命令頒布之後,該年所餘的日數為——基斯流月之半,十五日;提別月,三十日;細罷特月,二十九日;亞達月,三十日;一四六年,三百五十四日;一四七年,三百五十四日;一四八年,三百五十四日;一四九年,三百五十四日;一五〇年,三百五十四日;一五一年至亞達月十三日——戰勝 Nicanor 之日——三百三十七日;其間按猶太曆法兩個閏月,六十日;總計二千二百七十一日。這樣,二千三百日中便只餘二十九日有待說明,而這些日數正是從戰場——伯和崙與亞大撒之間(1 Macc. 7:39, 40)——到耶路撒冷、並籌備慶祝勝利所需的日數。見 Bertholdt, pp. 501-503。這裏的計年是從塞琉古(Seleucidae)王朝建國之時起算,即塞琉古紀元。

聖所就必潔淨——邊註作「得稱為義」。希伯來文字(צדק tsâdaq)意為正直或筆直,繼而指公義或正直;再指辯白或稱義。在此所用的形式(Niphal)中,它意為被宣告為義;被稱義或得辯白;而用於聖殿或聖所時,指從強暴或損害中得辯白;即被潔淨。見 Gesenius 詞典。此處無疑是指猶大馬加比在 Antiochus 玷污聖殿之後,鄭重潔淨聖殿、加以修復並重新奉獻的行動。關於這事的描述,見 Prideaux's Connexions, iii. 265-269。猶大重新指派祭司在聖殿中事奉;拆毀外邦人所築的祭壇;把一切玷污的石頭運到不潔之處;在被他們玷污的舊燔祭壇原處築一座新壇;使院子成聖;造新的香壇、陳設餅桌、金燈臺等;並將整體鄭重重新奉獻,歸於對神的事奉。這事發生在九月(基斯流月)二十五日,慶典持續八日。這就是新約中稱為「修殿節」的節期(John 10:22),我們的救主曾親臨這節期。見 1 Macc. 4:41-58;2 Macc. 10:1-7;Josephus, Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6, 7。

英文原文

And he said unto me - Instead of answering the one who made the inquiry, the answer is made to Daniel, doubtless that he might make a record of it, or communicate it to others. If it had been made to the inquirer, the answer would have remained with him, and could have been of no use to the world. For the encouragement, however, of the Hebrew people, when their sanctuary and city would be thus desolate, and in order to furnish an instance of the clear fulfillment of a prediction, it was important that it should be recorded, and hence, it was made to Daniel.

Unto two thousand and three hundred days - Margin, evening, morning. So the Hebrew, בקר ערב ‛ereb boqer. So the Latin Vulgate, ad vesperam et mane. And so Theodotion - ἔως ἑσπέρας καὶ πρωΐ̀ heōs hesperas kai prōi - "to the evening and morning." The language here is evidently what was derived from Gen. i., or which was common among the Hebrews, to speak of the "evening and the morning" as constituting a day. There can be no doubt, however, that a day is intended by this, for this is the fair and obvious interpretation. The Greeks were accustomed to denote the period of a day in the same manner by the word νυχθήμερον nuchthēmeron (see 2 Corinthians 11:25), in order more emphatically to designate one complete day. See Prof. Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, pp. 99, 100. The time then specified by this would be six years and a hundred and ten days.

Much difficulty has been felt by expositors in reconciling this statement with the other designations of time in the book of Daniel, supposed to refer to the same event, and with the account furnished by Josephus in regard to the period which elapsed during which the sanctuary was desolate, and the daily sacrifice suspended. The other designations of time which have been supposed to refer to the same event in Daniel, are Daniel 7:25, where the time mentioned is three years and a half, or twelve hundred and sixty days; and Daniel 12:7, where the same time is mentioned, "a time, times, and an half," or three years and an half, or, as before, twelve hundred and sixty days; and Daniel 12:11, where the period mentioned is "a thousand two hundred and ninety days;" and Daniel 12:12, where the time mentioned is "a thousand three hundred and thirty-five days." The time mentioned by Josephus is three years exactly from the time when "their Divine worship was fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use," until the time when the lamps were lighted again, and the worship restored, for he says that the one event happened precisely three years after the other, on the same day of the month - Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6. In his Jewish Wars, however, b. i. ch. i. Section 1, he says that Antiochus "spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months." Now, in order to explain the passage before us, and to reconcile the accounts, or to show that there is no contradiction between them, the following remarks may be made:

(1) We may lay out of view the passage in Daniel 7:25. See the note at that passage. If the reasoning there be sound, then that passage had no reference to Antiochus, and though, according to Josephus, there is a remarkable coincidence between the time mentioned there and the time during which the daily sacrifice was suspended, yet that does not demonstrate that the reference there is to Antiochus.

(2) We may lay out of view, also, for the present, the passages in Daniel 12:11-12. Those will be the subject of consideration hereafter, and for the present ought not to be allowed to embarrass us in ascertaining the meaning of the passage before us.

(3) On the assumption, however, that those passages refer to Antiochus, and that the accounts in Josephus above referred to are correct - though he mentions different times, and though different periods are referred to by Daniel, the variety may be accounted for by the supposition that separate epochs are referred to at the starting point in the calculation - the terminus a quo. The truth was, there were several decisive acts in the history of Antiochus that led to the ultimate desolation of Jerusalem, and at one time a writer may have contemplated one, and at another time another. Thus, there was the act by which Jason, made high priest by Antiochus, was permitted to set up a gymnasium in Jerusalem after the manner of the pagan (Prideaux, iii. 216; 1 Macc. 1:11-15); the act by which he assaulted and took Jerusalem, entering the most holy place, stripping the temple of its treasures, defiling the temple, and offering a great sow on the altar of burnt-offerings (Prideaux, iii. 230, 231; 1 Macc. 1:20-28); the act, just two years after this, by which, having been defeated in his expedition to Egypt, he resolved to vent all his wrath on the Jews, and, on his return, sent Apollonius with a great army to ravage and destroy Jerusalem - when Apollonius, having plundered the city, set it on fire, demolished the houses, pulled down the walls, and with the ruins of the demolished city built a strong fortress on Mount Acra, which overlooked the temple, and from which he could attack all who went to the temple to worship (Prideaux, iii. 239, 240; 1 Macc. 1:29-40); and the act by which Antiochus solemnly forbade all burnt-offerings, and sacrifices, and drink-offerings in the temple - (Prideaux, iii. 241, 242; 1 Macc. 1:44-51). Now, it is evident that one writing of these calamitous events, and mentioning how long they would continue, might at one time contemplate one of these events as the beginning, the terminus a quo, and at another time, another of these events might be in his eye. Each one of them was a strongly marked and decisive event, and each one might be contemplated as a period which, in an important sense, determined the destiny of the city, and put an end to the worship of God there.

