서론
無標題
英文原文
The close of the foregoing chapter left Paul in the high priest's court, into which the chief captain (whether to his advantage or no I know not) had removed his cause from the mob; and, if his enemies act there against him with less noise, yet it is with more subtlety. Now here we have, I. Paul's protestation of his own integrity, and of a civil respect to the high priest, however he had upon a sudden spoken warmly to him, and justly, Ac 23:1-5. II. Paul's prudent contrivance to get himself clear of them, by setting the Pharisees and Sadducees at variance one with another, Ac 23:6-9. III. The governor's seasonable interposal to rescue him out of their hands likewise, Ac 23:10. IV. Christ's more comfortable appearing to him, to animate him against those difficulties that lay before him, and to tell him what he must expect, Ac 23:11. V. A bloody conspiracy of some desperate Jews to kill Paul, and their drawing in the chief priests and the elders to be aiders and abettors with them in it, Ac 23:12-15. VI. The discovery of this conspiracy to Paul, and by him to the chief captain, who perceived so much of their inveterate malice against Paul that he had reason enough to believe the truth of it, Ac 23:16-22. VII. The chief captain's care of Paul's safety, by which he prevented the execution of the design; he sent him away immediately under a strong guard from Jerusalem to Cæsarea, which was now the residence of Felix, the Roman governor, and there he safely arrived, Ac 23:23-35.
1-5
Paul's Second Defence
保羅的第二次申辯
¹ 保羅定睛看著議會的人，說：「弟兄們，我在神面前行事為人都是憑著良心，直到今日。」
² 大祭司亞拿尼亞就吩咐旁邊站著的人打他的嘴。
³ 保羅對他說：「你這粉飾的牆，神要打你！你坐堂為的是按律法審問我，你竟違背律法，吩咐人打我嗎？」
⁴ 站在旁邊的人說：「你辱罵神的大祭司嗎？」
⁵ 保羅說：「弟兄們，我不曉得他是大祭司；經上記著說：『不可毀謗你百姓的官長。』」
也許當保羅常常被帶到外邦的官長和議會面前（連人帶案），在那裏他和他的案子都被輕視，因為根本不被理解，他就想，若被帶到耶路撒冷的公會面前，他或許能與他們打些有效的交道；然而我們沒有看到他在他們身上有任何作用。在這裏我們看到，
I. 保羅對自己正直的鄭重宣告。大祭司是否向他提出了甚麼問題，或千夫長是否向法庭陳述了他的案情，我們不得而知；但保羅在這裏出現，
1. 滿有膽量。他被帶到如此莊嚴的集會面前——他年少時曾對之如此敬重的——卻毫不窘迫；也不怕他們追究他從前拿了他們的信去大馬士革逼迫基督徒的事，儘管（就我們所知）這是他自那以來第一次見到他們；而是他定睛看著議會的人。當司提反被帶到他們面前時，他們想要以目光壓倒他，卻做不到——他有那樣的聖潔自信；他們定睛看他，見他的面貌好像天使的面貌（Ac 6:15）。如今保羅被帶到他們面前，他想要以目光壓倒他們，卻做不到——他們有那樣的邪惡厚顏。然而，如今神對以西結所應許的話（Ac 3:8,9）在他身上應驗了：我使你的臉堅硬，敵擋他們的臉；不要怕他們，也不要因他們的臉色驚惶。
2. 帶著無虧的良心，而這給了他膽量。
他說：「弟兄們，我在神面前行事為人都是憑著良心，直到今日。不管人怎樣侮辱我，我的心不責備我，反而為我作見證。」（1）他一直是一個有信仰傾向的人；他從來不是一個放蕩不羈的人，而是總在道德的善與惡之間有所區分；即使在他未重生的狀態中，他也是就律法上的義說，無可指責的。他不是一個從不思想自己所做之事的無知之人，不是一個只求達到自己的目的而不在乎做甚麼的狡猾之人。（2）即使在他逼迫神教會的時候，他也以為自己應當這樣做，以為這樣做是事奉神。雖然他的良心被誤導了，他卻是照著良心的指示行事。見 Ac 26:9。（3）他似乎更可能是在說自從歸信以來、離開了大祭司的事奉、為此受了他們不悅的那段時間；他不是說「從我起初直到今日」，而是說：「在你們看我為叛徒、背教者、你們教會的仇敵的整段時間裏，甚至直到今日，我在神面前行事為人都是憑著良心的；不管你們怎麼看我，我在凡事上都向神證明了自己，誠實行事」（Heb 13:18）。他的目標無非是討神喜悅、盡自己的本分——就在那些他們為之如此惱怒他的事上；在一切為建立基督國度、將之建立在外邦人中所做的事上，他都是憑良心行事的。請看這裏一個正直人的特徵。[1] 他把神擺在自己面前，在祂眼前、在祂的眼目下生活，並仰望祂而活。你當在我面前作完全人。[2] 他對自己所說所行的都憑良心；雖然可能在某些事上有錯，卻照自己所知的最好的，避惡趨善。[3] 他在凡事上都憑良心——不如此的人根本不是真正憑良心的人；在各樣品行上如此：「我凡事都憑著好良心行事；我整個為人都受良心的指導和管轄。」[4] 他持守如此，並堅持到底：「我直到今日都是如此生活的。」不管他有甚麼變遷，他仍是一貫的——嚴格憑良心。那些如此在神面前憑好良心生活的人，可以像這裏的保羅一樣無玷污地抬起頭來；若他們的心不責備他們，就可以向神向人都坦然無懼——正如約伯仍然持守他的純正時所做的，也如保羅自己，他的喜樂就是這個——他良心的見證。
II. 大祭司亞拿尼亞所犯的暴行：他吩咐旁邊站著的人——侍候法庭的法警——打他的嘴（Ac 23:2），用手或用杖打他的牙齒。我們的主耶穌在這法庭上也曾被一個僕人如此惡待（Joh 18:22），正如預言所說的，Mic 5:1：他們要用杖擊打以色列審判官的臉。但這裏是法庭下令這樣做的，而且很可能行了。1. 大祭司對保羅大為惱怒；有人認為是因為保羅如此大膽而迫切地看著議會的人，好像要以目光壓倒他們；也有人認為是因為保羅沒有特別以某種尊稱向他這個主席致辭，而是自由而親切地對他們全體說話，如弟兄一般。他對自己正直的宣告，對一個決心要壓倒他、使他臭名昭著的人來說，已是足夠的冒犯了。當他不能用任何罪狀指控他時，他認為保羅申明自己無辜就足以定罪了。2. 他在暴怒中下令打他，以羞辱他，並打他的嘴——因他用嘴唇犯了罪，並以此示意要他閉嘴。當他不能回答保羅說話的智慧和聖靈時，就訴諸這種粗暴野蠻的手段。西底家也是如此打米該雅（1Ki 22:24），巴施戶珨也是如此打耶利米（Jer 20:2），當他們奉耶和華的名說話時。所以，若我們看見善人受到這樣的凌辱——不，若因行善說善而臨到我們身上——我們不要以為奇怪；基督必將口中的親嘴賜給那些為祂的緣故在嘴上挨打的人（So 1:2）。雖然可以期望，如所羅門所說，口唇正確回答的，人必與他親嘴（Pr 24:26），但我們卻常常看到相反的情形。
III. 對大祭司在審判之處行惡（Ec 3:16）宣告神的憤怒：這與接下來的 Ec 3:17 相符——所羅門以此安慰自己（我心裏說：神必審判義人和惡人）：你這粉飾的牆，神要打你！（Ac 23:3）。保羅說這話不是出於罪性的衝動或憤怒，而是出於對大祭司濫用權力的聖潔義憤，帶著幾分先知的靈——完全不是報復的靈。1. 他給了他應得的評價：你這粉飾的牆——即你這假冒為善的人——泥巴牆，裏面是垃圾、污垢和廢料，卻在外面塗抹粉飾了。這實際上與基督把法利賽人比作粉飾的墳墓是一樣的比喻（Mt 23:7）。那些用未泡透的灰泥抹牆的人，也不忘把自己抹上一層，使自己不僅看來乾淨，而且體面。2. 他宣讀了他公正的結局：神要打你——必將祂嚴厲的審判，尤其是屬靈的審判臨到你。格羅提烏斯（Grotius）認為這在此後不久就應驗了——他因死亡或被廢而從大祭司的職位上被挪去，因為此後不久他就發現有另一個人在那職位上；也許他因神憤怒的突然打擊而受了擊打。耶羅波安伸手攻擊先知時，手就枯乾了。3. 他為那結局提出了正當的理由：「你坐堂在那裏，作為教會最高司法機關的主席，假裝按律法審問我，要按律法定我的罪，卻吩咐人打我——在我還沒有被證明有罪之前——這豈不是違背律法嗎？」除非一個人罪當受打，否則不可被打（De 25:2）。阻止人為自己辯護，不聽審判就定罪，這違背了一切律法——人類的和神聖的，自然的和成文的。當保羅被暴民毆打時，他可以說：父啊，赦免他們，他們所做的他們不曉得；但對於一個受命按律法審判的大祭司來說，這是不可饒恕的。
IV. 保羅這句大膽的話所引起的反感（Ac 23:4）：*站在旁邊的人說：「你辱罵神的大祭司嗎？」*一個合理的推測是，責備保羅的人是信主的猶太人，他們熱心律法，因此也尊重大祭司的尊榮，所以對保羅如此批評他不以為然，並為此責備他。這裏請看：1. 保羅的處境何等艱難——仇敵虐待他，朋友不僅不站在他一邊、不為他撐腰，反而準備挑剔他的做法。2. 基督的門徒自己何等容易高估外在的排場和權勢。正如因為聖殿曾是神的殿、是宏偉的建築，那些跟從基督的人中有些人受不了任何威脅要毀壞它的話；照樣因為大祭司曾是神的大祭司，是個有頭面的人物——雖然他是基督教的死敵——這些人卻對保羅給了他應得的評價而感到不快。
V. 保羅為自己所說的話作的辯解，因為他發現這成了軟弱弟兄的絆腳石，可能使他們在其他事上也對他有成見。這些猶太基督徒雖然軟弱，卻是弟兄——他在這裏如此稱呼他們——考慮到這一點，他幾乎要收回自己的話；因為他說：誰跌倒，我不焦急呢？（2Co 11:29）。他固定的決心是寧可限制自己使用基督徒的自由，也不絆倒軟弱的弟兄；為此他寧可永遠不吃肉（1Co 8:13）。所以在這裏，雖然他自由地對大祭司說了他該說的話，但當他發現這引起了反感，他就說我錯了。他希望自己沒有這樣做；雖然他沒有求大祭司的原諒，也沒有向他解釋，卻求那些因此不快的人的原諒，因為這不是向他們更好解釋的時候，也不是說他能說的話來為自己辯護的時候。1. 他如此辯解：他說這話時沒有想到是在對誰說話（Ac 23:5）：弟兄們，我不曉得他是大祭司——希臘文 ouk edein。「我當時沒有想到他職位的尊嚴，否則我會更恭敬地對他說話。」我看不出我們怎能合理地認為保羅不知道他是大祭司，因為保羅在節期時已在聖殿裏住了七天，不可能看不見大祭司；而他告訴大祭司他坐堂按律法審問他也表明他知道他是誰；但他說，我沒有在意這一點。惠特比博士如此理解：那感動他說出這番話的先知衝動，不允許他注意到這是大祭司，免得這條律法阻止他順從那衝動；但猶太人承認先知在論及掌權者時可以使用別人不能用的自由，如 Isa 1:10,23。或者（如他所引格羅提烏斯和萊特富特的見解）保羅絲毫不是要為自己所說的話辯解，而是要為之正名：「我承認神的大祭司不可被辱罵，但我不承認這個亞拿尼亞是大祭司。他是篡位者；他是靠賄賂和腐敗得到這職位的，猶太拉比說這樣的人既不是審判官，也不配受審判官的尊敬。」然而，2. 他小心確保自己所說的話不至成為先例，以至於絲毫削弱那條律法的約束力：因為經上記著說——這仍然是一條完全有效的律法——不可毀謗你百姓的官長。為了公眾的利益，當支持行政官職位的尊榮，不應因受託之人的過失而受損，所以在論及君王和審判官、以及向他們說話時，當遵守禮節。即使在約伯的時代，也不被認為對君王說：你是邪惡的，或對領袖說：你們是不虔誠的是合宜的（Job 34:18）。即使我們行善卻為此受苦，也當忍耐承受（1Pe 2:20）。這不是說大人物不能聽到他們的過失，公共的不滿不能由合適的人以體面的方式提出，而是對掌權者的尊榮和名譽要格外體恤——勝過對別人——因為神的律法要求特別尊敬他們，作為神的代理人；那些輕慢主治的、毀謗在尊位的人（Jude 1:8），若得到任何形式的縱容，後果是危險的。你不可咒詛君王，也不可在心裏懷怨（Ec 10:20）。
英文原文
Paul's Second Defence
¹ And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said, Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day.
