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CATHEDRAL Cathedral

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**CATHEDRAL:** In the churches with episcopal organization, the principal church of a diocese, the especial seat of the bishop. It is the normal place for the principal episcopal functions, such as ordination, and is directly under the charge of the bishop, who is assisted in its administration and in the performance of divine service by a body of canons (see CHAPTER), whose head is a dean or provost. In England, from the Reformation until 1840, a distinction was drawn between cathedrals of the old and of the new foundation. The former were those where the chapter had been always composed of secular canons, and whose constitution remained, therefore, unchanged; in the latter, after the suppression of the monasteries by Henry VIII., a new organization was required to replace the earlier monastic chapter. The older cathedrals, from their rank and importance in the history of the Church, offer some of the most splendid and imposing examples of Christian architecture. See ARCHITECTURE, ECCLESIASTICAL. BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. E. C. Walcott, *Cathedralia: a Constitutional History of Cathedrals of the Western Church, * London, 1865 (authoritative); idem, *Documentary History of English Cathedrals, * London, 1866; J. S. Howson, ed., *Essays on Cathedrals, by various writers, * London, 1872; C. A. Swainson, *Hist. of a Cathedral of the Old Foundation, * London, 1880; P. Schneider, *Die bischöflichen Domkapitel,* Mainz, 1885; *Bell's Cathedral Series, * 35 vols., London, 1896-1903 (deals with history and archeology); J. J. Bourassé, *Les plus belles cathédrales de France, * Paris, 1896; L. Cloquet, *Les Grandes Cathédrales du monde catholique, * Paris, 1897; *The Cathedrals of England and Wales,* New York, The Churchman Company, 1907.
CATHOLIC Catholic

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**CATHOLIC** (Gk. *katholikos, *"general, universal," from *kath' holou,* "on the whole")**: **The phrase *he katholike ekklesia,* "the catholic church," was first used by Christian writers to distinguish the entire body of believers from individual bodies. It then came naturally to designate the orthodox in distinction from heretics and schismatics. Later it was applied to faith, tradition, and doctrine; it was understood as expressing the universality of the Church ("in Greek that is called 'catholic' which is spread through all the world," Augustine, *Epist.,* lii. 1); it distinguished a cathedral from parish churches, or the latter from oratories or monastic chapels. After the separation between the Greek and Latin churches, the epithet "catholic" was assumed by the latter, as "orthodox" was by the former. At the Reformation it was claimed by the Church of Rome in opposition to the Protestant or Reformed churches; in England the theory was maintained that the national Church was the true catholic Church of the land, and the expression "Roman Catholic" came into use for the sake of distinction. "Anglo-Catholic" was coined by analogy with this at the time of the Tractarian movement. On the continent the single word "catholic" is the common designation for that branch of the Church in affiliation with Rome. By Protestants the term has generally been interpreted to mean the entire communion of the saved in all time and places. The word "catholic" in the phrase "the holy catholic Church" of the Apostles' Creed is explained by Pearson *(Exposition of the Creed, * art. ix.) as indicating that the Church is to be disseminated through *all* nations, extended to *all* places, and propagated to *all* ages; that it contains in it *all* truths necessary to be known, exacts absolute obedience from *all * men to the commands of Christ, and furnishes us with *all* graces necessary to make our persons acceptable and our actions well-pleasing in the sight of God. The word was not in the earliest form of the Creed.