(4) It seems probable that the time mentioned in the passage before us is designed to take in the whole series of disastrous events, from the first decisive act which led to the suspending of the daily sacrifice, or the termination of the worship of God there, to the time when the "sanctuary was cleansed." That this is so would seem to be probable from the series of visions presented to Daniel in the chapter before us. The acts of the "little horn" representing Antiochus, as seen in vision, began with his attack on the "pleasant land" Daniel 8:9, and the things which attracted the attention of Daniel were, that he "waxed great," and made war on "the host of heaven," and "cast some of the host and of the stars to the ground" Daniel 8:10, and "magnified himself against the prince of the host" Daniel 8:11 - acts which refer manifestly to his attack on the people of God, and the priests or ministers of religion, and on God him. self as the "prince of the host" - unless this phrase should be understood as referring rather to the high priest. We are then rather to look to the whole series of events as included within the two thousand and three hundred days, than the period in which literally the daily sacrifice was forbidden by a solemn statute. It was practically suspended, and the worship of God interrupted during all that time.

(5) The terminus ad quem - the conclusion of the period is marked and settled. This was the "cleansing of the sanctuary." This took place, under Judas Maccabeus, Dec. 25, 165 b.c. - Prideaux, iii.-265-268. Now, reckoning back from this period, two thousand and three hundred days, we come to August 5, 171 b.c. The question is, whether there were in this year, and at about this time, any events in the series of sufficient importance to constitute a period from which to reckon; events answering to what Daniel saw as the commencement of the vision, when "some of the host and the stars were cast down and stamped upon." Now, as a matter of fact, there commenced in the year 171 b.c. a series of aggressions upon the priesthood, and temple, and city of the Jews on the part of Antiochus, which terminated only with his death. Up to this year, the relations of Antiochus and the Jewish people were peaceful and cordial.

In the year 175 b.c. he granted to the Jewish people, who desired it, permission to erect a gymnasium in Jerusalem, as above stated. In the year 173 b.c. demand was made of Antiochus of the provinces of Ccelo-Syria and Palestine by the young Philometor of Egypt, who had just come to the throne, and by his mother - a demand which was the origin of the war between Antiochus and the king of Egypt, and the beginning of all the disturbances. - Prideaux, iii. 218. In the year 172 b.c., Antiochus bestowed the office of high priest on Menelaus, who was the brother of Jason the high priest. Jason had sent Menelaus to Antioch to pay the king his tribute-money, and while there Menelaus conceived the design of supplanting his brother, and by offering for it more than Jason had, he procured the appointment and returned to Jerusalem. - Prideaux, iii.-220-222. Up to this time all the intercourse of Antiochus with the Jews had been of a peaceful character, and nothing of a hostile nature had occurred.

In 171 b.c. began the series of events which finally resulted in the invasion and destruction of the city, and in the cessation of the public worship of God. Menelaus, having procured the high priesthood, refused to pay the tribute-money which he had promised for it, and was summoned to Antioch. Antioclius being then absent, Menelaus took advantage of his absence, and having, by means of Lysimachus, whom he had left at Jerusalem, procured the vessels out of the temple, He sold them at Tyre, and thus raised money to pay the king. In the meantime, Onias III, the lawful high priest, who had fled to Antioch, sternly rebuked Menelaus for his sacrilege, and soon after, at the instigation of Menelaus, was allured from his retreat at Daphne, where he had sought an asylum, and was murdered by Andronicus, the vicegerent of Antiochus. At the same time, the Jews in Jerusalem, highly indignant at the profanation by Menelaus, and the sacrilege in robbing the temple, rose in rebellion against Lysimachus and the Syrian forces who defended him, and both cut off this "sacrilegious robber" (Prideaux), and the guards by whom he was surrounded.

This assault on the officer of Antiochus, and rebellion against him, was the commencement of the hostilities which resulted in the ruin of the city, and the closing of the worship of God. - Prideaux, iii.-224-226; Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, p. 102. Here commenced a series of aggressions upon the priesthood, and the temple, and the city of the Jews, which, with occasional interruption, continued to the death of Antiochus, and which led to all that was done in profaning the temple, and in suspending the public worship of God, and it is doubtless to this time that the prophet here refers. This is the natural period in describing the series of events which were so disastrous to the Jewish people; this is the period at which one who should now describe them as history, would begin. It may not, indeed, be practicable to make out the precise number of days, for the exact dates are not preserved in history, but the calculation brings it into the year 171 b.c., the year which is necessary to be supposed in order that the two thousand and three hundred days should be completed. Compare Lengerke, in loc., p. 388. Various attempts have been made to determine the exact number of the days by historic records. Bertholdt, whom Lengerke follows, determines it in this manner. He regards the time referred to as that from the command to set up pagan altars to the victory over Nicanor, and the solemn celebration of that victory, as referred to in 1 Macc. 7:48, 49. According to this reckoning, the time is as follows: The command to set up idol altars was issued in the year 145, on the 15th of the month Kisleu. There remained of that year, after the command was given -

Half of the month Kisleu 15 days The month Thebet 30 days The month Shebath 29 days The month Adar 30 days The year 146 354 days The year 147 354 days The year 148 354 days The year 149 354 days The year 150 354 days The year 15l to the 13th day of the month Adar, when the victory over Nicanor was achieved 337 days Two intercalary months during this time, according to the Jewish reckoning 60 days Total of 2,271 days. This would leave but twenty-nine days of the 2300 to be accounted for, and this would be required to go from the place of the battle - between Beth-Horon and Adasa (1 Macc. 7:39, 40) to Jerusalem, and to make arrangements to celebrate the victory. See Bertholdt, pp. 501-503. The reckoning here is from the time of founding the kingdom of the Seleucidae, or the era of the Seleucidae.