² And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by him to smite him on the mouth.
³ Then said Paul unto him, God shall smite thee, thou whited wall: for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law?
⁴ And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest?
⁵ Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest: for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.
Perhaps when Paul was brought, as he often was (corpus cum causa—the person and the cause together), before heathen magistrates and councils, where he and his cause were slighted, because not at all understood, he thought, if he were brought before the sanhedrim at Jerusalem, he should be able to deal with them to some good purpose, and yet we do not find that he works at all upon them. Here we have,
I. Paul's protestation of his own integrity. Whether the chief priest put any question to him, or the chief captain made any representation of his case to the court, we are not told; but Paul appeared here,
1. With a good courage. He was not at all put out of countenance upon his being brought before such an august assembly, for which in his youth he had conceived such a veneration; nor did he fear their calling him to an account about the letters they gave him to Damascus, to persecute the Christians there, though (for aught we know) this was the first time he had ever seem them since; but he earnestly beheld the council. When Stephen was brought before them, they thought to have faced him down, but could not, such was his holy confidence; they looked stedfastly on him, and his face was as that of an angel, Ac 6:15. Now that Paul was brought before them he thought to have faced them down, but could not, such was their wicked impudence. However, now was fulfilled in him what God promised to Ezekiel (Ac 3:8,9): I have made thy face strong against their faces; fear them not, neither be dismayed at their looks.
2. With a good conscience, and that gave him a good courage.
He said, "Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience before God unto this day. However I may be reproached, my heart does not reproach me, but witnesses for me." (1.) He had always been a man inclined to religion; he never was a man that lived at large, but always put a difference between moral good and evil; even in his unregenerate state, he was, as touching the righteousness that was in the law, blameless. He was no unthinking man, who never considered what he did, no designing man, who cared not what he did, so he could but compass his own ends. (2.) Even when he persecuted the church of God, he thought he ought to do it, and that he did God service in it. Though his conscience was misinformed, yet he acted according to the dictates of it. See Ac 26:9. (3.) He seems rather to speak of the time since his conversion, since he left the service of the high priest, and fell under their displeasure for so doing; he does not say, From my beginning until this day; but, "All the time in which you have looked upon me as a deserter, an apostate, and an enemy to your church, even to this day, I have lived in all good conscience before God; whatever you may think of me, I have in every thing approved myself to God, and lived honestly," Heb 13:18. He had aimed at nothing but to please God and do his duty, in those things for which they were so incensed against him; in all he had done towards the setting up of the kingdom of Christ, and the setting of it up among the Gentiles, he had acted conscientiously. See here the character of an honest man. [1.] He sets God before him, and lives as in his sight, and under his eyes, and with an eye to him. Walk before me, and be thou upright. [2.] He makes conscience of what he says and does, and, though he may be under some mistakes, yet, according to the best of his knowledge, he abstains from that which is evil and cleaves to that which is good. [3.] He is universally conscientious; and those that are not so are not at all truly conscientious; is so in all manner of conversation: "I have lived in all good conscience; have had my whole conversation under the direction and dominion of conscience." [4.] He continues so, and perseveres in it: "I have lived so until this day." Whatever changes pass over him, he is still the same, strictly conscientious. And those who thus live in all good conscience before God may, like Paul here, lift up their face without spot; and, if their hearts condemn them not, may have confidence both towards God and man, as Job had when he still held fast his integrity, and Paul himself, whose rejoicing was this, the testimony of his conscience.
II. The outrage of which Ananias the high priest was guilty: he commanded those that stood by, the beadles that attended the court, to smite him on the mouth (Ac 23:2), to give him a dash on the teeth, either with a hand or with a rod. Our Lord Jesus was thus despitefully used in this court, by one of the servants (Joh 18:22), as was foretold, Mic 5:1, They shall smite the Judge of Israel upon the cheek. But here was an order of court for the doing of it, and, it is likely, it was done. 1. The high priest was highly offended at Paul; some think, because he looked so boldly and earnestly at the council, as if he would face them down; others because he did not address himself particularly to him as president, with some title of honour and respect, but spoke freely and familiarly to them all, as men and brethren. His protestation of his integrity was provocation enough to one who was resolved to run him down and make him odious. When he could charge him with no crime, he thought it was crime enough that he asserted his own innocency. 2. In his rage he ordered him to be smitten, so to put disgrace upon him, and to be smitten on the mouth, as having offended with his lips, and in token of his enjoining him silence. This brutish and barbarous method he had recourse to when he could not answer the wisdom and spirit wherewith he spoke. Thus Zedekiah smote Micaiah (1Ki 22:24), and Pashur smote Jeremiah (Jer 20:2), when they spoke in the name of the Lord. If therefore we see such indignities done to good men, nay, if they be done to us for well doing and well saying, we must not think it strange; Christ will give those the kisses of his mouth (So 1:2) who for his sake receive blows on the mouth. And though it may be expected that, as Solomon says, every man should kiss his lips that giveth a right answer (Pr 24:26), yet we often see the contrary.
III. The denunciation of the wrath of God against the high priest for this wickedness in the place of judgment (Ec 3:16): it agrees with what follows there, Ec 3:17, with which Solomon comforted himself (I said in my heart, God shall judge the righteous and the wicked): God shall smite thee, thou whited wall, Ac 23:3. Paul did not speak this in any sinful heat or passion, but in a holy zeal against the high priest's abuse of his power, and with something of a prophetic spirit, not at all with a spirit of revenge. 1. He gives him his due character: Thou whited wall; that is, thou hypocrite—a mud-wall, trash and dirt and rubbish underneath, but plastered over, or white-washed. It is the same comparison in effect with that of Christ, when he compares the Pharisees to whited sepulchres, Mt 23:7. Those that daubed with untempered mortar failed not to daub themselves over with something that made them look not only clean, but gay. 2. He reads him his just doom: "God shall smite thee, shall bring upon thee his sore judgments, especially spiritual judgments." Grotius thinks this was fulfilled soon after, in his removal from the office of the high priest, either by death or deprivation, for he finds another in that office a little while after this; probably he was smitten by some sudden stroke of divine vengeance. Jeroboam's hand was withered when it was stretched out against a prophet. 3. He assigns a good reason for that doom: "For sittest thou there as president in the supreme judicature of the church, pretending to judge me after the law, to convict and condemn me by the law, and yet commandest me to be smitten before any crime is proved upon me, which is contrary to the law?" No man must be beaten unless he be worthy to be beaten, De 25:2. It is against all law, human and divine, natural and positive, to hinder a man from making his defense, and to condemn him unheard. When Paul was beaten by the rabble, he could say, Father, forgive them, they know not what they do; but it is inexcusable in a high priest that is appointed to judge according to the law.
IV. The offence which was taken at this bold word of Paul's (Ac 23:4): Those that stood by said, Revilest thou God's high priest? It is a probable conjecture that those who blamed Paul for what he said were believing Jews, who were zealous for the law, and consequently for the honour of the high priest, and therefore took it ill that Paul should thus reflect upon him, and checked him for it. See here then, 1. What a hard game Paul had to play, when his enemies were abusive to him, and his friends were so far from standing by him, and appearing for him, that they were ready to find fault with his management. 2. How apt even the disciples of Christ themselves are to overvalue outward pomp and power. As because the temple had been God's temple, and a magnificent structure, there were those who followed Christ that could not bear to have any thing said that threatened the destruction of it; so because the high priest had been God's high priest, and was a man that made a figure, though he was an inveterate enemy to Christianity, yet these were disgusted at Paul for giving him his due.
V. The excuse that Paul made for what he had said, because he found it was a stumbling-block to his weak brethren, and might prejudice them against him in other things. These Jewish Christians, though weak, yet were brethren, so he calls them here, and, in consideration of that, is almost ready to recall his words; for who is offended, saith he, and I burn not? 2Co 11:29. His fixed resolution was rather to abridge himself in the use of his Christian liberty than give offence to a weak brother; rather than do this, he will eat no flesh while the world stands, 1Co 8:13. And so here though he had taken the liberty to tell the high priest his own, yet, when he found it gave offence, he cried Peccavi—I have done wrong. He wished he had not done it; and though he did not beg the high priest's pardon, nor excuse it to him, yet he begs their pardon who took offence at it, because this was not a time to inform them better, nor to say what he could say to justify himself. 1. He excuses it with this, that he did not consider when he said it to whom he spoke (Ac 23:5): I wist not, brethren, that he was the high priest—ouk edein. "I did not just then think of the dignity of his place, or else I would have spoken more respectfully to him." I see not how we can with any probability think that Paul did not know him to be the high priest, for Paul had been seven days in the temple at the time of the feast, where he could not miss of seeing the high priest; and his telling him that he sat to judge him after the law shows that he knew who he was; but, says he, I did not consider it. Dr. Whitby puts this sense upon it, that the prophetic impulse that was upon him, and inwardly moved him to say what he did, did not permit him to notice that it was the high priest, lest this law might have restrained him from complying with that impulse; but the Jews acknowledged that prophets might use a liberty in speaking of rulers which others might not, as Isa 1:10,23. Or (as he quotes the sense of Grotius and Lightfoot) Paul does not go about to excuse what he had said in the least, but rather to justify it; "I own that God's high priest is not to be reviled, but I do not own this Ananias to be high priest. He is a usurper; he came to the office by bribery and corruption, and the Jewish rabbin say that he who does so is neither a judge nor to be honoured as such." Yet, 2. He takes care that what he had said should not be drawn into a precedent, to the weakening of the obligation of that law in the least: For it is written, and it remains a law in full force, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. It is for the public good that the honour of magistracy should be supported, and not suffer for the miscarriages of those who are entrusted with it, and therefore that decorum be observed in speaking both of and to princes and judges. Even in Job's time it was not thought fit to say to a king, Thou art wicked, or to princes, You are ungodly, Job 34:18. Even when we do well, and suffer for it, we must take it patiently, 1Pe 2:20. Not as if great men may not hear of their faults, and public grievances be complained of by proper persons and in a decent manner, but there must be a particular tenderness for the honour and reputation of those in authority more than of other people, because the law of God requires a particular reverence to be paid to them, as God's vicegerents; and it is of dangerous consequence to have those any way countenanced who despise dominions, and speak evil of dignities, Jude 1:8. Curse not the king, no not in thy thought, Ec 10:20.
