Matthew Henry's Complete Commentary · Judges 第12章

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Judges 第 12 章

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在本章中我們看到:

一、耶弗他與以法蓮人的衝突,以及在那不幸的場合中所流的血(士十二1-6),並耶弗他生平和治理的結束,士十二7。

二、關於以色列另外三位士師的簡短記載:以比讚(士十二8-10)、以倫(士十二11,12)、押頓,士十二13-15。

英文原文

In this chapter we have, I. Jephthah's rencounter with the Ephraimites, and the blood shed on that unhappy occasion (Jdg 12:1-6), and the conclusion of Jephthah's life and government, Jdg 12:7. II. A short account of three other of the judges of Israel: Ibzan (Jdg 12:8-10), Elon (Jdg 12:11,12), Abdon, Jdg 12:13-15.

1-7

Displeasure of the Ephraimites; Punishment of the Ephraimites (1143 BC)

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以法蓮人的不滿;以法蓮人的刑罰(主前 1143 年)

¹ 以法蓮人聚集,到了北方,對耶弗他說:「你去與亞捫人爭戰,為甚麼沒有招我們同去呢?我們必用火燒你和你的房屋。」* ² 耶弗他對他們說:「我和我的百姓與亞捫人大有爭戰;我招你們來,你們竟沒有來救我脫離他們的手。* ³ 我見你們不來拯救我,我就拼命前去攻擊亞捫人;耶和華將他們交在我手中。你們今日為甚麼上我這裡來攻打我呢?」* ⁴ 於是耶弗他招聚基列人,與以法蓮人爭戰;基列人擊打以法蓮人,是因以法蓮人說:「你們基列人不過是以法蓮逃亡的人,住在以法蓮和瑪拿西中間。」* ⁵ 基列人把守約但河的渡口,不容以法蓮人過去;以法蓮逃走的人若說:「容我過去」;基列人就問他說:「你是以法蓮人不是?」他若說:「不是」;* ⁶ 就對他說:「你說『示播列』。」他若答「西播列」(因為他不能正確發音);基列人便拿住他,在約但河的渡口殺了他。那時以法蓮人被殺的有四萬二千人。* ⁷ 耶弗他作以色列的士師六年。後來基列人耶弗他死了,葬在基列的一座城裡。*

此處我們看到:一、以法蓮人因耶弗他沒有召他們來協助攻打亞捫人——使他們可以分享勝利的榮耀和擄物——而對耶弗他所發的不合理不滿(士十一1)。驕傲乃是這爭端的根源。惟獨驕傲才生爭競。驕傲的人認為凡不歸於自己的榮耀都算是失去了;那時「誰能站立得住呢?」以法蓮人從前也曾與基甸有過同樣的爭端(士八1)——基甸是瑪拿西支派在約但河這一邊的人,正如耶弗他是瑪拿西支派在約但河那一邊的人。以法蓮和瑪拿西比其他任何支派都更親近,因為他們都是約瑟的兒子;然而他們彼此之間的嫉妒,卻比其他任何支派都更深。雅各曾交叉雙手,將以法蓮放在首位——遠眺日後十支派國,那國將以以法蓮為首(在大衛家叛離之後);那支派卻不滿足於應許中的尊榮,若是瑪拿西在此期間得了任何尊榮,他們便心生不悅。親屬關係本當成為相愛與和平的動力,竟常常(事實如此)成為紛爭和不和的因由,實在可惜。「弟兄結怨,勸他和好,比取堅固城還難;這樣的爭競,如同堅寨的門閂」(箴十八19)。以法蓮人對耶弗他的怒氣:1. 是無理且不公的。「你為甚麼沒有召我們同去呢?」——有正當理由:因為是基列人立他作他們的元帥,不是以法蓮人,所以他沒有權柄召他們。若是他的嘗試因缺少他們的幫助而失敗,他們才可以公義地責備他不曾請求幫助。但當工作已經作成,並且作得有效——亞捫人已被制伏、以色列已蒙拯救——他們的手雖然沒有參與,卻也沒有造成甚麼損害。2. 是殘忍而狂暴的。他們以騷亂的方式聚集,過了約但河,遠到基列的米斯巴——耶弗他所住之處——非要把他和他的房屋一起燒掉,否則不足以平息他們的怒火。「他們的怒氣可咒詛,因為甚烈」(創四十九7)。那些理由最少的怨恨,通常其中所含的怒氣最多。耶弗他此時是勝過以色列共同仇敵的得勝者,他們本當來祝賀他,代表本支派向他致謝,感謝他所行的善事;但我們若從我們所厚待的人那裡受到惡待,也不可視為稀奇。耶弗他此時正因女兒的事為家庭的災禍哀傷,他們本當來慰問他、安慰他;但野蠻的人卻以加增受苦者的痛苦為樂。在這世上,一個患難的結束常常成為另一個患難的開始;我們也不可「像摘下盔甲那樣誇口」。