Then shall the sanctuary be cleansed - Margin, justified. the Hebrew word (צדק tsâdaq) means, to be right or straight, and then to be just or righteous; then to vindicate or justify. In the form used here (Niphal), it means to be declared just; to be justified or vindicated, and, as applied to the temple or sanctuary, to be vindicated from violence or injury; that is, to be cleansed. See Gesenius, Lexicon There is undoubtedly reference here to the act of Judas Maccabeus, in solemnly purifying the temple, and repairing it, and re-dedicating it, after the pollutions brought upon it by Antiochus. For a description of this, see Prideaux's Connexions, iii.-265-269. Judas designated a priesthood again to serve in the temple; pulled down the altars which the pagan had erected; bore out all the defiled stones into an unclean place; built a new altar in place of the old altar of burnt-offerings which they had defiled; hallowed the courts; made a new altar of incense, table of showbread, golden candlestick, etc., and solemnly re-consecrated the whole to the service of God. This act occurred on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month (Kisleu), and the solemnity continued for eight days. This is the festival which is called "the feast of dedication" in the New Testament John 10:22, and which our Saviour honored with his presence. See 1 Macc. 4:41-58; 2 Macc. 10:1-7; Josephus, Ant. b. xii. ch. vii. Section 6, 7.

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Daniel 8:15

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後來……——但以理看見了那異象,卻不能解明它。

我想要明白其中的意思——顯然是藉着默想那異象,或在自己心中努力要把它弄明白。

有一位形狀像人的站在我面前——即一位有人的樣貌的。這顯然是加百列(Daniel 8:16);他如今取了人的形狀,受烏萊河兩岸之間發出的聲音所吩咐,開始講明那異象的意義。

英文原文

And it came to pass ... - Daniel saw the vision, but was unable to explain it.

And sought for the meaning - Evidently by meditating on it, or endeavoring in his own mind to make it out.

There stood before me as the appearance of a man - One having the appearance of a man. This was evidently Gabriel Daniel 8:16, who now assumed a human form, and who was addressed by the voice from between the banks of the Ulai, and commenced to make known the meaning of the vision.

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Daniel 8:16

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我又聽見烏萊河兩岸中有人聲——見 Daniel 8:2 的註釋。那聲音似乎是從河中來的,彷彿是河之守護神的聲音,向站在但以理身旁岸上的加百列說話。這無疑是神的聲音。說話者是人看不見的;採用這方式來解釋異象,大概是要使整個場景更為深刻。

呼叫說:加百列——加百列在聖經中只見於 Daniel 8:16;Daniel 9:21;Luke 1:19、Luke 1:26。在 Luke 1:19,他提到自己說:「我是站在神面前的加百列。」這名字的本義是「神人」。關於他,所知的僅止於此;他被提及,只是作為傳信息給但以理、給施洗約翰的父親撒迦利亞、以及給馬利亞的使者。

要使此人明白這異象——向他解釋,使他明白異象的意思。

英文原文

And I heard a man's voice between the banks of Ulai - See the notes at Daniel 8:2. The voice seemed to come from the river, as if it were that of the Genius of the river, and to address Gabriel, who stood near to Daniel on the shore. This was doubtless the voice of God. The speaker was invisible, and this method of explaining the vision was adopted, probably to make the whole scene more impressive.

Which called, and said, Gabriel - Gabriel is mentioned in the Scriptures only in Daniel 8:16; Daniel 9:21; Luke 1:19, Luke 1:26. In Luke 1:19, he is mentioned as saying of himself, "I am Gabriel, that stand in the presence of God." The word means, properly, "man of God." Nothing more is known of him, and he is mentioned only as bearing messages to Daniel, to Zacharias the father of John the Baptist, and to Mary.

Make this man to understand the vision - Explain it to him so that he will under stand its meaning.

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Daniel 8:17

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他便來到我所站的地方——顯然,但以理起初是遠遠看見他;這時他走近但以理,好更便於向他傳達信息。

他來的時候,我便懼怕,伏在地上——無疑是察覺出他是屬天的存在。見 Revelation 1:17 的註釋;比較 Ezekiel 1:28 和 Daniel 10:8-9。他在這位天上來客的臨在前完全失去力量,仆倒在地。

他對我說,人子啊,你要明白——即要留心,使你能明白這異象。「人子」一語,見 Daniel 7:13 的註釋;在此只是以人的身分對他的稱呼。

因為這異象是關乎末後的——這話的目的,無疑是要以對將來之事的某種確據,鼓舞安慰先知。至於這是如何做到的、這些話究竟表示甚麼概念,解經者意見不一。毛雷爾解釋說:「這異象展望末期,即緊接彌賽亞來臨之前的時期;那將是災禍之時,惡人的罪要受罰,聖徒的德要受試煉,就是安提阿古·伊皮法尼的時代。」倫格克則認為,所指的是現存災禍——猶太人所受的苦難——的終結;意思是說,在異象所延及的彌賽亞時代,他們的苦難與試煉將要結束。他說,天使的目的,是要扶持安慰這位憂傷的先見,叫他不必為這些患難將要發生而焦慮,因為它們必有終結;或如米夏埃利斯所言,是叫先見不要以為異象所指示的災禍將無休無止。

也許意思可以這樣理解:「這異象是為末後之期的」;即它關乎彌賽亞將要來臨的世界的結束時期,必然先於那時期,並引向那時期。它屬於一系列將引入後來世代——神國將在地上建立——的事件。支持這看法的理由是:這不僅是最明顯的解釋,也得著一切把彌賽亞的來臨稱為「末了」「末後的日子」等之經文的支持,如 1 Corinthians 10:11:「正是警戒我們這末世的人。」比較 Isaiah 2:2 的註釋。按這解釋,意思是:「這異象關乎末了,即萬事安排的結束階段」;即它與末了將至的時期有關,或引進那時期。它展望遙遠的將來,甚至展望到那(現今仍然遙遠的)時日(比較 Daniel 8:26),那時將出現一個新的秩序,世界的事務將在其下完結。比較 Hebrews 1:2 的註釋。

英文原文

So he came near where I stood - He had seen him, evidently, at first in the distance. He now drew near to Daniel, that he might communicate with him the more readily.