6-11
Paul's Second Defence
保羅的第二次申辯
⁶ 保羅看出大眾一半是撒都該人，一半是法利賽人，就在公會中大聲說：「弟兄們，我是法利賽人，也是法利賽人的子孫。我現在受審問，是為盼望死人復活。」 ⁷ 說了這話，法利賽人和撒都該人就爭論起來，會眾分為兩黨。 ⁸ 因為撒都該人說沒有復活，也沒有天使和鬼魂；法利賽人卻說兩樣都有。 ⁹ 於是大大的喧嚷。有幾個法利賽黨的文士站起來爭辯說：「我們看不出這人有甚麼惡處，倘若有鬼魂或天使對他說過話，怎麼樣呢？」 ¹⁰ 那時大起爭論，千夫長恐怕保羅被他們扯碎了，就吩咐兵丁下去，把他從眾人當中搶出來，帶進營樓去。 ¹¹ 當夜，主站在保羅旁邊，說：「放心吧！你怎樣在耶路撒冷為我作見證，也必怎樣在羅馬為我作見證。」
義人多有苦難，但主總會以這樣或那樣的方式救他們脫離這一切。保羅承認自己在外邦人中所受的逼迫中已經經歷了這話的真實（見提後 3:11）：主都把我救出來了。 如今他發現，那位曾拯救他的神，仍要拯救，也必拯救。上一章那位從百姓的暴亂中拯救了他的主，如今在此從長老的暴亂中拯救了他。
I. 他自己的機智和智慧為他提供了相當的幫助，對他的脫險大有貢獻。保羅最大的尊榮，也是他最引以為傲的，是他是一個基督徒，是基督的使徒；與此相比，他所有的其他尊榮他都藐視、視若無物，當作糞土，為要得着基督；然而他有時也有機會利用他的其他尊榮，這些也確實為他效了勞。他的羅馬公民身分在上一章救了他，使千夫長沒有把他當作流浪漢來鞭打；而他在這裏的法利賽人身分救了他，使公會沒有把他定為叛離以色列神之信仰和敬拜的叛教者。我們甘願為基督受苦，同時也運用一切合法的方法——甚至策略——來避免受苦或從中脫身，這兩者完全可以並行不悖。保羅為保全自己而在此所用的誠實策略，是分化他的審判官，使他們因他而彼此相爭；藉着激怒他們當中的一部分人更加反對他，來使另一部分人站在他這邊。
1. 大公會由撒都該人和法利賽人組成，保羅察覺到了這一點。他從前住在他們中間時就知道他們當中許多人的為人，看見了他所知道是撒都該人的人，以及他所知道是法利賽人的人（Ac 23:6）：一半是撒都該人，一半是法利賽人，也許兩派人數相當。這兩派人彼此之間有很大的差異，卻通常能相安無事地一同辦理公會的事務。（1）法利賽人是狂熱分子，熱心於禮儀——不僅是神所設立的那些，也包括長老的遺傳所規定的。他們極力維護教會的權威，並強制人服從其命令，這在他們與我們的主耶穌之間引起了許多爭執；但同時，他們在猶太教會關於屬靈世界、死人復活和來世生命的信仰上，卻非常正統。（2）撒都該人是自然神論者——不友好對待聖經或神的啟示。他們承認摩西的書卷包含了好的歷史和好的律法，卻不太尊重舊約的其他書卷；見太 22:23。這裏對撒都該人的描述是：[1] 他們否認復活——不僅否認身體復生，更否認未來賞罰的存在。他們既沒有永福的盼望，也沒有永禍的恐懼，更不期望死後有任何事；正是基於這些原則，他們說事奉神是徒然的，並稱狂傲的人為有福，瑪 3:14,15。[2] 他們否認天使和靈的存在，只承認物質的存在。他們甚至以為神自己也是有形體的，有像我們一樣的肢體。當他們在舊約中讀到天使時，就以為那是神按需要造出來差遣的使者，或者只是對那些奉差之人想象的印象，並非真實的存在——他們把它說成這個、那個、任何東西，唯獨不承認天使本身是甚麼。至於人的靈魂，他們認為不過是身體的體液或動物之氣的調和，否認靈魂在與身體分離的狀態下存在，也否認人的靈魂與獸的靈魂之間有任何區別。這些人無疑自稱為自由思想者，實際上卻以最卑劣、荒謬、奴性的方式思考。令人驚奇的是，持如此敗壞邪惡原則的人怎麼能擔任公職，在大公會中佔有一席之地；但他們當中許多人有地位和財產，他們順從公眾的建制，如此得以進入並保持其中。但他們通常被當作異端而受羞辱，被歸為伊壁鳩魯派，被人當作禱告的對象，被排除在永生之外。威提西（Witsius）認為，現代猶太人用來反基督徒的那個禱告，是迦瑪列所設計用來反撒都該人的；他們平常的咒詛——願惡人的名朽爛——指的就是撒都該人。但是，當這樣褻瀆的人居然在他們的統治者之中時，猶太教會的品格是何等敗壞，其狀態又是何等可悲！
2. 在法利賽人與撒都該人之間的這個分歧問題上，保羅公開宣稱自己站在法利賽人一邊，反對撒都該人（Ac 23:6）：他大聲喊出來，好叫所有人都聽見：我是法利賽人——受教為法利賽人，不，我實際上是生而為法利賽人，因為我是法利賽人的子孫——我父親在我之前就是法利賽人；在這一點上我仍是法利賽人——我盼望死人復活；我可以真實地說，如果事情被正確地理解，就會發現這正是我如今受審問的原因。基督在世的時候，法利賽人最積極地反對祂，因為祂見證反對他們的遺傳和對律法的敗壞解釋；但祂升天之後，撒都該人最積極地反對祂的使徒，因為他們傳說耶穌死人復活，Ac 4:1,2。經上也說（Ac 5:17）是撒都該人教門的人對他們滿心嫉恨，因為他們傳揚那藉着福音彰顯出來的生命和不朽。如今在這裏，（1）保羅承認自己是法利賽人——就法利賽人正確的部分而言。雖然就法利賽主義與基督教相對立而言，他反對它，並反對其一切與神的律法抗衡、或與基督的福音相悖的遺傳；但就其與撒都該主義相對立而言，他堅持它。我們絕不可因神的任何真理被別處敗壞的人所持有，就看輕它，或更加羞於承認它。如果法利賽人要盼望死人復活，保羅就要在這盼望上與他們同行，成為他們當中的一員——不管他們願不願意。（2）他可以真實地說：他作為一個基督徒而受逼迫，這正是他所受審問的原因。也許他知道撒都該人雖然在平民中沒有法利賽人那樣的影響力，卻暗中煽動百姓反對他——藉口是他向外邦人傳道，實際上卻是因為他傳講了復活的盼望。然而，他既因作基督徒而受審問，就可以真實地說：他是因盼望死人復活而受審問——正如他後來所申辯的，Ac 24:15，26:6,7。雖然保羅（像他的主那樣）傳道反對長老的遺傳，在這方面反對法利賽人，但他更看重自己傳講死人復活和來世——在這方面他與法利賽人一致。
3. 這在公會中引起了分裂。很可能大祭司站在撒都該人一邊（正如他在 Ac 5:17 所做的，並且從他對保羅的暴怒——Ac 23:2——可以看出），這使法利賽人更加警覺；但事實是，法利賽人和撒都該人之間起了爭論（Ac 23:7），因為保羅這話使撒都該人更加激烈，法利賽人對追訴他更加冷淡；以至會眾分為兩黨——eschisthe——有了分裂——他們之間有了爭吵，他們熱心的鋒芒開始從保羅轉向彼此；他們彼此之間不能一致時，就不能繼續對付他；他們當中既然如此缺乏聖靈的合一，也就不能以破壞教會合一的名義起訴他。原本所有的呼喊都是針對保羅的，如今卻大大地彼此喧嚷起來，Ac 23:9。在那時候，猶太人各階層都盛行一種狂暴兇殘的風氣，以至凡事都是帶着喧嚷和嘈雜來做的；他們宗教的重大原則就是如此喧嚷地維護，這對他們毫無益處，因為人的怒氣並不成就神的義。反對者可以因公正的說理而被說服，卻絕不能因大聲喧嚷而被說服。
4. 法利賽人因此（誰能想到呢？）站在了保羅一邊（Ac 23:9）：他們爭辯——diemachonto——他們爭戰，說：我們看不出這人有甚麼惡處。 他在聖殿裏舉止端正而恭敬，並且參加了教會的敬拜；雖然只是偶爾的，卻表明他並不像人所說的那樣是教會的仇敵。他在自己的申辯中說得非常得體，對自己作了很好的交代，如今又宣告自己在宗教的大原則上正統，在日常為人上規矩而有良心；因此他們看不出他做了甚麼該死或該被捆綁的事。不但如此，他們還進一步說：「若有鬼魂或天使對他說過話——論到耶穌的事，並催使他這樣傳講——我們雖然不一定信他，卻當謹慎不可反對他，以免被發現是抵擋神」；正如迦瑪列——他自己是法利賽人——從前所辯的，Ac 5:39。在這裏，（1）我們可以看到，為了福音的尊榮，甚至它的仇敵也為它作見證；有時真理的能力甚至從那些逼迫它的人口中，迫使他們承認它的無辜，甚至它的卓越。彼拉多查不出基督有甚麼罪，卻把祂處死；非斯都查不出保羅有甚麼錯，卻把他留在監裏；法利賽人在這裏假定，保羅可能真的蒙了天使從天上帶來的委任去做他所做的事；然而看來他們作為長老，在此之後仍與大祭司一同追訴他，Ac 24:1。他們不僅有知識，而且有時也承認，卻仍在知識中犯罪——正如基督論到他們所說的：他們已經看見我，也恨惡了我和我的父，約 15:24。然而，（2）我們盼望他們當中至少有些人是從此對保羅有了比從前更好的看法，也對他友善了，因為他們對他在無虧的良心中的為人，以及他關乎來世的信仰，都有了如此令人滿意的交代；那麼就當注意他們的尊榮：他們對保羅所脫離的長老遺傳的熱心，被吞沒在對保羅仍然堅守的宗教重大根本教義的熱心之中——如果他誠心與他們一同反對撒都該人，堅守死人復活的盼望，他們就不認為他擺脫禮儀律有甚麼惡，而是善意地盼望他是照着神藉某個天使或靈所賜的亮光而行，不僅不逼迫他，反而樂意庇護和保護他。羅馬教會那些逼迫人的法利賽人卻沒有這種心：因為一個人無論多麼真誠、多麼熱心擁護基督信仰的一切信條，只要他不把脖子放在他們教會權威的軛下，他們就能在他身上找出足夠的惡來逼迫他至死。
II. 千夫長的關心和處置為他提供了更大的幫助；因為當他在法利賽人和撒都該人之間投下了這塊爭論的骨頭（使他們彼此相鬥，並從法利賽人那裏贏得了公正的見證），他的處境卻沒有因此好轉，反而有被他們撕碎的危險——法利賽人拉扯着要釋放他，撒都該人拉扯着要處死他，或把他扔給百姓，如同但以理被扔進獅子坑；以至千夫長不得不帶着他的士兵來救他，正如他從前所做的，Ac 21:32,22:24。1. 請看保羅的危險。在朋友和仇敵之間，他幾乎被撕成碎片——一方擁抱他至死，另一方壓碎他至死。那些傑出的、引人注目的人——如保羅那樣，被一些人如此愛慕，又被另一些人如此憎恨——就是如此容易遭受暴力。2. 他的拯救：千夫長吩咐兵丁下去——從上面的崗哨——把他從眾人當中搶出來——從他吩咐公會在其中聚集的聖殿的那間房子裏——帶進營樓去，就是安東尼堡壘；因為他看出無法從他們那裏弄清這案子的頭緒。
III. 神聖的安慰為他提供了最大的幫助。千夫長把他從殘暴的人手中救出來，但仍然把他留在監管之下，事態如何發展他不得而知。營樓固然是對他的保護，卻也是一種拘禁；正如如今這是他的保護，使他免於如此大的死亡，這也可能是為更大的死亡而保留他。我們沒有看到耶路撒冷有任何使徒或長老來看他；他們或是沒有勇氣，或是沒有得到許可。也許在接下來的夜裏，保羅心中充滿了思慮和掛念：他將來會怎樣？他眼前的患難如何才能轉為達到某些善果？那時主耶穌來親切地探望他——雖是在午夜，卻非常及時（Ac 23:11）：主站在保羅旁邊，來到他的牀邊——雖然那也許只是草鋪——表明祂在白晝確實與他同在，正如祂在夜間 visibly 與他同在一樣。請注意，無論誰反對我們，只要主站在我們旁邊，我們就不必懼怕；祂若承擔我們的保護，我們就可以藐視那些尋求毀滅我們的人。主扶持我的靈魂，如此就沒有甚麼能叫我們受害。1. 基督吩咐他振作精神：放心吧，保羅——不要灰心；不要因已發生的事而憂愁，也不要因將來可能臨到的事而恐懼。請注意，基督的旨意是要祂忠心的僕人始終保持喜樂。也許保羅在回想中開始懷疑自己前一天對公會所說的話是否妥當；但基督藉着祂的話使他確信，神已經悅納了他的行事。或者，也許朋友們沒有來看他使他難過；但基督的探訪本身就足以說明一切，即使祂沒有說：放心吧，保羅。 2. 祂用來鼓勵他的論據很奇妙：你怎樣在耶路撒冷為我作見證，也必怎樣在羅馬為我作見證。 人也許會以為這不過是冷淡的安慰：「你既已為我受了許多苦，也必須受更多的苦」；然而這是為了鼓勵他而設計的；因為藉此他得以明白：（1）他迄今所忍受的，是為基督作見證的事奉。他受責打不是因為有甚麼過錯，如今被記念的也不是他從前逼迫教會的事——無論他多麼以此責備自己——他乃是一直在繼續他的工作。（2）他還沒有完成他的見證，也沒有因被囚而被擱置一旁成為無用，他不過是為進一步的事奉而被保留。沒有甚麼比被剝奪事奉基督和向靈魂行善的機會更使保羅灰心的了：不要怕，基督說，我還沒有結束你的事奉。（3）保羅似乎對去羅馬有一個特別的心願——一個無可厚非的心願——要去那裏傳福音，雖然福音已經在那裏傳開了，也建立了一個教會；然而他既是羅馬公民，就渴望到那裏去一趟，並已定意如此（Ac 19:21）：我到了耶路撒冷以後，也必須去看看羅馬。 他不久前也曾寫信給羅馬人說他切切地想見他們，羅 1:11。如今他可能以為這已經打亂了他的計劃，他再也見不到羅馬了；但即使在這事上，基督告訴他他必如願以償——因為他是為基督的榮耀和行善而如此渴望的。
英文原文
Paul's Second Defence
⁶ But when Paul perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the council, Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question.