CATHOLIC APOSTOLIC CHURCH Catholic Apostolic Church

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**CATHOLIC APOSTOLIC CHURCH:** The outcome of a religious movement which began in Scotland in 1830, but took its full and distinctive form in 1835. Its adherents do not use the term "The Catholic Apostolic Church" as implying that they alone constitute the Church, but as affirming that they are members of it. It embraces all the baptized. ### Supernatural Utterances. In 1828 about fifty gentlemen, some clergymen and some laymen, but mostly of the Church of England, met at the country seat of Henry Drummond at Albury, West Surrey, for the study of the prophetic Scriptures. The subjects considered were those connected with the return of the Lord and the present office of the Spirit in the Church. In Feb., 1830, some members of a Presbyterian family living near Glasgow began to speak in what were believed to be supernatural utterances. They affirmed that their organs of speech were used by the Spirit of God to express the divine mind and will. It is said by one who had intimate personal knowledge of those speaking that the subject of spiritual gifts had not at all occupied their attention; much less had they any thought or expectation of their revival. These utterances, both from the religious character of those speaking and from their own intrinsic nature, awakened great attention in all the region round; and having come to the knowledge of certain gentlemen in London, some of whom had attended the conferences at Albury, a deputation was sent up to Scotland in July to inquire into them, and ascertain whether the utterances were of the Spirit, or not. They returned fully convinced that the utterances were divine. In May, 1831, like utterances were heard in London, the first in a congregation of the Church of England. This being reported to the bishop, he forbade them in the future as interfering with the service. Their occurrence in several dissenting congregations brought forth similar prohibitions, and this led to the utterances being made chiefly in the church of Edward Irving, he being a believer in their divine origin. But they were not confined to London. At Bristol and other places the same spiritual phenomena appeared. Of these utterances one of the earliest was, "Behold the Bridegroom cometh. Go ye out to meet him"; and another often repeated, "The body of Christ." ### Apostles Appointed. The meaning of this was for a long time not understood, but it was gradually made plain that the Lord could not return till due spiritual preparation had been made in the Church, and that this could be effected only through the Spirit working in all the ministries and ordinances appointed by God in it. It was also made known that it was his purpose to restore the ministry of apostles; and twelve men were designated as such by the Spirit speaking through prophets. The first was so designated in 1832; but it was not until 1835 that the number was completed, and in a solemn service they were separated to their work as an apostolic college. The names of the apostles were J. B. Cardale, H. Drummond, H. King-Church, S. Perceval, N. Armstrong, F. V. Woodhouse, H. Dalton, J. O. Tudor, T. Carlyle, F. Sitwell, W. Dow, and D. Mackenzie. The following account has been given of their antecedents by one who knew them personally: Classed by their religious position, eight of them were members of the Church of England; three of the Church of Scotland; and one of the Independents. Classed by their occupations and social positions, three were clergymen, three were members of the bar, three belonged to the gentry, two of them being members of Parliament; and of the remaining three, one was an artist, one a merchant, and one held the post of Keeper of the Tower. Some of them were of the highest standing socially and politically, some of them of great ability as scholars and theologians; and all of them men of unblemished character, soundness in the faith, and abundant zeal in all Christian labors. To prepare them for their work two things were necessary—knowledge of the purpose of God in the Church, and of its present actual condition. Their separation was followed by a retirement to Albury that the Scriptures might be read with such light through prophecy as God might please to give. Later they visited the several countries of Christendom, which were divided among them, to seek for all that was good and true in doctrine and ritual. Another step was a work of testimony to the Church in general of the Lord's acts in the restoration of his ministries. In 1836 they delivered an address to the king of England and the privy councilors, and another later to the archbishops and bishops of the United Church of England and Ireland; and in 1837 a testimony addressed to the rulers in Church and State in Christian lands. So far as practicable, these testimonies were delivered by the apostles in person to the patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, emperors, kings, and sovereign princes to whom they were addressed. ### Doctrines. In these documents, as well as in the whole course of their apostolic labor, the apostles witnessed to such things as these:—That the Church is the company of the baptized, the body of Christ, and constituted by God in infinite wisdom that the Head in Heaven might manifest himself through it in word and act; that its constitution was permanent, having a fourfold ministry—apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors; that these ministries were adapted to the mental and spiritual constitutions of man; that all were needful that the Head might carry on his work and perfect his saints; that the Head only could appoint his ministers; that apostles chosen by him were his representatives, the bond of unity, having universal jurisdiction; that prophets speaking through the Holy Ghost were media of light from God to the apostles; that evangelists were to preach to those without the Church, bringing them to baptism, and then to transfer them to the pastor; that the pastoral ministry embraces bishops, priests, and deacons; that the