And when, he came, I was afraid, and fell upon my face - Doubtless perceiving that he was a celestial being. See the notes at Revelation 1:17. Compare Ezekiel 1:28, and Daniel 10:8-9. He was completely overpowered by the presence of the celestial stranger, and sank to the ground.

But he said unto me, Understand, O son of man - Give attention, that you may understand the vision. On the phrase "son of man," see the notes at Daniel 7:13. It is here simply an address to him as a man.

For at the time of the end shall be the vision - The design of this expression is undoubtedly to cheer and comfort the prophet with some assurance of what was to occur in future times. In what way this was done, or what was the precise idea indicated by these words, interpreters have not been agreed. Maurer explains it, "for this vision looks to the last time; that is, the time which would immediately precede the coming of the Messiah, which would be a time of calamity, in which the guilt of the wicked would be punished, and the virtue of the saints would be tried, to wit, the time of Antiochus Epiphanes." Lengerke supposes that the end of the existing calamities - the sufferings of the Jews - is referred to; and that the meaning is, that in the time of the Messiah, to which the vision is extended, there would be an end of their sufferings and trials. The design of the angel, says he, is to support and comfort the troubled seer, as if he should not be anxious that these troubles were to occur, since they would have an end, or, as Michaelis observes, that the seer should not suppose that the calamities indicated by the vision would have no end.

Perhaps the meaning may be this: "The vision is for the time of the end;" that is, it has respect to the closing period of the world, under which the Messiah is to come, and necessarily precedes that, and leads on to that. It pertains to a series of events which are to introduce the latter times, when the kingdom of God shall be set up on the earth. In justification of this view of the passage, it may be remarked that this is not only the most obvious view, but is sustained by all those passages which speak of the coming of the Messiah as "the end," the "last days," etc. Thus 1 Corinthians 10:11 : "upon whom the ends of the world are come." Compare the notes at Isaiah 2:2. According to this interpretation, the meaning is, "the vision pertains to the end, or the closing dispensation of things;" that is, it has a bearing on the period when the end will come, or will introduce that period. It looks on to future times, even to those times, though now remote (compare Daniel 8:26), when a new order of things will exist, under which the affairs of the world will be wound up. Compare the notes at Hebrews 1:2.

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Daniel 8:18

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他與我說話的時候,我面伏在地沉睡了——因異象而力竭仆倒。即他已呆若木雞、失去知覺地倒下。見 Daniel 10:9。他的力氣因那異象完全消失。天上的異象或天上使者的突然顯現會使人失去力氣,這並非不可能的事。比較 Genesis 15:12; Job 4:13 及以下; Judges 6:22; Judges 13:20, Judges 13:22; Isaiah 6:5; Luke 1:12, Luke 1:29; Luke 2:9; Acts 9:3, Acts 9:8。「他卻摸我,扶我站起來」——旁註照希伯來文作「使我站在我的位置上」。他使我起來用腳站立。救主在大馬士革路上向突然被擊倒在地的大數人掃羅顯現時,也這樣對他說:「你起來站著」等(Acts 26:16)。

英文原文

Now, as he was speaking with me, I was in a deep sleep on my face toward the ground - Overcome and prostrate with the vision. That is, he had sunk down stupified or senseless. See Daniel 10:9. His strength had been entirely taken away by the vision. There is nothing improbable in this, that the sudden appearance of a celestial vision, or a heavenly being, should take away the strength. Compare Genesis 15:12; Job 4:13, following; Judges 6:22; Judges 13:20, Judges 13:22; Isaiah 6:5; Luke 1:12, Luke 1:29; Luke 2:9; Acts 9:3, Acts 9:8. "But he touched me, and set me upright." Margin, as in Hebrew, "made me stand upon my standing." He raised me up on my feet. So the Saviour addressed Saul of Tarsus, when he had been suddenly smitten to the earth, by his appearing to him on the way to Damascus: "Rise, and stand upon thy feet," etc., Acts 26:16.

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Daniel 8:19

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他說,我要指示你惱怒臨完必有的事——指將來神的惱怒向希伯來百姓顯明的時候,即任憑安提阿古要加於他們的禍患臨到他們身上。聖經處處表明,這些災禍之所以發生,是要證明神因他們的罪而有的不悅。比較 Daniel 9:24; Daniel 11:35; 2 Macc. 7:33。

因為到了定期,事就了結——這事不會永遠持續。神的旨意中定有明確的期限;那期限一到,這一切的結局就必來到。見 Daniel 8:17 的註釋。

英文原文

And he said, Behold, I will make thee know what shall be in the last end of the indignation - In the future time when the Divine indignation shall be manifest toward the Hebrew people; to wit, by suffering the evils to come upon them which Antiochus would inflict. It is everywhere represented that these calamities would occur as a proof of the Divine displeasure on account of their sins. Compare Daniel 9:24; Daniel 11:35; 2 Macc. 7:33.

For at the time appointed the end shall be - It shall not always continue. There is a definite period marked out in the Divine purpose, and when that period shall arrive, the end of all this will take place. See the notes at Daniel 8:17.

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Daniel 8:20

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你所看見的雙角的公綿羊……——見 Daniel 8:3 的註釋。這是聖經中表號得到解釋的實例之一;因此,其含義不容置疑。

英文原文

The ram which thou sawest ... - See the notes at Daniel 8:3. This is one of the instances in the Scriptures in which symbols are explained. There can be no doubt, therefore, as to the meaning.