二、耶弗他為自己的熱切辯護。他沒有像基甸在同樣的情形下所作的去設法安撫他們;以法蓮人如今比從前更狂暴,而耶弗他也沒有基甸那樣多溫柔安靜的靈。無論他們肯不肯受安撫,耶弗他都設法:

1. 為自己辯護(士十一2,3)。他證明他們根本沒有理由與他爭吵:(1) 他從事這場爭戰不是為追求榮耀,而是為國家必需的自衛——亞捫人對此大大施壓。(2) 他曾邀請以法蓮人來與他聯合——雖然他既不需要他們,也沒有義務對他們表示這種敬意——但他們卻推辭了這服事:「我召你們來,你們竟沒有來救我脫離他們的手」。若是他們所控告他的為真,仍不能作為正當的爭吵理由;但看來這是虛假的,而且就如今事實所顯明的,他更有理由因他們在需要之時離棄以色列共同利益而與他們爭吵。那些自己最該受責備的人,往往最喧嚷地控告無辜者,這不是新事。(3) 這事業極其危險,他們更有理由同情他,而非對他發怒:「我就拼命前去」,意思就是「我所作的一切,乃是將自己暴露在極度的危險之中——因我的軍隊如此之少」。他們所嫉妒的尊榮,是他付了足夠代價才買來的;他們大可不必對他吝惜;他們中間少有人會為此冒險到如此地步。(4) 他沒有將成功的榮耀歸給自己(那會引起反感),而是將一切歸給神:「耶和華將他們交在我手中。神若喜悅如此使用我來成就他的榮耀,你們為何因此動怒呢?你們有任何理由攻打我嗎?這豈不實際上就是攻打神——我不過是他手中一個不配的器皿?」