⁷ And when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees: and the multitude was divided.
⁸ For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neither angel, nor spirit: but the Pharisees confess both.
⁹ And there arose a great cry: and the scribes that were of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, saying, We find no evil in this man: but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God.
¹⁰ And when there arose a great dissension, the chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down, and to take him by force from among them, and to bring him into the castle.
¹¹ And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul: for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.
Many are the troubles of the righteous, but some way or other the Lord delivereth them out of them all. Paul owned he had experienced the truth of this in the persecutions he had undergone among the Gentiles (see 2Ti 3:11): Out of them all the Lord delivered me. And now he finds that he who has delivered does and will deliver. He that delivered him in the foregoing chapter from the tumult of the people here delivers him from that of the elders.
I. His own prudence and ingenuity stand him in some stead, and contribute much to his escape. Paul's greatest honour, and that upon which he most valued himself, was that he was a Christian, and an apostle of Christ; and all his other honours he despised and made nothing of, in comparison with this, counting them but dung, that he might win Christ; and yet he had sometimes occasion to make use of his other honours, and they did him service. His being a citizen of Rome saved him in the foregoing chapter from his being scourged by the chief captain as a vagabond, and here his being a Pharisee saved him from being condemned by the sanhedrim, as an apostate from the faith and worship of the God of Israel. It will consist very well with our willingness to suffer for Christ to use all lawful methods, nay, and arts too, both to prevent suffering and to extricate ourselves out of it. The honest policy Paul used here for his own preservation was to divide his judges, and to set them at variance one with another about him; and, by incensing one part of them more against him, to engage the contrary part for him.
1. The great council was made up of Sadducees and Pharisees, and Paul perceived it. He knew the characters of many of them ever since he lived among them, and saw those among them whom he knew to be Sadducees, and others whom he knew to be Pharisees (Ac 23:6): One part were Sadducees and the other Pharisees, and perhaps nearly an equal part. Now these differed very much from one another, and yet they ordinarily agreed well enough to do the business of the council together. (1.) The Pharisees were bigots, zealous for the ceremonies, not only those which God had appointed, but those which were enjoined by the tradition of the elders. They were great sticklers for the authority of the church, and for enforcing obedience to its injunctions, which occasioned many quarrels between them and our Lord Jesus; but at the same time they were very orthodox in the faith of the Jewish church concerning the world of spirits, the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come. (2.) The Sadducees were deists—no friends to the scripture, or divine revelation. The books of Moses they admitted as containing a good history and a good law, but had little regard to the other books of the Old Testament; see Mt 22:23. The account here given of these Sadducees is, [1.] That they deny the resurrection; not only the return of the body to life, but a future state of rewards and punishments. They had neither hope of eternal happiness nor dread of eternal misery, nor expectation of any thing on the other side death; and it was upon these principles that they said, It is in vain to serve God, and called the proud happy, Mal 3:14,15. [2.] That they denied the existence of angels and spirits, and allowed of no being but matter. They thought that God himself was corporeal, and had parts and members as we have. When they read of angels in the Old Testament, they supposed them to be messengers that God made and sent on his errands as there was occasion, or that they were impressions on the fancies of those they were sent to, and no real existences—that they were this, or that, or any thing rather than what they were. And, as for the souls of men, they looked upon them to be nothing else but the temperament of the humours of the body, or the animal spirits, but denied their existence in a state of separation from the body, and any difference between the soul of a man and of a beast. These, no doubt, pretended to be free-thinkers, but really thought as meanly, absurdly, and slavishly, as possible. It is strange how men of such corrupt and wicked principles could come into office, and have a place in the great sanhedrim; but many of them were of quality and estate, and they complied with the public establishment, and so got in and kept in. But they were generally stigmatized as heretics, were ranked with the Epicureans, and were prayed against and excluded from eternal life. The prayer which the modern Jews use against Christians, Witsius thinks, was designed by Gamaliel, who made it, against the Sadducees; and that they meant them in their usual imprecation, Let the name of the wicked rot. But how degenerate was the character and how miserable the state of the Jewish church, when such profane men as these were among their rulers!
2. In this matter of difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees Paul openly declared himself to be on the Pharisees' side against the Sadducees (Ac 23:6): He cried out, so as to be heard by all, "I am a Pharisee, was bred a Pharisee, nay, I was born one, in effect, for I was the son of a Pharisee, my father was one before me, and thus far I am still a Pharisee that I hope for the resurrection of the dead, and I may truly say that, if the matter were rightly understood, it would be found that this is it for which I am now called in question." When Christ was upon earth the Pharisees set themselves most against him, because he witnessed against their traditions and corrupt glosses upon the law; but, after his ascension, the Sadducees set themselves most against his apostles, because they preached through Jesus the resurrection of the dead, Ac 4:1,2. And it is said (Ac 5:17) that they were the sect of the Sadducees that were filled with indignation at them, because they preached that life and immortality which is brought to light by the gospel. Now here, (1.) Paul owns himself a Pharisee, so far as the Pharisees were in the right. Though as Pharisaism was opposed to Christianity he set himself against it, and against all its traditions that were set up in competition with the law of God or in contradiction to the gospel of Christ, yet, as it was opposed to Sadducism, he adhered to it. We must never think the worse of any truth of God, nor be more shy of owning it, for its being held by men otherwise corrupt. If the Pharisees will hope for the resurrection of the dead, Paul will go along with them in that hope, and be one of them, whether they will or no. (2.) He might truly say that being persecuted, as a Christian, this was the thing he was called in question for. Perhaps he knew that the Sadducees, though they had not such an interest in the common people as the Pharisees had, yet had underhand incensed the mob against him, under pretence of his having preached to the Gentiles, but really because he had preached the hope of the resurrection. However, being called in question for his being a Christian, he might truly say he was called in question for the hope of the resurrection of the dead, as he afterwards pleaded, Ac 24:15,26:6,7. Though Paul preached against the traditions of the elders (as his Master had done), and therein opposed the Pharisees, yet he valued himself more upon his preaching the resurrection of the dead, and a future state, in which he concurred with the Pharisees.
3. This occasioned a division in the council. It is probable that the high priest sided with the Sadducees (as he had done Ac 5:17, and made it to appear by his rage at Paul, Ac 23:2), which alarmed the Pharisees so much the more; but so it was, there arose a dissension between the Pharisees and the Sadducees (Ac 23:7), for this word of Paul's made the Sadducees more warm and the Pharisees more cool in the prosecution of him; so that the multitude was divided; eschisthe—there was a schism, a quarrel among them, and the edge of their zeal began to turn from Paul against one another; nor could they go on to act against him when they could not agree among themselves, or prosecute him for breaking the unity of the church when there was so little among them of the unity of the spirit. All the cry had been against Paul, but now there arose a great cry against one another, Ac 23:9. So much did a fierce furious spirit prevail among all orders of the Jews at this time that every thing was done with clamour and noise; and in such a tumultuous manner were the great principles of their religion stickled for, by which they received little service, for the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God. Gainsayers may be convinced by fair reasoning, but never by a great cry.
4. The Pharisees hereupon (would one think it?) took Paul's part (Ac 23:9): They strove, diemachonto—They fought, saying, We find no evil in this man. He had conducted himself decently and reverently in the temple, and had attended the service of the church; and, though it was but occasionally, yet it showed that he was not such an enemy to it as he was said to be. He had spoken very handsomely in his own defence, and given a good account of himself, and had now declared himself orthodox in the great principles of religion, as well as regular and conscientious in his conversation; and therefore they cannot see that he has done any thing worthy of death of bonds. Nay, they go further, "If a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him concerning Jesus, and put him upon preaching as he does, though we may not be so far satisfied as to give credit to him, yet we ought to be cautioned not to oppose him, lest we be found fighting against God;" as Gamaliel, who was himself a Pharisee, had argued, Ac 5:39. Now here, (1.) We may observe, to the honour of the gospel, that it was witnessed to even by its adversaries, and confessions, not only of its innocency, but of its excellency, were extorted sometimes by the power of truth even from those that persecuted it. Pilate found no fault in Christ though he put him to death, nor Festus in Paul though he detained him in bonds; and the Pharisees here supposed it possible that Paul might have a commission sent him for heaven by an angel to do what he did; and yet it should seem, as elders, they after this joined with the high priest in prosecuting him, Ac 24:1. They sinned against the knowledge which they not only had, but sometimes owned, as Christ had said of them, They have both seen and hated both me and my Father, Joh 15:24. Yet, (2.) We will hope that some of them at least did henceforward conceive a better opinion of Paul than they had had, and were favourable to him, having had such a satisfactory account both of his conversation in all good conscience and of his faith touching another world; and then it must be observed to their honour that their zeal for the traditions of the elders, which Paul had departed from, was so far swallowed up in a zeal for the great and fundamental doctrines of religion, to which Paul still adhered, that if he will heartily join with them against the Sadducees, and adhere to the hope of the resurrection of the dead, they will not think his shaking off the ceremonial law to be an evil in him, but charitably hope that he walks according to the light God has given him by some angel or spirit, and are so far from persecuting him that they are ready to patronize and protect him. The persecuting Pharisees of the church of Rome are not of this spirit: for let a man be ever so sincere and zealous for all the articles of the Christian faith, yet, if he lay not his neck under the yoke of their church's authority, they find evil enough in him to persecute him unto the death.
II. The chief captain's care and conduct stand him in more stead; for when he has thrown this bone of contention between the Pharisees and Sadducees (which set them together by the ears, and gained a fair testimony from the Pharisees), yet he is never the nearer, but is in danger of being pulled in pieces by them—the Pharisees pulling to have him set at liberty, and the Sadducees pulling to have him put to death, or thrown to the people, like Daniel into the den of lions; so that the chief captain is forced to come with his soldiers and rescue him, as he had done, Ac 21:32,22:24. 1. See here Paul's danger. Between his friends and his enemies he had like to have been pulled to pieces, the one hugging him to death, the other crushing him to death, such violences are those liable to that are eminent, and that are become remarkable, as Paul was, who was by some so much beloved and by others so much maligned. 2. His deliverance: The chief captain ordered his soldiers to go down from the upper wards, and to take them by force from among them, out of that apartment in the temple where he had ordered the council to meet, and to bring him into the castle, or tower of Antonio; for he saw he could make nothing of them towards the understanding of the merits of his cause.