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Daniel 8:21

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那公山羊——見 Daniel 8:5 的註釋。在 Daniel 8:5,牠稱為公山羊;這裏則用「多毛」或「有毛」一詞——שׂעיר(s'â‛ı̂yr)——加於牠身上。這名稱常用於山羊(Leviticus 4:24; Leviticus 16:9; Genesis 37:31)。看來兩個說法——公山羊或多毛山羊——都足以指明這動物,這些詞大概是不加區別地通用的。

就是希臘王——代表希臘的王。這裏譯作「希臘」的字(יון,yâvân)通常而嚴格地指愛奧尼亞,即小亞細亞西部;但這名稱被擴大到包括全希臘。見阿里斯托芬《阿卡奈人》504及其注疏;埃斯庫羅斯《波斯人》176、561;格塞尼烏斯《詞典》。拉丁武加大和提奧多提翁在此譯作「希臘人的王」;此處所指為希臘人中的王權,並無可疑。見 Daniel 8:5 的註釋。

兩眼之間的大角就是頭一王——即亞歷山大大帝:第一個統合全部權勢、在東方被稱為希臘之王的人。1 Macc. 1:1 便明稱他為「希臘的首王」。他父親腓力企圖征服希臘,遭到抵抗而失敗;亞歷山大則侵入希臘,焚燒底比斯,迫使雅典人屈服,並被推為對波斯作戰的希臘全軍統帥。

英文原文

And the rough goat - See the notes at Daniel 8:5. In Daniel 8:5 he is called a he-goat. Here the word rough or hairy - שׂעיר s'â‛ı̂yr - is applied to it. This appellation is often given to a goat Leviticus 4:24; Leviticus 16:9; Genesis 37:31. It would seem that either term - a he-goat, or a hairy-goat - would serve to designate the animal, and it is probable that the terms were used indiscriminately.

Is the king of Grecia - Represents the king of Greece. The word here rendered Grecia (יון yâvân) denotes usually and properly Ionia, the western part of Asia Minor; but this name was extended so as to embrace the whole of Greece. See Aristoph. Acharn. 504, ibique Schol.; AEschyl. Pers. 176, 561; Gesenius, Lexicon Latin Vulgate and Theodotion, here render it "the king of the Grecians," and there can be no doubt that the royal power among the Greeks is here referred to. See the notes at Daniel 8:5.

And the great horn that is between his eyes is the first king - Alexander the Great. The first that consolidated the whole power, and that was known in the East as the king of Greece. So he is expressly called in 1 Macc. 1:1: "The first over Greece." Philip, his father, was opposed in his attempts to conquer Greece, and was defeated. Alexander invaded Greece, burned Thebes, compelled the Athenians to submit, and was declared generalissimo of the Grecian forces against the Persians.

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Daniel 8:22

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至於那角折斷——即因亞歷山大的死。

在角根處向天的四方長出四個角——即在原處興起。

四國必從這國裏興起——最終如此。不必設想這會立即發生;只要實際上真有四國從這一國興起,預言所含的一切便告應驗。關於其應驗,見 Daniel 8:8 的註釋。

只是權勢都不及他——這四個王朝中,沒有一個在任何時候握有亞歷山大大帝所運用的權勢。

英文原文

Now that being broken - By the death of Alexander.

Whereas four stood up for it - Stood up in its place.

Four kingdoms shall stand up - Ultimately. It is not necessary to suppose that this would be immediately. If four such should in fact spring out of this one kingdom, all that implied in the prophecy would be fulfilled. On the fulfillment of this, see the notes at Daniel 8:8.

But not in his power - No one of these four dynasties had at any time the power which was wielded by Alexander the Great.

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Daniel 8:23

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這四國末時——即它們將近結束之時。這一切權勢最終都被羅馬權勢吞併。這裏的意思是:從它們成形之期——伊普蘇斯之戰後帝國的分裂(見 Daniel 8:8 的註釋)——到一切盡被羅馬統治吞沒之時,這裏所說的事,即安提阿古的興起,將發生在那段時期的後半。伊普蘇斯之戰發生於主前301年;羅馬的勢力從主前168年——皮德納之戰,珀爾修斯被擊敗、馬其頓淪為羅馬行省——逐漸擴展到主前30年埃及歸服(埃及是這些王國中最後臣服於羅馬兵鋒的)為止,遍及那些地區。安提阿古於主前175年開始作王,所以正是這時期的後半段。

悖逆的人罪惡滿盈——旁註作「惡貫滿盈之時」。即當猶太地罪惡與不敬虔氾濫的情形被容許延續到無以復加、罪惡之杯滿溢之時,這可怕的權勢便要出現,向這有罪的國民施行當得的刑罰。聖經作者常論到罪惡滿盈——罪惡之杯滿溢——彷彿罪惡有一定的界限或容量,過此便不容再越。那界限一到,神便介入,以重刑剪除罪人。比較 Genesis 15:16:「亞摩利人的罪孽還沒有滿盈」;Matthew 23:32:「你們去充滿你們祖宗的惡貫吧」;1 Thessalonians 2:16:「常常充滿自己的罪惡」。其意是:罪有可容忍的度量,過此,神的憐憫為宇宙的安全、為神的尊榮計,便不能再容忍;那時刑罰可期,刑罰必臨。這對個人與邦國無疑都是真的;當安提阿古獲准蹂躪猶太人的聖殿、城邑和國土時,猶太人的這一時刻已經到了。

有一王興起,面貌兇惡——嚴厲苛刻。這話可用於許多曾居王位的人;它能恰切地應用在安提阿古身上,無可置疑。

詭計多端——格塞尼烏斯(《詞典》)解釋這裏譯作「詭辯」的字為:詭詐、欺瞞、計謀。這比「智慧」或「解謎」更合安提阿古的性格——他以權術詭詐知名,遠過於以智慧。這裏的意思似乎是:他將長於權謀、行事狡詐,不僅藉其威嚇,更藉欺詐和奸計開路達意。這正是為人所週知的他的性格。比較 Daniel 8:25 的註釋。

必興起——即必成功,或必有這樣一個王出現。

英文原文

And in the latter time of their kingdom - When it shall be drawing to an end. All these powers were ultimately absorbed in the Roman power; and the meaning here is, that taking the time from the period of their formation - the division of the empire after the battle of Ipsus (see the notes at Daniel 8:8), until the time when all would be swallowed up in the Roman dominion, what is here stated - to wit, the rise of Antiochus - would be in the latter portion of that period. The battle of Ipsus was fought 301 b.c., and the Roman power was extended over all those regions gradually from 168 b.c. - the battle of Pydna, when Perseus was defeated, and Macedonia was reduced to a Roman province, to 30 b.c., when Egypt was subjected - the last of these kingdoms that submitted to the Roman arms. Antiochus began to reign, 175 b.c. - so that it was in the latter part of this period.