2. 當這公義的答覆(雖然不像基甸的答覆那樣柔和)未能挽回他們的怒氣之時,他便以以色列士師的權柄,用刀劍保護自己免受他們的暴行,並懲罰他們的放肆。(1) 以法蓮人不但與耶弗他爭吵,當他的鄰舍和朋友出面站在他一邊時,他們還辱罵了他們,說了難聽的話;因為我堅持我們的譯文,如此理解(士十一4)。他們譏誚地說:「你們這些住在約但河那邊的基列人,不過是以法蓮的逃亡者——以法蓮是約瑟支派(他是首領)中的敗類和渣滓——是家族中的棄民,在以法蓮人和瑪拿西人中間也是如此看待。誰在乎你們?你們的鄰舍都知道你們是甚麼人——不過是逃亡者和流浪者,與弟兄們隔絕,被趕到這個角落裡。」其實基列人與任何別的以色列人一樣是真以色列人,並且此時在揀選耶弗他和與亞捫人爭戰的事上,比以色列任何家族都更為卓越;卻被最卑鄙、最不公地稱為「逃亡者」。給人或國家加上羞辱性的名字或稱號(這本是常見的,尤其是對那些處於外在劣勢的人),乃是惡事;這常常引發後果嚴重的爭端,正如這次一樣。又當看見一個罵人的舌頭是何等有害的東西——它亂起惡名,口出粗鄙之言:「它能點燃整個生命的輪子,並且是被地獄之火點燃的」(雅三6),並且常常割斷那使用它之人的喉嚨,正如這次一樣(詩三十四8欽定本作「舌頭行事柔和的,必得見好日子」)。若是這些以法蓮人能克己,不稱基列人為「逃亡者」——這可憐的滿足感——他們本可避免大量的流血;因為「強暴的言語激動怒氣」,誰知道那一點火星會燒起多大的事呢?(2) 這侮辱激起了基列人的血氣,他們所受的屈辱——正如他們的元帥所受的一樣——必須報復。[1] 他們在戰場上擊潰了以法蓮人(士十一4)。「基列人與以法蓮人爭戰」;以法蓮人不過是一群沒有首領的烏合之眾;基列人便擊打他們,使他們潰逃。[2] 他們截斷了他們的退路,如此完成了報復(士十一5,6)。基列人——大概比以法蓮人更熟悉約但河的渡口——派了強兵把守渡口,命令他們見到每一個以法蓮人企圖渡河的,便加以殺戮。此處有:第一,毀滅他們時的殘忍。他們在戰場上被擊潰之後所受的「眾人所施加的刑罰」實在已經足夠;他們既已潰逃,本不需要這種嚴厲來剪除一切逃脫的人。「刀劍豈可永遠吞滅人嗎?」耶弗他如此行是否該受稱讚,我不知道;也許他視之為必要的公義之舉。第二,發現他們身分時的詭計。看來以法蓮人雖然與其他以色列人說同樣的語言,卻在他們本地的方言中養成了一個習慣——把希伯來文的「示」音發成像「西」音;他們已經如此習慣了,竟不能改變,連為保命也不能。我們說話是藉著模仿學來的;那些最初以「西」代「示」的人,或是因為這樣比較簡短,或是因為這樣比較文雅,他們的兒女便學他們說話;所以你可以憑此認出以法蓮人;正如在我國我們可以憑口音認出西部人、北方人,甚至也許可以認出施洛普郡人和柴郡人。「你真是加利利人,你的口音把你露出來了」(太二十六73)。以法蓮人就是這樣被發現的。他們若懷疑某人是以法蓮人,那人卻否認,他們便叫他說「示播列」;但他或「不能」(如我們的譯本所譯),或不留意,或不能正確地發出此音,卻說成「西播列」,如此便被認出是以法蓮人,立即被殺。「示播列」的意思是「河流」或「溪流」:「求你容我過示播列——就是這河」。這樣被剪除的人,使被殺的以法蓮人總數達四萬二千(士十一6)。於是那易怒支派的另一次叛變便被阻止了。

3. 如今讓我們觀察神在懲罰這些驕傲暴躁的以法蓮人時所顯的公義——他們的刑罰在幾方面與他們的罪相稱。(1) 他們以自己支派的尊榮為傲,誇口自己是「以法蓮人」;但他們何等快地被迫羞愧或害怕承認自己的本鄉!「你是以法蓮人不是?」不,如今寧可屬於任何支派,也不肯屬於那支派。(2) 他們曾怒氣沖沖地過了約但河,要去用火燒耶弗他的房屋;但如今他們卻像當初怒衝衝地過去時那樣偷偷地回到約但河,並且被剪除,永不能再回到自己的家中。(3) 他們曾嘲弄基列人,說他們的地業位於這麼偏遠的地方;如今他們卻因自己本鄉特有的一個缺陷——不能正確發出「示播列」之音——而受苦。(4) 他們曾不公地稱基列人為「逃亡者」;如今他們卻真的、名副其實地成了「逃亡者」;並且在希伯來原文中,論到以法蓮人逃脫或逃跑所用的字(士十一5),正是他們曾用以譏誚基列人的那個字——稱他們為「逃亡者」。凡不公地將羞辱之石推向別人的人,當預料那石頭必公義地反彈到自己身上。

三、耶弗他治理的結束。他只作以色列的士師六年,便死了(士十一7)。大概女兒的死使他意志消沉,從此一蹶不振——這縮短了他的年日,他便哀傷地進了墳墓。

英文原文

Displeasure of the Ephraimites; Punishment of the Ephraimites (1143 BC)