retention by the Church of the pastoral ministry only points to its having departed in measure from the ways of the Lord, and that this departure ultimately leads to the apostasy and the man of sin spoken of by St. Paul. The adherents of this movement point to the apostolic congregations as the true credentials of apostles—their faith in the Scriptures, their order, their obedience, their worship, their calm and patient waiting for the Lord, their catholic spirit. ### Congregations and Worship. The gathering of these congregations was of necessity, not of choice, as otherwise the divine order in ministries and worship could not be manifested. Their relation to the members of the Church in general is thus defined: "We are not separatists nor schismatics. We are not gathered together and distinguished from others in any hostile or aggressive attitude. The Head is not erecting new altars, but rebuilding that which was decayed." The liturgy used was not a mere compilation from existing liturgies, but was based upon the Mosaic ritual, its spiritual antitype and fulfilment. In the worship the three great creeds of the Church, the Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, are used. In all congregations sufficiently large, daily worship is appointed at six A.M. and five P.M., the opening and closing hours of the day. The Eucharist is the chief forenoon service on every Lord's day, and at other times as appointed. The ministers of each fully organized local church are a chief pastor, or angel, or bishop, and under him priests and deacons. All members pay tithes of income as of obligation, and, as able, voluntary offerings. As no official statistics of the number of congregations have ever been published, it is impossible to say how many there may now be, but congregations are formed in most of the larger cities of Christendom. The death of the apostles made necessary some changes in the administration and worship, but the faith is apparently strong that the Lord will in some supernatural way speedily confirm the work already done, and will complete it. (SAMUEL J. ANDREWS†.) This body repudiates the title "Irvingites," by which it is generally known (see IRVING, EDWARD). In the early days of the movement there was no little uncertainty as to the final arrangement of the offices and jealousy between the different ranks. In 1839 Cardale was recalled from his second mission abroad to compose the differences which had arisen on account of the claim of the elders, which was supported by the prophets, to a voice in the government of the church. The apostolate succeeded in suppressing this revolt, and to avoid any recurrence of it the full general council was not again convoked, and only revived in 1877 in the form of a conference of the seven angels of London under the presidency of the apostle. In the same crisis (1840) the principle was laid down that the purity of the prophets' doctrine must be attested by the apostles, and thus the superiority of the apostolic office vindicated. The same year marks the beginning of another important change. The apostles who had been traveling on the Continent had come there into contact with Roman Catholicism, and the result was a definite assimilation to its ways of the "Catholic Apostolic Church," as it was now officially called. All traces of Scotch Presbyterian or English non-conformist traditions were gradually eradicated. Altars were now erected separated from the body of the church by a rail at which the communicants knelt. The people were taught to regard the Eucharist as a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving in which the elements, changed by the Holy Ghost into the body and blood of Christ, were offered to God in commemoration of his death. The same tendency appeared in the liturgy introduced in 1842 and drawn up mainly by Cardale, which went back to early forms, Eastern as well as Western. The eucharistic vestments were adopted practically as in the Roman Catholic Church; extreme unction was introduced in 1847; from 1850 the consecrated elements were reserved in a tabernacle and every morning and evening (on the analogy of the showbread) exposed, not as objects of adoration but to assure the people of the Lord's presence and abiding intercession. In 1852 the use of candles on the altar and incense was added, and in 1868 holy water. The most original ceremony is the "sealing," which was introduced in 1847 on Cardale's motion; with reference to Rev. vii. 3 sqq. it was taught that those who were to be saved must be sealed in order to escape the great tribulation. This was to be done by the apostles with laying on of hands and unction; candidates must be at least twenty years old. The result of the discord which followed these innovations, of the defection of the apostle Mackenzie, and of the failure of prophecy to fix the exact date of the Lord's coming, all contributed to keep down the numbers of the body, which in 1851 counted 4,018 members with thirty-two churches, a decline from the days of the first enthusiasm. But the movement had already spread to other countries. In 1835-36 it had gained a foothold in Geneva; in 1841 a propaganda had been undertaken in southern Germany by Caird (husband of Mary Campbell, one of the original claimants of the gift of tongues), and still more zealously in northern Germany by the apostle Thomas Carlyle, who established public worship in Berlin in 1848. Outside of Holland, however, little progress was made in other countries. Doubts were awakened by the death of one apostle after another, and in 1860, at a meeting of the apostolic college at Albury the prophet Geyer called for the elevation of the evangelists Böhm and Caird to the apostolic office. These two then, and in 1870 some others, were recognized as coadjutor apostles. Geyer was not satisfied, and in 1861, being in Königsberg with Woodhouse, proclaimed the call of a local evangelist Rogasatzki to the apostolate. The latter soon made his submission, but a schism ensued. In 1863 Geyer himself was called, and ten months later one Schwartz, especially for Holland; on the assumption that there must