When the transgressors are come to the full - Margin, accomplished. That is, when the state of things - the prevalence of wickedness and irreligion in Judea - shall have been allowed to continue as long as it can be - or so that the cup shall be full - then shall appear this formidable power to inflict deserved punishment on the guilty nation. The sacred writers often speak of iniquity as being full - of the cup of iniquity as being full - as if there was a certain limit or capacity beyond which it could not be allowed to go. When that arrives, God interposes, and cuts off the guilty by some heavy judgment. Compare Genesis 15:16 : "The iniquity of the Amorites is not yet full." Matthew 23:32 : "fill ye up then the measure of your fathers." 1 Thessalonians 2:16 : "to fill up their sins alway." The idea is, that there is a certain measure or amount of sin which can be tolerated, but beyond that the Divine compassion cannot go with safety to the universe, or consistently with the honor of God, and then the punishment may be expected; then punishment must come. This is true, doubtless, of individuals and nations, and this period had arrived in regard to the Jews when Antiochus was permitted to lay their temple, city, and country waste.

A king of fierce countenance - Stern and severe. This expression would be applicable to many who have held the kingly office, and no one can doubt that it may be applied with strict propriety to Antiochus.

And understanding dark sentences - Gesenius (Lexicon) explains the word here rendered "dark sentences" to mean artifice, trick, stratagem. This will better agree with the character of Antiochus, who was more distinguished for craft and policy than he was for wisdom, or for explaining enigmas. The meaning seems to be that he would be politic and crafty, seeking to make his way, and to accomplish his purpose, not only by the terror that he inspired, but by deceit and cunning. That this was his character is well known. Compare the notes at Daniel 8:25.

Shall stand up - Shall succeed, or there shall be such a king.

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Daniel 8:24

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他的權柄必然強大——他必是強大的君王。雖不及亞歷山大之強,但他對埃及等地的征服表明,他配列於世上的強王之中。

卻不是因自己的能力——即不是憑他自身的力量,而是憑神所給的權柄。這對一切君王都適用(比較 John 19:11; Isaiah 10:5 及以下),但這裏特別提出,似為表明他將加於希伯來人的災禍,乃出於神的指示和任命。神給他這大權,正是要他作神手中的工具,向百姓按罪施行當得的刑罰。

他必行非常的毀滅——他必以奇妙非凡的方式散佈荒涼,特指他蹂躪聖城和猶大地的方式。馬加比書的歷史表明,這是照字面應驗的。

事情必然順利——安提阿古在各次出征中,都屬最成功的君王之列;他對聖地的圖謀尤其順利。

他又必行——希伯來文作「行」。即他不但以「籌劃」著稱,更以「執行」著稱;不僅「立志」,而且「行事」。

殺滅有能力的和聖民——即神的子民、猶太民族。見 Daniel 8:9-12 的註釋。

英文原文

And his power shall be mighty - He shall be a powerful monarch. Though not as mighty as Alexander, yet his conquests of Egypt and other places show that he deserved to be numbered among the mighty kings of the earth.

But not by his own power - That is, it shall not be by any strength of his own, but by the power which God gives him. This is true of all kings and princes (compare John 19:11; Isaiah 10:5, following), but it seems to be referred to here particularly to show that the calamities which he was about to bring upon the Hebrew people were by Divine direction and appointment. This great power was given him in order that he might be an instrument in the Divine hand of inflicting deserved punishment on them for their sins.

And he shall destroy wonderfully - In a wonderful or extraordinary manner shall he spread desolation. This refers particularly to the manner in which he would lay waste the holy city, and the land of Judea. The history in the books of Maccabees shows that this was literally fulfilled.

And shall prosper - Antiochus was among the most successful kings in his various expeditions. Particularly was he successful in his enterprises against the holy land.

And practice - Hebrew, "do." That is, he shall be distinguished not only for "forming" plans, but for "executing" them; not merely for "purposing," but for "doing."

And shall destroy the mighty and the holy people - The people of God - the Jewish nation. See the notes at Daniel 8:9-12.

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Daniel 8:25

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他用權術成就詭詐——這裏譯作「權術」的字(שׂכל,s'êkel)本義是聰明、悟性、智慧,引申作貶義則指詭詐、奸巧。格塞尼烏斯在此也如此譯;其意是:他的成功將大部分歸於詭詐與機巧。

在人手中施行詭詐,並且亨通——他的成功將大部分歸於狡詐的政策、陰謀與奸計。這在突出的意義上正是安提阿古的寫照。見前引普里多所記他的歷史,並馬加比書。比較 Daniel 11:21 的註釋。波利比烏斯也給他同樣的考語(《宗教史》第二十一卷第五章,施魏格豪澤版第四卷501頁);阿庇安(《敘利亞戰事》第四十五篇,施魏格豪澤版第一卷604頁)亦然。比較 2 Macc. 5:24-26。他是靠欺詐得國的(普里多,iii.212),其成功的大部分出於詭詐與權術。

他心裏自高自大——因驕傲而自抬,或自視甚偉。

趁人坦然無備的時候毀滅多人——旁註作「太平」。希伯來文(שׁלוה,shalevâh)本義是安靜、安逸、無虞、不設防。此語此處似指「在安逸之中」(格塞尼烏斯《詞典》);即當人們悠然自得、自以為安穩之時,他要突然出其不意地臨到,加以毀滅。他要突啟戰端,侵入他們的境地,使他們來不及備戰抵禦。比較 Daniel 11:21, Daniel 11:24。其意似為:他要竭力造成和平而來的印象;假裝友好,故意使他要侵滅的對象陷於虛假的安全感,好乘其不備突然襲擊。這是他的政策,而非公開宣戰、讓敵人得到充分的預警。這描述與安提阿古的性格完全吻合:他政策中一貫的主要部分,就是保持友誼的外貌,好在敵人失去戒備時成就其目的。

他又必起來攻擊萬君之君——見 Daniel 8:11 的註釋,即攻擊那統治地上諸王的神。

卻非因人手而滅亡——即不因人的手,不因任何可見的原因。他必被神那看不見的能力所勝。據馬加比一書作者所記(1 Macc. 6:8-16),他死於巴比倫,憂傷悔恨交集。他遠征波斯,圍攻以利買,戰敗,逃往巴比倫;聞其在巴勒斯坦的軍隊也遭擊退,悲悔攻心,患病而死。照馬加比二書所記(2 Macc. 9),他的死極其痛苦可怖。比較普里多iii.272-275。馬加比書作者、約瑟夫斯、波利比烏斯、庫爾提烏斯、阿里安(見普里多所引)關於他之死的全部記述,一致描述其死伴隨着可想像的臨終一切恐怖情狀,並带着神公義審判的一切印記。但以理書中神的預言完全應驗——他的死必「非因人手」,意即不由人為工具,而是出於神直接的擊打。安提阿古一死,對猶太人的敵擋便止息,他們的地重享平安安息。

英文原文

And through his policy - The word rendered "policy" here (שׂכל s'êkel) means, properly, intelligence, understanding, wisdom; and then, in a bad sense, craft, cunning. So it is rendered here by Gesenius, and the meaning is, that he would owe his success in a great measure to craft and subtilty.