¹ And the men of Ephraim gathered themselves together, and went northward, and said unto Jephthah, Wherefore passedst thou over to fight against the children of Ammon, and didst not call us to go with thee? we will burn thine house upon thee with fire.
² And Jephthah said unto them, I and my people were at great strife with the children of Ammon; and when I called you, ye delivered me not out of their hands.
³ And when I saw that ye delivered me not, I put my life in my hands, and passed over against the children of Ammon, and the LORD delivered them into my hand: wherefore then are ye come up unto me this day, to fight against me?
⁴ Then Jephthah gathered together all the men of Gilead, and fought with Ephraim: and the men of Gilead smote Ephraim, because they said, Ye Gileadites are fugitives of Ephraim among the Ephraimites, and among the Manassites.
⁵ And the Gileadites took the passages of Jordan before the Ephraimites: and it was so, that when those Ephraimites which were escaped said, Let me go over; that the men of Gilead said unto him, Art thou an Ephraimite? If he said, Nay;
⁶ Then said they unto him, Say now Shibboleth: and he said Sibboleth: for he could not frame to pronounce it right. Then they took him, and slew him at the passages of Jordan: and there fell at that time of the Ephraimites forty and two thousand.
⁷ And Jephthah judged Israel six years. Then died Jephthah the Gileadite, and was buried in one of the cities of Gilead.

Here is, I. The unreasonable displeasure of the men of Ephraim against Jephthah, because he had not called them in to his assistance against the Ammonites, that they might share in the triumphs and spoils, Jdg 11:1. Pride was at the bottom of the quarrel. Only by that comes contention. Proud men think all the honours lost that go beside themselves, and then who can stand before envy? The Ephraimites had the same quarrel with Gideon (Jdg 8:1), who was of Manasseh on their side Jordan, as Jephthah was of Manasseh on the other side Jordan. Ephraim and Manasseh were hearer akin than any other of the tribes, being both the sons of Joseph, and yet they were more jealous one of another than any other of the tribes. Jacob having crossed hands, and given Ephraim the preference, looking as far forward as the kingdom of the ten tribes, which Ephraim was the head of, after the revolt from the house of David, that tribe, not content with that honour in the promise, was displeased if Manasseh had any honour done it in the mean time. It is a pity that kindred or relationship, which should be an inducement to love and peace, should be ever an occasion (as it often proves) of strife and discord. A brother offended is harder to be won than a strong city, and contentions among brethren are as the bars of a castle. The anger of the Ephraimites at Jephthah was, 1. Causeless and unjust. Why didst thou not call us to go with thee? For a good reason. Because it was the men of Gilead that had made him their captain, not the men of Ephraim, so that he had no authority to call them. Had his attempt miscarried for want of their help, they might justly have blamed him for not desiring it. But when the work was done, and done effectually, the Ammonites being subdued and Israel delivered, there was no harm done, though their hands were not employed in it. 2. It was cruel and outrageous. They get together in a tumultuous manner, pass over Jordan as far as Mizpeh in Gilead, where Jephthah lived, and no less will satisfy their fury but they will burn his house and him in it. Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce. Those resentments that have the least reason for them have commonly the most rage in them. Jephthah was now a conqueror over the common enemies of Israel, and they should have come to congratulate him, and return him the thanks of their tribe for the good services he had done; but we must not think it strange if we receive ill from those from whom we deserve well. Jephthah was now a mourner for the calamity of his family upon his daughter's account, and they should have come to condole with him and comfort him; but barbarous men take a pleasure in adding affliction to the afflicted. In this world, the end of one trouble often proves the beginning of another; nor must we ever boast as though we had put off the harness.