III. Divine consolations stood him in most stead of all. The chief captain had rescued him out of the hands of cruel men, but still he had him in custody, and what might be the issue he could not tell. The castle was indeed a protection to him, but withal it was a confinement; and, as it was now his preservation from so great a death, it might be his reservation for a greater. We do not find that any of the apostles or elders at Jerusalem came to him; either they had not courage or they had not admission. Perhaps, in the night following, Paul was full of thoughts and cares what should become of him, and how his present troubles might be turned to answer some good purpose. Then did the Lord Jesus make him a kind visit, and, thought at midnight, yet a very seasonable one (Ac 23:11): The Lord stood by him, came to his bed-side, though perhaps it was but a bed of straw, to show him that he was all the day long with him really as sure as he was in the night with him visibly. Note, Whoever is against us, we need not fear if the Lord stand by us; if he undertake our protection, we may set those that seek our ruin at defiance. The Lord is with those that uphold my soul, and then nothing can come amiss. 1. Christ bids him have a good heart upon it: "Be of good cheer, Paul; be not discouraged; let not what has happened sadden thee, nor let what may yet be before thee frighten thee." Note, It is the will of Christ that his servants who are faithful should be always cheerful. Perhaps Paul, in the reflection, began to be jealous of himself whether he had done well in what he said to the council the day before; but Christ, by his word, satisfies him that God approved of his conduct. Or, perhaps, it troubled him that his friends did not come to him; but Christ's visit did itself speak, though he had not said, Be of good cheer, Paul. 2. It is a strange argument which he makes use of to encourage him: As thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome. One would think this was but cold comfort: "As thou hast undergone a great deal of trouble for me so thou must undergo a great deal more;" and yet this was designed to encourage him; for hereby he is given to understand, (1.) That he had been serving Christ as a witness for him in what he had hitherto endured. It was for no fault that he was buffeted, and it was not his former persecuting of the church that was now remembered against him, however he might remember it against himself, but he was still going on with his work. (2.) That he had not yet finished his testimony, nor was, by his imprisonment, laid aside as useless, but was only reserved for further service. Nothing disheartened Paul so much as the thought of being taken off from doing service to Christ and good to souls: Fear not, says Christ, I have not done with thee, (3.) Paul seems to have had a particular fancy, and an innocent one, to go to Rome, to preach the gospel there, though it was already preached, and a church planted there; yet, being a citizen of Rome, he longed for a journey thither, and had designed it (Ac 19:21): After I have been at Jerusalem, I must also see Rome. And he had written to the Romans some time ago that he longed to see them, Ro 1:11. Now he was ready to conclude that this had broken his measures, and he should never see Rome; but even in that Christ tells him he should be gratified, since he desired it for the honour of Christ and to do good.
12-35
A Conspiracy against Paul; Paul Sent to Felix
針對保羅的陰謀；保羅被解送到腓力斯
¹² 到了天亮，猶太人同謀起誓，說：「若不先殺保羅，就不吃不喝。」 ¹³ 這樣同心起誓的有四十多人。 ¹⁴ 他們來見祭司長和長老，說：「我們已經起了一個大誓，若不先殺保羅，就不吃甚麼。 ¹⁵ 現在你們和公會要知會千夫長，叫他帶下保羅到你們這裏來，假作要詳細查問他；我們已經預備好了，不等他靠近，就殺他。」 ¹⁶ 保羅的外甥聽見他們設下埋伏，就來到營樓裏告訴保羅。 ¹⁷ 保羅請一個百夫長來，說：「你領這少年人去見千夫長，因為他有事告訴他。」 ¹⁸ 於是百夫長把他領去，帶到千夫長那裏，說：「被囚的保羅請我去，求我領這少年人來見你；他有事告訴你。」 ¹⁹ 千夫長就拉着他的手，走到一旁，私下問他說：「你有甚麼事告訴我呢？」 ²⁰ 他說：「猶太人已經約定了，要求你明天把保羅帶到公會裏去，假作要詳細查問他。 ²¹ 你切不要隨從他們，因為他們有四十多人埋伏，已經起誓，若不先殺保羅，就不吃不喝；如今預備好了，只等你應允。」 ²² 於是千夫長打發少年人走，囑咐他說：「你告訴人，不要將你這事報告給我聽。」 ²³ 千夫長便叫了兩個百夫長來，說：「預備步兵二百、馬兵七十、長槍手二百，今夜三更往該撒利亞去； ²⁴ 也要預備牲口叫保羅騎上，護送他到腓力斯總督那裏，安全到達。」 ²⁵ 千夫長又寫了文書，大意如下： ²⁶ 「革老丟·呂西亞請總督腓力斯大人安。 ²⁷ 這人被猶太人拿住，將要殺害；我得知他是羅馬人，就帶兵丁下去救他。 ²⁸ 因要知道他們控告他的緣故，我就帶他下到他們的公會去。 ²⁹ 我便查知他被告，是因他們律法的辯論，並沒有甚麼該死該綁的罪名。 ³⁰ 後來有人把要害這人的計謀告訴我，我就立刻解他到你那裏去，又吩咐告他的人在你面前告他。願你平安！」 ³¹ 於是兵丁照所吩咐他們的，將保羅夜裏帶到安提帕底。 ³² 第二天讓馬兵護送，他們就回營樓去了。 ³³ 馬兵來到該撒利亞，把文書呈上總督，便叫保羅站在他面前。 ³⁴ 總督念了文書，問保羅是哪省的人；既知道他是基利家人， ³⁵ 就說：「等告你的人來到，我要細聽你的事」；便吩咐人把他看守在希律的衙門裏。
此處我們看到謀害保羅性命的陰謀的故事——它如何策劃、如何被發現、又如何被挫敗。
I. 這陰謀如何策劃。他們發現自己不能藉民眾暴動或法律程序得着甚麼，於是訴諸野蠻的暗殺手段；他們要突然襲擊他、刺殺他，只要能把他置於他們可及的範圍內。他們對這善人的惡意何等不息——當一個計謀失敗，他們就另轉一塊石頭。現在請注意，
1. 誰策劃了這陰謀。是一些猶太人——因為保羅是外邦人的使徒而對他懷有最大憤怒的人（Ac 23:12）。參與此計劃的有四十多人（Ac 23:13）。耶和華啊，我的敵人何其加增！
2. 陰謀何時形成：到了天亮。 撒但……充滿了他們的心，使他在夜間定了計，一到天亮就聚集起來執行它；這與先知對一些人的描述相符——他們在牀上圖謀罪孽、造奸惡；天一發亮，就因手的能力行出來，並因此受禍（彌 2:1）。夜裏基督向保羅顯現保護他，天一亮就有四十多人出來反對他要除滅他；他們起得雖早，基督卻在他們之前就起來了。神必幫助她；這事就在清晨發生（詩 46:5）。
3. 陰謀是甚麼。這些人同謀結盟，也許他們稱之為神聖的同盟；他們約定彼此相助，各人盡其所能協助謀殺保羅。如此多的人能這麼快聚集起來，而且是在耶路撒冷，完全喪失了一切人性和榮譽感，甘心參與如此血腥的計劃，實在令人驚異。先知對耶路撒冷的哀嘆實可在此重提（賽 1:21）：公義……在其中，如今卻成了殺人犯。這些人對保羅必已形成了何等怪誕的觀念，才能對他策劃如此怪誕的計謀；他們必被誤導相信他是最壞的人、是神和宗教的仇敵、是他那一代的咒詛和瘟疫——而實際上他的品格與這一切完全相反！何等神聖、何等堅固的真理和公正之法，是惡意和偏見所不能突破的呢！
4. 他們如何使它（在他們看來）牢固，免得有人因對這罪行的恐怖而在轉念之時良心發現：他們起了一個大誓，把最重的咒詛招到自己——他們的靈魂、身體和家人——身上，若不殺保羅，而且要如此快地殺——不吃不喝直到殺了他。這裏有何等複雜的罪惡！設計殺害一個無辜的人、一個善人、一個有用的人——一個未曾加害他們、卻情願盡力行善的人——這是該隱的道路，證明他們是出於他們的父魔鬼，他從起初是殺人的；然而，似乎這還不足為道，（1）他們彼此在這事上結盟。傾向作惡、有意作惡已經是壞的；但約定去作就更壞得多。這是與魔鬼立約；是向黑暗之君宣誓效忠；是不給悔改留餘地；不，是向悔改挑戰。（2）他們彼此在這事上互相約束，盡一切所能不僅確保自己靈魂的滅亡，更確保他們所拉入同夥之人的滅亡。（3）他們表現出對神護理的大大藐視和僭妄，因為他們約定在他們能持續禁食的那麼短的時間內去作這樣的事，毫無任何對主權護理之安排的附帶條件或保留。當我們說明天我們要作這個或那個——即使那是完全合法和好的——由於我們不知道明天會發生甚麼，我們必須加上主若願意。但他們明知他們所要作的直接違反神話語的禁令，怎能為神護理的許可插入附帶條件呢？（4）他們表現出對自己靈魂和身體的大大輕視；對自己的靈魂——若不繼續這絕望的勾當就咒詛它們（他們把自己置於何等悲慘的兩難之中！神若他們繼續必以咒詛迎擊他們，而他們若不繼續竟求神如此待他們！）——也對自己的身體（因為故意犯罪者兩者都要毀滅），把自己與維持生命的必需品隔絕，直到他們完成一件他們永不能合法去作、也許根本不可能作成的事。那些求神咒詛他們、求魔鬼取他們、若不作這作那的人，說的就是地獄的言語。他們怎樣喜愛咒詛，咒詛也必怎樣臨到他們。 有人認為這咒詛的意思是：他們要麼殺保羅——如同亞干，當滅之物，是全營的禍患；要麼若不作此事，他們就情願在神面前代替他成為可咒詛的。（5）他們表現出要成就此事的極其迫切的慾望和不及待完成的不耐煩：不僅像大衛的仇敵那樣向他發狂、向他起誓（詩 102:8），更如同約伯的僕人論他的仇敵：我們恨不得他身上有肉！我們不能飽足（伯 31:31）。逼迫者被說成吃神的百姓如同吃餅；這對他們如同食物之於飢餓的人一樣令他們滿足（詩 14:4）。