He shall cause craft to prosper in his hand - He shall owe his success in a great measure to a crafty policy, to intrigue, and to cunning. This was true in an eminent sense, of Antiochus. See his history in Prideaux, above referred to, and the books of Maccabees. Compare the notes at Daniel 11:21. The same character is given of him by Polybius, "Relig." lib. xxi. c. 5, tom. iv. p. 501, ed. Schweighauser; Appian, "de reb. Syr." xlv. t. 1, p. 604, ed. Schweigh. Compare 2 Macc. 5:24-26. He came to the kingdom by deceit (Prideaux, iii. 212), and a great part of his success was owing to craft and policy.

And he shall magnify himself in his heart - Shall be lifted up with pride, or esteem himself of great consequence.

And by peace shall destroy many - Margin, "prosperity." The Hebrew word (שׁלוה shalevâh) means, properly, tranquility, security, ease, carelessness. Here the phrase seems to mean "in the midst of security" (Gesenius, Lexicon); that is, while they were at ease, and regarded themselves as in a state of safety, he would come suddenly and unexpectedly upon them, and destroy them. He would make sudden war on them, invading their territories, so that they would have no opportunity to make preparation to meet him. Compare Daniel 11:21, Daniel 11:24. It would seem to mean that he would endeavor to produce the impression that he was coming in peace; that he pretended friendship, and designed to keep those whom he meant to invade and destroy in a state of false security, so that he might descend upon them unawares. This was his policy rather than to declare war openly, and so give his enemies fair warning of what he intended to do. This description agrees every way with the character of Antiochus, a leading part of whose policy always was to preserve the appearance of friendship, that he might accomplish his purpose while his enemies were off their guard.

He shall also stand up against the Prince of princes - Notes, Daniel 8:11. Against God, the ruler over the kings of the earth.

But he shall be broken without hand - That is, without the hand of man, or by no visible cause. He shall be overcome by Divine, invisible power. According to the author of the first book of Maccabees (1 Macc. 6:8-16), he died of grief and remorse in Babylon. He was on an expedition to Persia, and there laid siege to Elymais, and was defeated, and fled to Babylon, when, learning that his forces in Palestine had been repulsed, penetrated with grief and remorse, he sickened and died. According to the account in the second book of Maccabees (2 Macc. 9), his death was most distressing and horrible. Compare Prideaux, iii.-272-275. All the statements given of his death, by the authors of the books of Maccabees, by Josephus, by Polybius, by Q. Curtius, and by Arrian (see the quotations in Prideaux), agree in representing it as attended with every circumstance of horror that can be well supposed to accompany a departure from this world, and as having every mark of the just judgment of God. The Divine prediction in Daniel was fully accomplished, that his death would be "without hand," in the sense that it would not be by human instrumentality; but that it would be by a direct Divine infliction. When Antiochus died, the opposition to the Jews ceased, and their land again had peace and rest.

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Daniel 8:26

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所說二千三百日的異象是真的——即關乎那二千三百日的異象。見 Daniel 8:14 及該節旁註。此處的意思是:「關乎那一系列晚祭早祭之日的異象」。這名稱大概特別因它與早晚的祭如此相關而得。

是真的——必確實應驗。這是天使說的,藉此向但以理保證:他所見的(Daniel 8:9-14)不是幻象,必要成就。

所以你要將這異象封住——把它封緘。將它記錄下來,使它得以保存、其應驗得以查考。見 Isaiah 8:16 的註釋。

因為這是關乎許多日子的事——即它應驗之前將有許多日子過去。因此當為它作妥善的記錄,加以封緘,使它存留,好叫百姓為這些事件作預備。當這些事如此可畏地臨到猶太百姓之「時」,他們既知道這些試煉終止的時期,便能更好地承受。

英文原文

And the vision of the evening and the morning - That is, of the two thousand three hundred days. See Daniel 8:14, and the margin on that verse. The meaning here is, "the vision pertaining to that succession of evenings and mornings." Perhaps this appellation was given to it particularly because it pertained so much to the evening and morning sacrifice.

Is true - Shall be certainly accomplished. This was said by the angel, giving thus to Daniel the assurance that what he had seen Daniel 8:9-14 was no illusion, but would certainly come to pass.

Wherefore shut thou up the visions - Seal it up. Make a record of it, that it may be preserved, and that its fulfillment may be marked. See the notes at Isaiah 8:16.

For it shall be for many days - That is, many days will elapse before it will be accomplished. Let a fair record, therefore, be made of it, and let it be sealed up, that it may be preserved to prepare the people for these events. "When" these things would come thus fearfully upon the people of Judea, they would be the better able to bear these trials, knowing the period when they would terminate.

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Daniel 8:27

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我但以理昏迷不醒——希伯來文作「我成了……」(נהייתי,nı̂heyēythı̂y)。比較 Daniel 2:1。據格塞尼烏斯《詞典》,其意是「我精疲力盡,又病了」。他在這裏用這動詞的「緣由」,大概是要把自己描寫為先「病」後「昏厥」、彷彿生命已逝。武加大譯作 langui;提奧多提翁作 ἐκοιμήθην(ekoimēthēn)——「我躺臥在床」。大意明顯:他被異象的效力所勝,仆倒在地。他蒙准窺見未來,而那些景象如此可畏、將有的變遷如此巨大、災禍如此可怕;尤其是每日的祭將止息、對神的敬拜將中斷——他的心深受震撼,全然被壓倒。我們中間誰能「承受」對將來之事的啟示呢?甚至對今後數年間可能發生之事的揭露,又有誰有力量承受呢?