II. Jephthah's warm vindication of himself. He did not endeavour to pacify them, as Gideon had done in the like case; the Ephraimites were now more outrageous than they were them, and Jephthah had not so much of a meek and quiet spirit as Gideon had. Whether they would be pacified or no, Jephthah takes care,

1. To justify himself, Jdg 11:2,3. He makes it out that they had no cause at all to quarrel with him, for, (1.) It was not in pursuit of glory that he had engaged in this war, but for the necessary defence of his country, with which the children of Ammon greatly strove. (2.) He had invited the Ephraimites to come and join with him, though he neither needed them nor was under any obligation to pay that respect to them, but they had declined the service: I called you, and you delivered me not out of their hands. Had that been true which they charged him with, yet it would not have been a just ground of quarrel; but it seems it was false, and, as the matter of fact now appears, he had more cause to quarrel with them for deserting the common interests of Israel in a time of need. It is no new thing for those who are themselves most culpable to be most clamorous in accusing the innocent. (3.) The enterprise was very hazardous, and they had more reason to pity him than to be angry with him: I put my life in my hands, that is, "exposed myself to the utmost peril in what I did, having so small an army," The honour they envied was bought dearly enough; they needed not to grudge it to him; few of them would have ventured so far for it. (4.) He does not take the glory of the success to himself (that would have been invidious), but gives it all to God: "The Lord delivered them into my hands. If God was pleased so far to make use of me for his glory, why should you be offended at that? Have you any reason to fight against me? Is not that in effect to fight against God, in whose hand I have been only an unworthy instrument?"

2. When this just answer (though not so soft an answer as Gideon's) did not prevail to turn away their wrath, he took care both to defend himself from their fury and to chastise their insolence with the sword, by virtue of his authority as Israel's judge. (1.) The Ephraimites had not only quarrelled with Jephthah, but, when his neighbours and friends appeared to take his part, they had abused them, and given them foul language; for I adhere to our translation, and so take it, Jdg 11:4. They said in scorn, "You Gileadites that dwell here on the other side Jordan are but fugitives of Ephraim, the scum and dregs of the tribes of Joseph, of which Ephraim is the chief, the refuse of the family, and are so accounted among the Ephraimites and among the Manassites. Who cares for you? All your neighbours know what you are, no better than fugitives and vagabonds, separated from your brethren, and driven hither into a corner." The Gileadites were as true Israelites as any other, and at this time had signalized themselves, both in the choice of Jephthah and in the war with Ammon, above all the families of Israel, and yet are most basely and unjustly called fugitives. It is an ill thing to fasten names or characters of reproach upon persons or countries, as is common, especially upon those that lie under outward disadvantages: it often occasions quarrels that prove of ill consequence, as it did here. See likewise what a mischievous thing an abusive tongue is, that calls ill names, and gives scurrilous language: it sets on fire the course of nature, and is set on fire of hell (Jam 3:6), and many a time cuts the throat of him that uses it, as it did here, Ps 34:8. If these Ephraimites could have denied themselves the poor satisfaction of calling the Gileadites fugitives, they might have prevented a great deal of bloodshed; for grievous words stir up anger, and who knows how great a matter a little of that fire may kindle? (2.) This affront raises the Gileadites' blood, and the indignity done to themselves, as well as to their captain, must be revenged. [1.] They routed them in the field, Jdg 11:4. They fought with Ephraim, and, Ephraim being but a rude unheaded rabble, smote Ephraim, and put them to flight. [2.] They cut off their retreat, and so completed their revenge, Jdg 11:5,6. The Gileadites, who perhaps were better acquainted with the passages of Jordan than the Ephraimites were, secured them with strong guards, who were ordered to slay every Ephraimite that offered to pass the river. Here was, First, Cruelty enough in the destruction of them. Sufficient surely was the punishment which was inflicted by many; when they were routed in the field, there needed not this severity to cut off all that escaped. Shall the sword devour for ever? Whether Jephthah is to be praised for this I know not; perhaps he saw it to be a piece of necessary justice. Secondly, Cunning enough in the discovery of them. It seems the Ephraimites, though they spoke the same language with other Israelites, yet had got a custom in the dialect of their country to pronounce the Hebrew letter Shin like Samech, and they had so strangely used themselves to it that they could not do otherwise, no, not to save their lives. We learn to speak by imitation; those that first used s for sh, did it either because it was shorter or because it was finer, and their children learnt to speak like them, so that you might know an Ephraimite by it; as in England we know a west-country man or a north-country man, nay, perhaps a Shropshire man, and a Cheshire man, by his pronunciation. Thou art a Galilean, and thy speech betrays thee. By this the Ephraimites were discovered. If they took a man that they suspected to be an Ephraimite, but he denied it, they bade him say Shibboleth; but either he could not, as our translation reads it, or he did not heed, or frame, or direct himself, as some read, to pronounce it aright, but said Sibboleth, and so was known to be an Ephraimite, and was slain immediately. Shibboleth signifies a river or stream: "Ask leave to go over Shibboleth, the river." Those that were thus cut off made up the whole number of slaughtered Ephraimites forty-two thousand, Jdg 11:6. Thus another mutiny of that angry tribe was prevented.