5. 他們為達成目的所採取的方法。他們在營樓中無法接近保羅。他在那裏受政府的特別保護，他被監禁不是如同別人那樣為防他害人，而是為防他被人害；所以計謀是：祭司長和長老們必須要求營樓的長官讓保羅到他們那裏、到公會的會議廳去接受進一步的審問（他們有一些問題要問他，或有些話要對他說），然後在他從營樓到公會的路上，他們要殺了他，藉此了結關於保羅的一切爭論；陰謀就是這樣策劃的（Ac 23:14,15）。他們整日忙於彼此在這惡事上結盟，傍晚時分來到大公會的主要成員那裏；雖然他們本可以隱瞞自己卑鄙的計謀、以某種別的藉口請他們傳保羅來，他們卻確信他們會贊同這惡行，不以向他們承認已經起了一個大誓為恥為懼——也不先請示祭司他們如此行是否合法——不吃甚麼直到殺了保羅。他們打算第二天早晨以他的血為早餐。他們毫不懷疑祭司長不僅會認可這計劃，更會助他們一臂之力，作他們的工具，為他們爭取殺保羅的機會；不，還要為他們說謊，假作對千夫長說要詳細查問他——而他們根本不作此想。他們能在這樣的差事上求助於祭司，對他們的祭司有何等卑鄙、何等惡劣的看法！然而，儘管向他們提出的建議如此卑鄙（就表面看來），祭司長和長老們竟同意了，而且一開始就毫不猶豫地答應滿足他們。他們非但不按當行的責備他們邪惡的陰謀，反而因為這陰謀是針對他們所恨惡的保羅而加以慫恿；如此他們使自己成了這罪的同夥，如同他們是最初策劃這陰謀的人一樣。
II. 陰謀如何被發現。我們不見策劃者雖然彼此立了忠誠之誓，卻立了保密之誓——或因為他們認為不需要（人人都會守住自己的秘密），或因為他們認為即使事洩為人所知也能完成它；但護理如此安排，使它曝光，而且如此有效地被挫敗。請看，
1. 它如何傳到保羅那裏（Ac 23:16）。有一個與保羅有親戚關係的少年人——他姐姐的兒子——他母親大概住在耶路撒冷；不知怎樣（我們未被告知如何），他聽見他們設下埋伏——或無意中聽見他們彼此談論，或從某些參與其中的人那裏得了情報；他來到營樓裏——大概如同他慣常所作的，去伺候他的舅舅、帶去他所需要的，這給了他自由進入的機會——他告訴保羅他所聽見的。請注意，神有許多方法揭發暗中所作的黑暗之工；雖然策劃者挖深坑要向耶和華隱藏，他卻能使空中的飛鳥傳揚聲音（傳 10:20），或使密謀者自己的舌頭出賣他們。
2. 它如何由告訴保羅的少年人轉告千夫長。這段故事的這一部分敘述得非常詳細，也許因為執筆者是這事謹慎而成功的處理的目擊者，並且滿懷喜悅地記得它。（1）保羅靠着他的謹慎和平靜的舉止，在侍從的軍官中贏得了良好的關係。他能叫一個百夫長來——雖百夫長是有權柄的人、手下有兵丁，慣常是叫人而非被叫——他卻樂意聽命而來（Ac 23:17）；保羅請他引見這少年人去見千夫長，呈報一件關乎政府體面的事。（2）百夫長很樂意地答應了他（Ac 23:18）。他沒有派一個普通兵丁送他去，而是親自前去，為少年人壯膽、向千夫長推薦他的差使、也表示對保羅的敬意：「被囚的保羅（這是他如今的頭銜）請我去，求我領這少年人來見你；他的事我不知道，但他有事告訴你。」請注意，為貧窮的囚犯效力，如同施捨給他們一樣，是真正的愛心。「我病了、在監裏」，你們為我跑腿，在審判時如同*「我病了、在監裏，你們來看我、或送我記號」一樣蒙悅納。那些有關係、有影響力的人，當樂意使用它們幫助在患難中的人。這百夫長藉這一點禮貌幫助救了保羅的命，這當激勵我們在有機會時隨時如此行。你當為啞巴開口（箴 31:8）。那些不能給神囚犯好禮物的人，仍可為他們說好話。（3）千夫長極其謙和、溫柔地接受了情報（Ac 23:19）。他拉着少年人的手*——如同朋友或父親一般——鼓勵他，使他不致窘迫，並讓他確信必蒙恩聽。對這一細節的記載，當鼓勵顯貴們使自己易於為最卑微的人所接近——無論在何種可以行善的差使上——俯就卑微的人。這位羅馬護民官或千夫長對保羅外甥如此親切，此處記錄下來歸於他的榮耀。不要有人以為謙卑或仁愛有失身分。他走到一旁私下問他，使無人聽見他的事，說：「你有甚麼事告訴我呢？」告訴我能在哪方面為保羅效勞。 千夫長在此事上格外殷勤，大概因為他感覺到自己因捆綁保羅、侵犯他作羅馬公民的特權而陷入麻煩，如今情願以此彌補。（4）少年人很爽快得體地向千夫長傳達了他的口信（Ac 23:20,21）。「猶太人」（他不說是誰，免得他不必要地影射祭司長和長老們；他的事是要救舅舅的命，不是控告仇敵）「已經約定了，要求你明天把保羅帶到公會裏去，他們以為既然距離那麼短，你會不帶護衛地送他去；但你切不要隨從他們——我們有理由相信你一旦知道真相必不如此；因為他們有四十多人埋伏，已經起誓要取他的性命，如今預備好了，只等你應允——但我幸好搶在他們前頭了。」（5）千夫長囑咐少年人保密，打發他走：「你告訴人，不要將你這事報告給我聽」（Ac 23:22）。顯貴們的恩惠不總是可以誇口的；也不配被用以辦事。若人知道千夫長得了這情報，也許他們會另想法子謀害保羅；「所以要保密。」
III. 陰謀如何被挫敗：千夫長發現猶太人對保羅的惡意何等不可平息、何等根深蒂固，他們謀害他何等不息，而他自己作為官長又是何等瀕於成為幫兇，就決定盡快把他送出他們的勢力範圍。他以恐怖和憤慨的心情接受這情報——為這些猶太人的卑鄙和嗜血而憤慨；他似乎害怕若把保羅留在營樓裏、無論護衛多麼嚴密，他們總會想出辦法達成目的——或攻破衛兵、或焚燒營樓；無論如何，他只要可能就要保護保羅，因為他認為他不該受這樣的對待。這是何等令人憂傷的觀察：猶太的祭司長知道這暗殺的陰謀竟加以認可和協助，而一位羅馬千夫長——純粹出於天然的公正和人道之感——知道之後卻着手挫敗它，並不惜大費周章地切實作成！
1. 他下令他指揮下的一支相當數量的羅馬軍隊準備往該撒利亞去，把保羅帶到腓力斯總督那裏——在那裏他比在耶路撒冷的大公會更能期望得到公正。我看不出千夫長若釋放保羅、讓他自己設法保護安全，有何不忠於職守之處——因為他從未作為罪犯被合法收押，千夫長自己承認沒有甚麼該綁的罪名控告他（Ac 23:29），他對保羅的自由也當像對他的生命一樣愛惜；但他怕這樣會過分激怒猶太人反對他。也許他發現保羅是個非常不凡的人，以有他作囚犯、受他保護為榮；他如此大張旗鼓地把他送走，也暗示了這一點。兩個百夫長——百人隊的隊長——被派作這事（Ac 23:23,24）。他們當預備步兵二百——大概是他們自己指揮下的——往該撒利亞去；此外還有馬兵七十、長槍手二百——有人認為是千夫長的衛隊；他們是騎兵還是步兵不確定，最可能是步兵，作長矛兵保護騎兵。看神是何等公義地使猶太民族服在羅馬的軛下——當需要這樣一支羅馬軍隊來約束他們不作最可咒詛的惡行之時！保羅的朋友要營救他，根本不需要這一切兵力，一點也不需要；若神喜悅以那種方式施行拯救——他從前有時如此作——就是這兵力的十倍也不能阻止天使的營救；但（1）千夫長有意藉此羞辱猶太人——視他們為一個任性暴亂的民族，不能以通常的執法者約束在義務和體面的界限之內，而需要如此一支隊伍來震懾；他聽見反對保羅的陰謀者如此之多，認為少了不足以挫敗他們的企圖。（2）神有意藉此鼓勵保羅；因為他如此被護送，不僅安全地留在朋友手中，也脫離了仇敵的手。然而保羅並不想要這樣的護衛，正如以斯拉不願如此（拉 8:22），理由相同——因為他信靠神的全足；不過這是因那官長自己的關懷。但他也因此被高舉；如此他的為基督被囚在全國顯明出來（腓 1:13）；而且他的鎖鏈既已藉預言先前受了尊榮，如今如此受尊榮地護送也是十分相宜的——使弟兄在主裏因他的鎖鏈更加篤信不疑，當他們看見他寧可作為愛國者被護送、而非作為國家的禍患被看守，如此偉大的傳道者成了如此偉大的囚犯。當他的仇敵恨他——我擔心他的朋友也忽略他——那時一位羅馬護民官卻庇護他，並仔細為他預備，[1] 為他的安逸：要預備牲口叫保羅騎上。 他的猶太逼迫者若以人身保護令把他解到該撒利亞，必叫他徒步、或用車拖他、或放在雪橇上、或把他馱在騎兵的馬後；但千夫長待他如紳士——雖然他是他的囚犯——吩咐給他一匹好馬騎，一點不擔心他會騎走。不但如此，命令說要預備的不是一个牲口、而是牲口們——我們或當設想他蒙允許享有如此大的排場，有備用的馬，或不止一匹，使他不喜歡一匹可以換另一匹；或（如有些註釋家所猜測的）為他的朋友和同伴也分配了牲口，凡情願與他同行的人都可前去，在路上為他解悶、服事他。[2] 為他的安全。他們從總司令那裏受了嚴格的命令，要把他安全護送到腓力斯總督那裏——他被移交給的那位——他在猶太人的一切民事事務中居首位，正如這位千夫長在軍事事務中居首位一樣。羅馬史家對這位腓力斯頗有記載——他出身卑微，卻憑自己的手段爬到猶太總督之位；塔西佗在《歷史》5卷論到他說：Per omnem sævitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit——他以奴隸的才智行使王權，伴以各樣的殘暴和淫蕩。 可憐的保羅竟被交給這樣的人審判；然而這樣也比在大祭司亞拿尼亞手中好！如今，一個如此正在等候依法得釋放的囚犯，當像王子一樣受保護。
2. 千夫長為了保羅更大的安全，下令在夜間三更把他帶走——有人理解為日落後三小時，如今既已過了五旬節（就是盛夏），他們可在夜間涼爽時行軍。另有人理解為夜間三更、午夜後三小時、約凌晨三時，使他們有白晝在前，可以在保羅的仇敵起來活動之前出耶路撒冷，從而防止民眾暴動，留他們醒來時如同被奪去獵物的獅子一般咆哮。
3. 他寫信給該省的總督腓力斯，藉此免除自己對保羅進一步的責任，把整個案件交給腓力斯。此信被一字不差地插入此處——totidem verbis——逐字記錄（Ac 23:25）。史家路加大概手頭有這封信的副本——他伴隨保羅在這次轉移中。如今這封信中我們可以看到，
（1）他對總督的恭維（Ac 23:26）。他是總督腓力斯大人——這頭銜是照例加上的：閣下等等。他請安——祝他一切健康順遂；願他喜樂，永遠喜樂。
（2）他對保羅案件的公正而公平的陳述：[1] 他是猶太人對之懷恨的人：他們拿住他，將要殺害；腓力斯也許深知猶太人的性情，並不因此對他有所輕視（Ac 23:27）。[2] 他因他是羅馬人而保護了他：「當他們要殺他時，我帶兵丁——一支相當數目的人——下去救了他」；這一行動因他為羅馬公民，必使他在羅馬總督眼中得好評。[3] 他不能明白他案件的癥結，也不知是甚麼使他對猶太人如此可憎、如此招他們的惡意。他採取了正當的方法去了解：他帶他下到他們的公會（Ac 23:28），在那裏受審，希望從他們的控訴或他自己的申訴中學到一些這場喧嚷的根據，但他發現他被告是因他們律法的辯論（Ac 23:29）——關於死人復活的盼望（Ac 23:6）。這位千夫長是個有見識、有榮譽感的人，內心有公正和人道的良好原則；然而看他所說另一個世界、以及那世界的大事何等輕描淡寫，好像那是一個問題——其實是無可置疑的確定，且是除了撒都該人以外雙方都同意的；又如同一個關乎他們律法的問題——其實關乎全人類的極大關注！也許他所指的更多是關乎他們的儀式而非他們的教義，他所察覺他們對他的爭執是因他貶低了儀文律法的信用和約束力，而他認為那根本不值一提。羅馬人允許被他們征服的各國行使自己的宗教，從未企圖把自己的強加於他們；然而作為公共治安的維護者，他們不容他們以宗教為藉口虐待鄰舍。[4] 他到此為止了解到，沒有甚麼該死該綁的罪名控告他，更沒有甚麼被證實或坐實。猶太人因自己的惡行使自己為世人所憎惡、玷污了自己的尊榮、褻瀆了自己的冠冕、給自己的教會、律法、聖地帶來了恥辱，然後又控告保羅貶損了這些的聲譽；這難道是該死或該綁的罪嗎？
（3）他把保羅的案件移交腓力斯（Ac 23:30）：「有人把要害這人的計謀告訴我——要殺他，毫無法律程序——我就立刻解他到你那裏去，你是最適合主持此案、作出判決的人；又吩咐告他的人若願意可以隨後去、在你面前告他；因我身為軍人，絕不假裝作審判官。願你平安！」
4. 保羅隨即被護送到該撒利亞；兵丁在夜間把他安全地帶出耶路撒冷，留下那些密謀者自己考慮在殺了保羅之前到底要不要吃喝；他們若不肯因這誓在針對保羅方面悔改其惡，如今倒有空閒因這誓在針對自己方面悔改其魯莽了；若有人因他們的誓言和對失望的憤怒而真的餓死，那是無人可憐的。保羅被護送到安提帕底——離耶路撒冷十七哩，約在到該撒利亞的中途（Ac 23:31）。從那裏二百步兵和二百長槍手返回耶路撒冷的營樓；因為既已把保羅護送出危險，就不需要如此強大的護衛了，馬兵足以把他帶到該撒利亞，而且行得更快捷；他們如此作不僅省了自己的勞力，也省了主人的費用；這是僕人的榜樣——不僅照主人的命令順服行事，更當謹慎行事，以最合主人利益的方式。
5. 他被作為囚犯交在腓力斯手中（Ac 23:33）。軍官們呈上文書，連保羅一同交給腓力斯，如此卸下了他們的託付。保羅從來不尋求與顯貴結交來往，他所到之處只與門徒交往；然而護理如此支配他的受苦，藉此給他在顯貴面前為基督作見證的機會；基督也曾如此預言他的門徒：他們要為我的緣故被送到諸侯君王面前，對他們作見證（可 13:9）。總督查問這囚犯原屬帝國哪一省，得知他是基利家人（Ac 23:34）；（1）他答應他從速受審（Ac 23:35）：「等你的原告來到，我要聽你的事——我要對雙方都敞開耳朵，如審判官所當作的。」（2）他下令把他收押，把他看守在希律的衙門裏——因希律大王建造而得名的那宮殿的某個房間。在那裏他有機會結識在總督府出入的顯貴，毫無疑問他把所得的交情用在最好的目的上。
英文原文
A Conspiracy against Paul; Paul Sent to Felix
¹² And when it was day, certain of the Jews banded together, and bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul.