病了數日——確切時日未載;自然的解釋是為期相當長。

後來我起來,辦王的事務——比較 Daniel 8:2 的註釋。由此看來,他是因某件關乎政務的事被派往書珊。所辦何事,經文未載。事實上,他被差往那裏,是為一件比巴比倫政府任何事務更重要的目的——領受關乎遙遠年代極重大事件的啟示。然而這並不妨礙他忠心辦理所受託的事務——同樣,無論我們對屬天之事持何種見解、我們的靈魂蒙何啟示、我們如何專注於宗教的本分與喜樂,都不當妨礙我們忠心履行所受託的一切世務。疾病固然可作不辦世務的正當理由;但我們對神和宗教真理所能有的最高見解,只當使我們在對同胞、對國家、對人生一切關係的責任上更加忠誠。蒙最大亮光見屬神之事的人,並不因此少作準備去忠守今生的職責;蒙准遠瞻未來的人,並不因此更不勤勉、忠信、勞碌地承擔眼前的責任。人若能看見天上的全部,那只會使他對各樣關係中的本分有更深的信念;人若能看見面前浩瀚永恆中將有的一切,那只會使他对當前本分的後果有更深的覺醒。

我因這異象驚奇——他為那輝煌的景象與啟示的重大性而驚愕被壓。比較 Daniel 4:19 的註釋。

卻無人能明白——看來他曾把異象告知他人,卻無人能解釋。其大概輪廓原是明白的;但在應驗之前,無人能追索細節、說「確切」將發生何事。這正是預言的通性。連但以理和他的朋友都無人能詳解此異象,我們還能指望成功揭示尚未應驗之預言的全部含義嗎?事實是:在一切這樣的未來啟示中,必有許多細節目前未能完全明白。大概的輪廓可以清楚——如本處顯然可見:將有一位強王興起、他必是暴君、他必壓迫神的子民、他必侵佔聖地、他必使每日的獻祭一時止息、這將持續確定的時期、然後他必非因人手而滅亡——但誰能由此把實際發生的一切事件詳細展開?誰能說出這些事確將如何發生?誰敢預先為安提阿古·伊皮法尼作傳?然而關於這事,以下三點是真的:(1)憑人的聰明,無人能預見這些事件、提供這樣的未來梗概;(2)這些足以使特別關切的人知道將發生何事;(3)當這些事件發生時,人人都明顯看出預言正指着它們。這是如此明顯——本書預言對那些事件的應用如此清楚——以致波爾菲利烏斯主張本書寫成於事件之後、必是偽作。

英文原文

And I Daniel fainted - Hebrew, "I was " - נהייתי nı̂heyēythı̂y. Compare Daniel 2:1. The meaning, according to Gesenius ("Lexicon"), is, "I was done up, and was sick:" - I was done over, etc. Perhaps the "reason" of his using this verb here is, that he represents himself as "having been sick," and then as fainting away, as if his life had departed. The Latin Vulgate renders it langui. Theodotion, ἐκοιμήθην ekoimēthēn - " was laid in my bed." The general idea is plain, that he was overcome and prostrate at the effect of the vision. He had been permitted to look into the future, and the scenes were so appalling - the changes that were to occur were so great - the calamities were so fearful in their character - and, above all, his mind was so affected that the daily sacrifice was to cease, and the worship of God be suspended, that he was entirely overcome. And who of us, probably, could "bear" a revelation of what is to occur hereafter? Where is there strength that could endure the disclosure of what may happen even in a few years?

And was sick certain days - The exact time is not specified. The natural interpretation is, that it was for a considerable period.

Afterward I rose up, and did the king's business - Compare the notes at Daniel 8:2. From this it would appear that he had been sent to Shushan on some business pertaining to the government. What it was we are not informed. As a matter of fact, he was sent there for a more important purpose than any which pertained to the government at Babylon - to receive disclosure of most momentous events that were to occur in distant times. Yet this did not prevent him from attending faithfully to the business entrusted to him - as no views which we take of heavenly things, and no disclosures made to our souls, and no absorption in the duties and enjoyments of religion, should prevent us from attending with fidelity to whatever secular duties may be entrusted to us. Sickness justifies us, of course, in not attending to them; the highest views which we may have of God and of religious truth should only make us more faithful in the discharge of our duties to our fellow-men, to our country, and in all the relations of life. He who has been favored with the clearest views of Divine things will be none the less prepared to discharge with faithfulness the duties of this life; he who is permitted and enabled to look far into the future will be none the less likely to be diligent, faithful, and laborious in meeting the responsibilites of the present moment. If a man could see all that there is in heaven, it would only serve to impress him with a deeper conviction of his obligations in every relation; if he could see all that there is to come in the vast eternity before him, it would only impress him with a profounder sense of the consequences which may follow from the discharge of the present duty.

And I was astonished at the vision - He was stupified - he was overcome - at the splendid appearance, and the momentous nature of the disclosures. Compare the notes at Daniel 4:19.

But none understood it - It would seem probable from this, that he communicated it to others, but no one was able to explain it. Its general features were plain, but no one could follow out the details, and tell "precisely" what would occur, before the vision was fulfilled. This is the general nature of prophecy; and if neither Daniel nor any of his friends could explain this vision in detail, are we to hope that we shall be successful in disclosing the full meaning of those which are not yet fulfilled? The truth is, that in all such revelations of the future, there must be much in detail which is not now fully understood. The general features may be plain - as, in this case, it was clear that a mighty king would rise; that he would be a tyrant; that he would oppress the people of God; that he would invade the holy land; that he would for a time put a period to the offering of the daily sacrifice; and that this would continue for a definite period; and that then he would be cut off without human instrumentality: but who from this would have been able to draw out, in detail, all the events which in fact occurred? Who could have told precisely how these things would come to pass? Who could have ventured on a biography of Antiochus Epiphanes? Yet these three things are true in regard to this:

(1) That no one by human sagacity could have foreseen these events so as to have been able to furnish these sketches of what was to be;

(2) That these were sufficient to apprise those who were interested particularly of what would occur; and

(3) That when these events occurred, it was plain to all persons that the prophecy had reference to them.

So plain is this - so clear is the application of the predictions in this book, that Porphyry maintained that it was written after the events had occurred, and that the book must have been forged.