3. Now let us observe the righteousness of God in the punishment of these proud and passionate Ephraimites, which in several instances answered to their sin. (1.) They were proud of the honour of their tribe, gloried in this, that they were Ephraimites; but how soon were they brought to be ashamed or afraid to own their country! Art thou an Ephraimite? No, now rather of any tribe than that. (2.) They had gone in a rage over Jordan to burn Jephthah's house with fire, but now they came back to Jordan as sneakingly as they had passed it furiously, and were cut off from ever returning to their own houses. (3.) They had upbraided the Gileadites with the infelicity of their country, lying at such a distance, and now they suffered by an infirmity peculiar to their own country, in not being able to pronounce Shibboleth. (4.) They had called the Gileadites, unjustly, fugitives, and now they really and in good earnest became fugitives themselves; and in the Hebrew the same word (Jdg 11:5) is used of the Ephraimites that escaped, or that fled, which they had used in scorn of the Gileadites, calling them fugitives. He that rolls the stone of reproach unjustly upon another, let him expect that it will justly return upon himself.

III. Here is the end of Jephthah's government. He judged Israel but six years, and then died, Jdg 11:7. Perhaps the death of his daughter sunk him so that he never looked up afterwards, but it shortened his days, and he went to his grave mourning.

8-15

Jephthah's Successors (1112 BC)

開啟正文

耶弗他之後的士師(主前 1112 年)

⁸ 耶弗他以後,有伯利恆人以比讚作以色列的士師。* ⁹ 他有三十個兒子、三十個女兒;女兒都嫁出去了。他又為眾子從外鄉娶了三十個女兒。他作以色列的士師七年。* ¹⁰ 以比讚死了,葬在伯利恆。* ¹¹ 以比讚之後,有西布倫人以倫作以色列的士師,他作以色列的士師十年。* ¹² 西布倫人以倫死了,葬在西布倫地的亞雅崙。* ¹³ 以倫之後,有比拉頓人希列的兒子押頓作以色列的士師。* ¹⁴ 他有四十個兒子、三十個孫子,騎著七十匹驢駒;他作以色列的士師八年。* ¹⁵ 比拉頓人希列的兒子押頓死了,葬在以法蓮地的比拉頓,在亞瑪力人的山地。*

此處我們看到以色列另外三位士師短暫任期的簡短記載:第一位只治理七年,第二位十年,第三位八年。「邦國因有罪過,君王就多更換」(箴二十八2)——在短期內頻繁更換;好人往往在他們剛開始有用之時、剛要盡心辦事之時便被接去。

一、伯利恆人以比讚——極可能是猶大的伯利恆,就是大衛的城,而非西布倫的那個伯利恆(那個只在書十九15被提及一次)。他只治理七年,但從他兒女的數目以及他親自為他們全都安排婚事來看,他顯然活得長久;也許他家族的極大增長,以及他所建立的許多聯姻,加上他個人的功績,使他更適合被百姓選立(如耶弗他那樣)、或被神直接呼召(如基甸那樣)作以色列的士師,為要在他們中間維持並推展神的工作。關於他,值得注意的有:1. 他有許多兒女,共六十人,滿了一袋箭。伯利恆自古因繁衍而著名,正是那「他」當降生之城——他屬靈的後裔要「如天上的星」。2. 他兩性兒女數目相等——三十個兒子、三十個女兒——這在同一家庭中並不常見;然而在人類這個大家庭中,那起初「造男造女」的神,藉他智慧的護理,使兩性在某種程度上相等地延續下去,足夠維持人類在地上代代相傳。3. 他留意為他們全都安排婚事。他的女兒他打發出去——通俗拉丁譯本加上「他把女兒嫁了出去」;他又如交換一般,雙向地鞏固自己的勢力,「為眾子從外鄉娶了三十個女兒」。猶太人說:每個父親對兒子有三樣本分:教他讀律法、給他一門手藝、為他娶妻。以比讚的家與他前任耶弗他的家有何等大的分別!以比讚有六十個兒女,全都成婚;耶弗他只有一個女兒,她死了或終身不嫁。「有人增添,有人減少」:二者都是耶和華的作為。