¹³ And they were more than forty which had made this conspiracy.
¹⁴ And they came to the chief priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we have slain Paul.
¹⁵ Now therefore ye with the council signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to morrow, as though ye would enquire something more perfectly concerning him: and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him.
¹⁶ And when Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, he went and entered into the castle, and told Paul.
¹⁷ Then Paul called one of the centurions unto him, and said, Bring this young man unto the chief captain: for he hath a certain thing to tell him.
¹⁸ So he took him, and brought him to the chief captain, and said, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and prayed me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee.
¹⁹ Then the chief captain took him by the hand, and went with him aside privately, and asked him, What is that thou hast to tell me?
²⁰ And he said, The Jews have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to morrow into the council, as though they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly.
²¹ But do not thou yield unto them: for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which have bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him: and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee.
²² So the chief captain then let the young man depart, and charged him, See thou tell no man that thou hast showed these things to me.
²³ And he called unto him two centurions, saying, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Cæsarea, and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred, at the third hour of the night;
²⁴ And provide them beasts, that they may set Paul on, and bring him safe unto Felix the governor.
²⁵ And he wrote a letter after this manner:
²⁶ Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix sendeth greeting.
²⁷ This man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed of them: then came I with an army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman.
²⁸ And when I would have known the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council:
²⁹ Whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds.
³⁰ And when it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee, and gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they had against him. Farewell.
³¹ Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought him by night to Antipatris.
³² On the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle:
³³ Who, when they came to Cæsarea, and delivered the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him.
³⁴ And when the governor had read the letter, he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that he was of Cilicia;
³⁵ I will hear thee, said he, when thine accusers are also come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall.
We have here the story of a plot against the life of Paul; how it was laid, how it was discovered, and how it was defeated.
I. How this plot was laid. They found they could gain nothing by popular tumult, or legal process, and therefore have a recourse to the barbarous method of assassination; they will come upon him suddenly, and stab him, if they can but get him within their reach. So restless is their malice against this good man that, when one design fails, they will turn another stone. Now observe here,
1. Who they were that formed this conspiracy. They were certain Jews that had the utmost degree of indignation against him because he was the apostle of the Gentiles, Ac 23:12. And they were more than forty that were in the design, Ac 23:13. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me!
2. When the conspiracy was formed: When it was day. Satan had filled their hearts in the night to purpose it, and, as soon as it was day, they got together to prosecute it; answering to the account which the prophet gives of some who work evil upon their beds, and when the morning is light they practise it, and are laid under a woe for it, Mic 2:1. In the night Christ appeared to Paul to protect him, and, when it was day, here were forty men appearing against him to destroy him; they were not up so soon but Christ was up before them God shall help her, and that right early, Ps 46:5.
3. What the conspiracy was. These men banded together in a league, perhaps they called it a holy league; they engaged to stand by one another, and every one, to his power, to be aiding and assisting to murder Paul. It was strange that so many could so soon be got together, and that in Jerusalem too, who were so perfectly lost to all sense of humanity and honour as to engage in so bloody a design. Well might the prophet's complaint be renewed concerning Jerusalem (Isa 1:21): Righteousness has lodged in it, but now murderers. What a monstrous idea must these men have formed of Paul, before they could be capable of forming such a monstrous design against him; they must be made to believe that he was the worst of men, an enemy to God and religion, and the curse and plague of his generation; when really his character was the reverse of all this! What laws of truth and justice so sacred, so strong which malice and bigotry will not break through!
4. How firm they made it, as they thought, that none of them might fly off, upon conscience of the horror of the fact, at second thoughts: They bound themselves under an anathema, imprecating the heaviest curses upon themselves, their souls, bodies, and families, if they did not kill Paul, and so quickly that they would not eat nor drink till they had done it. What a complication of wickedness is here! To design to kill an innocent man, a good man, a useful man, a man that had done them no harm, but was willing to do them all the good he could, was going in the way of Cain, and proved them to be of their father the devil, who was a murderer from the beginning; yet, as if this had been a small matter, (1.) They bound themselves to it. To incline to do evil, and intend to do it, is bad; but to engage to do it is much worse. This is entering into covenant with the devil; it is swearing allegiance to the prince of darkness; it is leaving no room for repentance; nay, it is bidding defiance to it. (2.) They bound one another to it, and did all they could, not only to secure the damnation of their own souls, but of theirs whom they drew into the association. (3.) They showed a great contempt of the providence of God, and a presumption upon it, in that they bound themselves to do such a thing within so short a time as they could continue fasting, without any proviso or reserve for the disposal of an overruling Providence. When we say, To-morrow we will do this or that, be it ever so lawful and good, forasmuch as we know not what shall be on the morrow, we must add, If the Lord will. But with what face could they insert a proviso for the permission of God's providence when they knew that what they were about was directly against the prohibitions of God's work? (4.) They showed a great contempt of their own souls and bodies; of their own souls in imprecating a curse upon them if they did not proceed in this desperate enterprise (what a woeful dilemma did they throw themselves upon! God certainly meets them with his curse if they do go on in it, and they desire he would if they do not!)—and of their own bodies too (for wilful sinners are the destroyers of both) in tying themselves out from the necessary supports of life till they had accomplished a thing which they could never lawfully do, and perhaps not possibly do. Such language of hell those speak that wish God to damn them, and the devil to take them, if they do not do so and so. As they love cursing, so shall it come unto them. Some think the meaning of this curse was, they would either kill Paul, as an Achan, an accursed thing, a troubler of the camp; or, if they did not do it, they would make themselves accursed before God in his stead. (5.) They showed a most eager desire to compass this matter, and an impatience till was done: not only like David's enemies, that were mad against him, and sworn against him (Ps 102:8), but like the servants of Job against his enemy: O that we had of this flesh! we cannot be satisfied, Job 31:31. Persecutors are said to eat up God's people as they eat bread; it is as much a gratification to them as meat to one that is hungry, Ps 14:4.
5. What method they took to bring it about. There is no getting near Paul in the castle. He is there under the particular protection of the government, and is imprisoned, not, as others are, lest he should do harm, but lest he should have harm done him; and therefore the contrivance is that the chief priests and elders must desire the governor of the castle to let Paul come to them to the council-chamber, to be further examined (they have some questions to ask him, or something to say to him), and the, in his passage from the castle to the council, they would put an end to all disputes about Paul by killing him; thus the plot was laid, Ac 23:14,15. Having been all day employed in engaging one another to this wickedness, towards evening they come to the principal members of the great sanhedrim, and, though they might have concealed their mean design and yet might have moved them upon some other pretence to send for Paul, they are so confident of their approbation of this villainy, that they are not ashamed nor afraid to own to them that they have bound themselves under a great curse, without consulting the priests first whether they might lawfully do it, that they will eat nothing the next day till they have killed Paul. They design to breakfast the next morning upon his blood. They doubt not but the chief priests will not only countenance them in the design, but will lend them a helping hand, and be their tools to get them an opportunity of killing Paul; nay, and tell a lie for them too, pretending to the chief captain that they would enquire something more perfectly concerning him, when they meant no such thing. What a mean, what an ill opinion had they of their priests, when they could apply to them on such an errand as this! And yet, vile as the proposal was which was made to them (for aught that appears), the priests and elders consented to it, and at the first work, without boggling at it in the least, promised to gratify them. Instead of reproving them, as they ought, for their wicked conspiracy, they bolstered them up in it, because it was against Paul whom they hated; and thus they made themselves partakers of the crime as much as if they had been the first in the conspiracy.
II. How the plot was discovered. We do not find that the plotters, though they took an oath of fidelity, took an oath of secrecy, either because they thought it did not need it (they would every one keep his own counsel) or because they thought they could accomplish it, though it should take wind and be known; but Providence so ordered it that it was brought to light, and so as effectually to be brought to nought. See here,
1. How it was discovered to Paul, Ac 23:16. There was a youth that was related to Paul, his sister's son, whose mother probably lived in Jerusalem; and some how or other, we are not told how, he heard of their lying in wait, either overheard them talking of it among themselves, or got intelligence from some that were in the ploy: and he went into the castle, probably, as he used to do, to attend on his uncle, and bring him what he wanted, which gave him a free access to him and he told Paul what he heard. Note, God has many ways of bringing to light the hidden works of darkness; though the contrivers of them dig deep to hide them from the Lord, he can made a bird of the air to carry the voice (Ec 10:20), or the conspirators' own tongues to betray them.
2. How it was discovered to the chief captain by the young man that told it to Paul. This part of the story is related very particularly, perhaps because the penman was an eye-witness of the prudent and successful management of this affair, and remembered it with a great deal of pleasure. (1.) Paul had got a good interest in the officers that attended, by his prudent peaceable deportment. He could call one of the centurions to him, though a centurion was one in authority, that had soldiers under him, and used to call, not to be called to, and he was ready to come at his call (Ac 23:17); and he desired that he would introduce this young man to the chief captain, to give in an information of something that concerned the honour of the government. (2.) The centurion very readily gratified him, Ac 23:18. He did not send a common soldier with him, but went himself to keep the young man in countenance, to recommend his errand to the chief captain, and to show his respect to Paul: "Paul the prisoner (this was his title now) called me to him, and prayed me to bring this young man to thee; what his business is I know not, but he has something to say to thee." Note, It is true charity to poor prisoners to act for them as well as to give to them. "I was sick and in prison, and you went on an errand for me," will pass as well in the account as, "I was sick and in prison, and you came unto me, to visit me, or sent me a token." Those that have acquaintance and interest should be ready to use them for the assistance of those that are in distress. This centurion helped to save Paul's life by this piece of civility, which should engage us to be ready to do the like when there is occasion. Open thy mouth for the dumb, Pr 31:8. Those that cannot give a good gift to God's prisoners may yet speak a good word for them. (3.) The chief captain received the information with a great deal of condescension and tenderness, Ac 23:19. He took the young man by the hand, as a friend or father, to encourage him, that he might not be put out of countenance, but might be assured of a favourable audience. The notice that is taken of this circumstance should encourage great men to take themselves easy of access to the meanest, upon any errand which may give them an opportunity of doing good—to condescend to those of low estate. This familiarity to which this Roman tribune or colonel admitted Paul's nephew is here upon record to his honour. Let no man think he disparages himself by his humility or charity. He went with him aside privately, that none might hear his business, and asked him, "What is it that thou hast to tell me? Tell me wherein I can be serviceable to Paul." It is probable that the chief captain was the more obliging in this case because he was sensible he had run himself into a premunire in binding Paul, against his privilege as a Roman citizen, which he was willing now to atone for. (4.) The young man delivered his errand to the chief captain very readily and handsomely (Ac 23:20,21). "The Jews" (he does not say who, lest he should invidiously reflect upon the chief priests and the elders; and his business was to save his uncle's life, not to accuse his enemies) "have agreed to desire thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow into the council, presuming that, being so short a distance, thou wilt send him without a guard; but do not thou yield unto them, we have reason to believe thou wilt not when thou knowest the truth; for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty me, who have sworn to be the death of him, and now are they ready looking for a promised from thee, but I have happily got the start of them." (5.) The captain dismissed the young man with a charge of secrecy: See that thou tell no man that thou hast shown these things unto me, Ac 23:22. The favours of great men are not always to be boasted of; and not fit to be employed in business. If it should be known that the chief captain had this information brought to him, perhaps they would compass and imagine the death of Paul some other way; "therefore keep it private."