二、西布倫人以倫——在迦南北部——其次被興起,在公共事務上主持、施行審判、改革弊端。他繼續作以色列的福分十年,然後死了(士十一11,12)。萊特福特博士計算,在他任期的開始,非利士人四十年欺壓開始了(記於士十三1),大約那時參孫出生。也許因為他住在北方,與迦南南部接壤的非利士人便趁機入侵。

三、以法蓮支派的押頓接續作士師;在他身上,那顯赫的支派開始恢復聲譽,因為自約書亞以來該支派未曾出過任何知名人物;因為示劍人亞比米勒反倒是它的恥辱。這位押頓因後裔眾多而著名(士十一14):他有四十個兒子、三十個孫子,他活著看見他們都長大成人;他們騎著七十匹驢駒——或作士師和官長,或作紳士和尊貴人。他這樣得見兒孫,固然是他心滿意足的事;但恐怕他未見以色列享平安,因為那時非利士人已開始侵擾他們。關於這一位、以及其餘那些記載極簡短的士師,經上仍提到他們葬在哪裡(士十一7,10,12,15);也許是因為他們墓碑上的銘文(古人確有此用法,王下二十三17)可以印證並補充他們的生平,凡願進一步查考的人都可以參考。彼得有機會論到大衛之時,說:「他的墳墓直到今日還在我們這裡」(徒二29)。又或者這是為他們埋骨之地的尊榮;但這也可用來降低我們對一切屬世榮耀的估價——死與墳墓必使其驕傲失色。這些士師對以色列如同神一般,卻如常人一樣死了,他們一切的榮耀都被置於塵土之中。

非常奇特的是:在所有這些士師的歷史中——其中一些人的作為記載得十分詳盡——從非尼哈(士二十28)到以利這段可估計為二百五十年的時期內,竟一次也沒有提到大祭司,或任何其他祭司或利未人,在公共事務中為謀略或行動而出現;只是那時大祭司的名字被保存下來(代上六4-7;拉七35)。這祭司職分在如此漫長的時間內——如今又在它的初期——如此隱晦不明,怎能與它被設立之時那極大的輝煌、以及它在摩西律法中所佔的地位相符合呢?這無疑暗示:這制度主要的意思是預表;那似乎藉著它所應許的大福氣,主要當在它的本體——我們主耶穌那永遠的祭司職分中尋求;與那更超越的榮耀相比,這祭司職分就算不得有榮耀了(林後三10)。

英文原文

Jephthah's Successors (1112 BC)

⁸ And after him Ibzan of Bethlehem judged Israel.
⁹ And he had thirty sons, and thirty daughters, whom he sent abroad, and took in thirty daughters from abroad for his sons. And he judged Israel seven years.
¹⁰ Then died Ibzan, and was buried at Bethlehem.
¹¹ And after him Elon, a Zebulonite, judged Israel; and he judged Israel ten years.
¹² And Elon the Zebulonite died, and was buried in Aijalon in the country of Zebulun.
¹³ And after him Abdon the son of Hillel, a Pirathonite, judged Israel.
¹⁴ And he had forty sons and thirty nephews, that rode on threescore and ten ass colts: and he judged Israel eight years.
¹⁵ And Abdon the son of Hillel the Pirathonite died, and was buried in Pirathon in the land of Ephraim, in the mount of the Amalekites.

We have here a short account of the short reigns of three more of the judges of Israel, the first of whom governed but seven years, the second ten, and the third eight. For the transgression of a land, many are the princes thereof, many in a short time, successively (Pr 28:2), good men being removed in the beginning of their usefulness and by the time that they have applied themselves to their business.

I. Ibzan of Bethlehem, most probably Bethlehem of Judah, David's city, not that in Zebulun, which is only mentioned once, Jos 19:15. He ruled but seven years, but by the number of his children, and his disposing of them all in marriage himself, it appears that he lived long; and probably the great increase of his family, and the numerous alliances he made, added to his personal merits, made him the more fit to be either chosen by the people as Jephthah was, or called of God immediately, as Gideon was, to be Israel's judge, to keep up and carry on the work of God among them. That which is remarkable concerning him is, 1. That he had many children, sixty in all, a quiver full of these arrows. Thus was Bethlehem of old famous for increase, the very city where he was to be born whose spiritual seed should be as the stars of heaven. 2. That he had an equal number of each sex, thirty sons and thirty daughters, a thing which does not often happen in the same family, yet, in the great family of mankind, he that at first made two, male and female, by his wise providence preserves a succession of both in some sort of equality as far as is requisite to the keeping up of the generations of men upon earth. 3. That he took care to marry them all. His daughters he sent abroad, et maritis dedit, so the vulgar Latin adds—he provided husbands for them; and, as it were in exchange, and both ways, strengthening his interest, he took in thirty daughters from abroad for his sons. The Jews say, Every father owes three things to his son: to teach him to read the law, give him a trade, and get him a wife. What a difference was there between Ibzan's family and that of his immediate predecessor Jephthah! Ibzan has sixty children and all married, Jephthah but one, a daughter, that dies or lives unmarried. Some are increased, others are diminished: both are the Lord's doing.

II. Elon of Zebulun, in the north of Canaan, was next raised up to preside in public affairs, to administer justice, and to reform abuses. Ten years he continued a blessing to Israel, and then died, Jdg 11:11,12. Dr. Lightfoot computes that in the beginning of his time the forty years' oppression by the Philistines began (spoken of Jdg 13:1), and about that time Samson was born. Probably, his residence being in the north, the Philistines who bordered upon the southern parts of Canaan took the opportunity of making incursions upon them.

III. Abdon, of the tribe of Ephraim, succeeded, and in him that illustrious tribe begins to recover its reputation, having not afforded any person of note since Joshua; for Abimelech the Shechemite was rather a scandal to it. This Abdon was famous for the multitude of his offspring (Jdg 11:14): he had forty sons and thirty grandsons, all of whom he lived to see grown up, and they rode on seventy ass-colts either as judges and officers or as gentlemen and persons of distinction. It was a satisfaction to him thus to see his children's children, but it is feared he did not see peace upon Israel, for by this time the Philistines had begun to break in upon them. Concerning this, and the rest of these judges that have ever so short an account given of them, yet notice is taken where they were buried (Jdg 11:7,10,12,15), perhaps because the inscriptions upon their monuments (for such were anciently used, 2Ki 23:17) would serve for the confirmation and enlargement of their story, and might be consulted by such as desired further information concerning them. Peter, having occasion to speak of David, says, His sepulchre is with us unto this day, Ac 2:29. Or it is intended for the honour of the places where they laid their bones, but may be improved for the lessening of our esteem of all worldly glory, of which death and the grave will stain the pride. These judges, that were as gods to Israel, died like men, and all their honour was laid in the dust.

It is very strange that in the history of all these judges, some of whose actions are very particularly related, there is not so much as once mention made of the high priest, or any other priest or Levite, appearing either for counsel or action in any public affair, from Phinehas (Jdg 20:28) to Eli, which may well be computed 250 years; only the names of the high priests at that time are preserved, 1Ch 6:4-7, Ezr 7:35. How can this strange obscurity of that priesthood for so long a time, now in the beginning of its days, agree with that mighty splendour with which it was introduced and the figure which the institution of it makes in the law of Moses? Surely it intimates that the institution was chiefly intended to be typical, and that the great benefits that seemed to be promised by it were to be chiefly looked for in its antitype, the everlasting priesthood of our Lord Jesus, in comparison of the superior glory of which that priesthood had no glory, 2Co 3:10.