III. How the plot was defeated: The chief captain, finding how implacable and inveterate the malice of the Jews was against Paul, how restless they were in their designs to do him a mischief, and how near he was to become himself accessory to it as a minister, resolves to send him away with all speed out of their reach. He received the intelligence with horror and indignation at the baseness and bloody-mindedness of these Jews; and seemed afraid lest, if he should detain Paul in his castle here, under ever so strong a guard, they would find some way or other to compass their end notwithstanding, either beating the guards or burning the castle; and, whatever came of it, he would, if possible, protect Paul, because he looked upon it that he did not deserve such treatment. What a melancholy observation is it, that the Jewish chief priests, when they knew of this assassination-plot, should countenance it, and assist in it, while a Roman chief captain, purely from a natural sense of justice and humanity, when he knows it, sets himself to baffle it, and puts himself to a great deal of trouble to do it effectually!
1. He orders a considerable detachment of the Roman forces under his command to get ready to go to Cæsarea with all expedition, and to bring Paul thither to Felix the governor, where he might sooner expect to have justice done him than by the great sanhedrim at Jerusalem. I see not but the chief captain might, without any unfaithfulness to the duty of his place, have set Paul at liberty, and given him leave to shift for his own safety, for he was never legally committed to his custody as a criminal, he himself owns that nothing was laid to his charge worthy of bonds (Ac 23:29), and he ought to have had the same tenderness for his liberty that he had for his life; but he feared that this would have incensed the Jews too much against him. Or perhaps, finding Paul to be a very extraordinary man, he was proud to have him his prisoner, and under his protection; and the mighty parade with which he sent him off intimates as much. Two centurions, or captains of the hundreds, are employed in this business, Ac 23:23,24. They must get ready two hundred soldiers, probably those under their own command, to go to Cæsarea; and with these seventy horse, and two hundred spearmen besides, which some think were the chief captain's guards; whether they were horse or foot is not certain, most probably foot, as pikemen for the protection of the horse. See how justly God brought the Jewish nation under the Roman yoke, when such a party of the Roman army was necessary to restrain them from the most execrable villanies! There needed not all this force, there needed not any of it, to keep Paul from being rescued by his friends; ten times this force would not have kept him from being rescued by an angel, if it had pleased God to work his deliverance that way, as he had sometimes done; but, (1.) The chief captain designed hereby to expose the Jews, as a headstrong tumultuous people, that would not be kept within the bounds of duty and decency by the ordinary ministers of justice, but needed to be awed by such a train as this; and, hearing how many were in the conspiracy against Paul, he thought less would not serve to defeat their attempt. (2.) God designed hereby to encourage Paul; for, being thus attended, he was not only kept safely in the hands of his friends, but out of the hands of his enemies. Yet Paul did not desire such a guard, any more than Ezra did (Ezr 8:22), and for the same reason, because he trusted in God's all-sufficiency; it was owing, however, to the governor's own care. But he was also made considerable; thus his bonds in Christ were made manifest all the country over (Php 1:13); and, son great an honour having been put upon them before by the prediction of them, it was agreeable enough that they should be thus honourably attended, that the brethren in the Lord might wax the more confident by his bonds, when they same him rather guarded as the patriot of his country than guarded against as the pest of his country, and so great a preacher made so great a prisoner. When his enemies hate him, and I doubt his friends neglect him, then does a Roman tribune patronise him, and carefully provide, [1.] For his ease: Let them provide beasts, that they may set Paul on. Had his Jewish persecutors ordered his removal by habeas corpus to Cæsarea, they would have made him run on foot, or dragged him thither in a cart, or on a sledge, or have horsed him behind one of the troopers; but the chief captain treats him like a gentleman, though he was his prisoner, and orders him a good horse to ride upon, not at all afraid that he should ride away. Nay, the order being that they should provide, not a beast, but beasts, to set Paul on, we must either suppose that he was allowed so great a piece of state as to have a led horse, or more, that if he did not like one he might take to another; or (as some expositors conjecture) that he had beasts assigned him for his friends and companions, as many as pleased to go along with him, to divert him in his journey, and to minister to him. [2.] For his security. They have a strict charge given them by their commander in chief to bring him safely to Felix the governor, to whom he is consigned, and who was supreme in all civil affairs among the Jews, as this chief captain was in military affairs. The Roman historians speak much of this Felix, as a man of mean extraction, but that raised himself by his shifts to be governor of Judea, in the execution of which office, Tacitus, Hist. 5, says this of him: Per omnem sævitiam ac libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit—He used royal power with a servile genius, and in connection with all the varieties of cruelty and lust. To the judgement of such a man as this is poor Paul turned over; and yet better so than in the hands of Ananias the high priest! Now, a prisoner, thus upon his deliverance by course of law, ought to be protected as well as a prince.
2. The chief captain orders, for the greater security of Paul, that he be taken away at the third hour of the night, which some understand of three hours after sun-set, that, it being now after the feast of pentecost (that is, in the midst of summer), they might have the cool of the night to march in. Others understand it of three hours after midnight, in the third watch, about three in the morning, that they might have the day before them, and might get out of Jerusalem before Paul's enemies were stirring, and so might prevent any popular tumult, and leave them to roar when they rose, like a lion disappointed of his prey.
3. He writes a letter to Felix the governor of this province, by which he discharges himself from any further care about Paul, and leaves the whole matter with Felix. This letter is here inserted totidem verbis—verbatim, Ac 23:25. It is probable that Luke the historian had a copy of it by him, having attended Paul in this remove. Now in this epistle we may observe,
(1.) The compliments he passes upon the governor, Ac 23:26. He is the most excellent governor Felix, this title being given him of course, his excellency, etc. He sends him greeting, wishes him all health and prosperity; may he rejoice, may he ever rejoice.
(2.) The just and fair account which he gives him of Paul's case: [1.] That he was one that the Jews had a pique against: They had taken him, and would have killed him; and perhaps Felix knew the temper of the Jews so well that he did not think much the worse of him for that, Ac 23:27. [2.] That he had protected him because he was a Roman: "When they were about to kill him, I came with an army, a considerable body of men, and rescued him;" which action for a citizen of Rome would recommend him to the Roman governor. [3.] That he could not understand the merits of his cause, nor what it was that made him so odious to the Jews, and obnoxious to their ill-will. He took the proper method to know: he brought him forth into their council (Ac 23:28), to be examined there, hoping that, either from their complaints or his own confession, he would learn something of the ground of all this clamour, but he found that he was accused of questions of their law (Ac 23:29), about the hope of the resurrection of the dead, Ac 23:6. This chief captain was a man of sense and honour, and had good principles in him of justice and humanity; and yet see how slightly he speaks of another world, and the great things of that world, as if that were a question, which is of undoubted certainty, and which both sides agreed in, except the Sadducees; and as if that were a question only of their law, which is of the utmost concern to all mankind! Or perhaps he refers rather to the question about their rituals than about their doctrinals, and the quarrel he perceived they had with him was for lessening the credit and obligation of their ceremonial law, which he looked upon as a thing not worth speaking of. The Romans allowed the nations they conquered the exercise of their own religion, and never offered to impose theirs upon them; yet, as conservators of the public peace, they wound not suffer them, under colour of their religion, to abuse their neighbours. [4.] That thus far he understood that there was nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds, much less proved or made out against him. The Jews had, by their wickedness, made themselves odious to the world, had polluted their own honour and profaned their own crown, had brought disgrace upon their church, their law, and their holy place, and then they cry out against Paul, as having diminished the reputation of them; and was this a crime worthy of death or bonds?
(3.) His referring Paul's case to Felix (Ac 23:30): "When it was told me that the Jews laid wait for the man, to kill him, without any legal process against him, I sent straightaway to thee, who art the most proper person to head the cause, and give judgment upon it, and let his accusers go after him, if they please, and say before thee what they have against him, for, being bred a soldier, I will never pretend to be a judge, and so farewell."
4. Paul was accordingly conducted to Cæsarea; the soldiers got him safely out of Jerusalem by night, and left the conspirators to consider whether they should east and drink or no before they had killed Paul; and, if they would not repent of the wickedness of their oath as it was against Paul, they were now at leisure to repent of the rashness of it as it was against themselves; if any of them did starve themselves to death, in consequence of their oath and vexation at their disappointment, they fell unpitied. Paul was conducted to Antipatris, which was seventeen miles from Jerusalem, and about the mid-way to Cæsarea, Ac 23:31. Thence the two hundred foot-soldiers, and the two hundred spearmen, returned back to Jerusalem, to their quarters in the castle; for, having conducted Paul out of danger, there needed not strong a guard, but the horsemen might serve to bring him to Cæsarea, and would do it with more expedition; this they did, not only to save their own labour, but their master's charge; and it is an example to servants, not only to act obediently according to their masters' orders, but to act prudently, so as may be most for their masters' interest.
5. He was delivered into the hands of Felix, as his prisoner, Ac 23:33. The officers presented the letter, and Paul with it, to Felix, and so discharged themselves of their trust. Paul had never affected acquaintance or society with great men, but with the disciples, wherever he came; yet Providence overrules his sufferings so as by them to give him an opportunity of witnessing to Christ before great men; and so Christ had foretold concerning his disciples, that they should be brought before rulers and kings for his sake, for a testimony against them, Mk 13:9. The governor enquired of what province of the empire the prisoner originally was, and was told that he was a native of Cilicia, Ac 23:34; and, (1.) He promises him a speedy trial (Ac 23:35): "I will hear thee when thing accusers have come, and will have an ear open to both sides, as becomes a judge." (2.) He ordered him into custody, that he should be kept a prisoner in Herod's judgment-hall, in some apartment belonging to that palace which was denominated from Herod the Great, who built it. There he had opportunity of acquainting himself with great men that attended the governor's court, and, no doubt, he improved what acquaintance he got there to the best purposes.
上一章的末了，保羅身處大祭司的法庭裡——千夫長（此舉於他有利與否我不知道）把他的案子從暴民當中移到那裡審理；他的仇敵若在那裡攻擊他時喧嚷較少，卻更為狡詐。本章我們看到：一、保羅為自己的正直，以及對大祭司應有的恭敬所作的申辯，儘管他方才情急之下對大祭司說了嚴厲的話，卻是理直的，徒 23:1-5。二、保羅巧妙的計謀，藉著挑起法利賽人和撒都該人之間的相爭，使自己得以脫身，徒 23:6-9。三、千夫長及時介入，同樣把他從他們手中救出來，徒 23:10。四、基督更令人得安慰的顯現，激勵他面對擺在前頭的種種難處，並告訴他將要遭遇的事，徒 23:11。五、一些亡命之徒的猶太人立下血誓要殺保羅，又拉攏眾祭司長和長老一同參與協助，徒 23:12-15。六、這陰謀被揭發給保羅，又由保羅轉告千夫長；千夫長深知他們對保羅恨之入骨，故有充足理由相信這事屬實，徒 23:16-22。七、千夫長對保羅安全的顧念，藉此挫敗了他們的計謀；他立即派人將保羅在嚴密護衛下從耶路撒冷送往凱撒利亞——當時羅馬巡撫腓力斯的駐地，保羅安然抵達那裡，徒 23:23-35。