always be twelve apostles, there were six in Hamburg and three in Amsterdam by 1875. Woodhouse, the last English apostle, died in 1901. In the English body prophecy was allowed less and less importance, and Cardale's treatise *Prophesying and the Ministry of the Prophet in the Christian Church * (1868) practically gave it its death-blow. The accessible figures give the present number of churches in England as about eighty, and in the United States as ten, with 1,491 communicants. Probably more numerous are the followers of the German and Dutch branch, which has increased in strength, though its separation from the English body has favored a tendency to fanatical extravagance and to the abandonment of the likeness to Roman Catholicism in externals. Apostles, prophets, and other functionaries appear in ordinary dress, and the altar is usually replaced by a common table. The element of adoration in public worship is less and less emphasized, while more stress is laid upon conversion by preaching and prophecy and the assembling of the faithful for the speedy coming of the Lord. The insistence on the number of twelve apostles which was the justification for the schism is now considered merely as the letter, the essential being the permanence of the office, so that in 1900 there were fourteen apostles ministering in this branch. Its principal seats are Brunswick, Hamburg, Berlin, and Königsberg. In recent years it has extended also to North and South America, and claims that with the help of a native missionary no less than 15,000 converts have been "sealed" in the island of Java. Its official organ is the *Wächterstimmen aus Ephraim, * published monthly by the apostle Fr. Krebs at Iserlohn, Westphalia, Prussia, containing reports of the journeys of the apostles and statistics of conversions. (T. KOLDE.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The sources are found in the writings of Edward Irving, and in the following works on his life: W. Jones, *Biographical Sketch of Rev. Edward Irving, with Extracts from his . . . Principal Writings, * London 1835; W. Wilks, *Edward Irving, an Ecclesiastical and Literary Biography, * ib. 1854; Mrs. O. W. Oliphant, *Life of Edward Irving, Illustrated by his Journals and Correspondence,* 2 vols., ib. 1862, new ed., 1865 (on this consult D. Ker, *Observations on Mrs. Oliphant's Life of Edward Irving, * Edinburgh, 1863); T. Carlyle, in his *Reminiscences, * ed. C. E. Norton, 2 vols., London, 1878; T. Kolde, *Edward Irving, * Leipsic, 1901. For the history and doctrine of the Church consult: J. N. Köhler, *Het Irvingisme, * The Hague, 1876; E. Miller, *History and Doctrines of Irvingism, * 2 vols., London, 1878; H. M. Prior, *My Experience of the Catholic Apostolic Church, * ib. 1880; S. J. Andrews, *God's Revelations of Himself to Men, * New York, 1886; E. A. Rosstauscher, *Der Aufbau der Kirche Christi auf den ursprünglichen Grundlagen, * Basel, 1886; A. S. Dyer, *Sketches of English Nonconformity, * London, 1893.
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION Catholic Emancipation

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**CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION:** The name given to the Act by which Parliament, on Apr. 13, 1829, finally removed the civil disabilities under which the Roman Catholics of England and Ireland had labored ever since the reign of Elizabeth, when those who refused to take the oath of supremacy and conform to the Established Church were excluded from the House of Commons and from all political power. They suffered from a mass of accumulated disabilities, which, if the law had been strictly enforced, would have deprived them of their rights, not only as citizens, but as parents, proprietors, and men. With the growth of toleration, a bill abolishing some of these disabilities was passed in 1778, to be followed by the uprising of the London mob known as the "Gordon Riots." Pitt had intended that the union between England and Ireland should be followed by a measure admitting Catholics to Parliament, with a provision for their clergy and a commutation of tithes. This hope, informally held out, probably helped to win their support for the union; but George III. was inflexibly opposed to this measure of justice, and Pitt resigned in consequence of its failure. In 1821, with Canning for its eloquent champion, a measure of emancipation was carried through the House of Commons, only to be defeated by Lord Eldon in the upper house. But a mighty agitation followed in Ireland, led by Daniel O'Connell and fomented by a great Catholic Association. This body was dissolved when Canning became minister in 1825, but revived when he was replaced by the anti-Catholic ministry of Wellington and Peel, and soon showed such formidable strength that the great Duke, with his political insight, saw that the hour for concession had come. The bill which Peel introduced threw open to Catholics Parliament and all the great offices of state, except those of regent, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and chancellor, the crown remaining limited, by an Act of Settlement to the Protestant Concession, and gave the electoral franchise to English Catholics. As the removal of an unjust anachronism, this measure was inevitable; but it failed to restore tranquillity to Ireland, since the concession had been robbed of its grace by delay and enforcement, and since the chief cause of Irish disaffection was, after all, not the religious disabilities but the tenure of land, as the sequel clearly showed. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources: A. Wellesley (Duke of Wellington), *Supplementary Despatches, edited by his son, *7 July, 1812, London; 1867-80, *Speeches,* 17 May, 1819, 2 vols., ib. 1854; F. S. Larpent, *Private Journal, * i. 95, ii. 20, London, 1853; *Memoir of Sir Robert Peel, * pt. i., *The Roman Catholic Question, * London, 1834; J. F. Stephen, *History of Criminal Law of England * ii. 476 sqq., London, 1883 (exceedingly valuable); W. J. Amherst, *History of Catholic Emancipation in the British Isles,* 2 vols., London, 1886 (fairly complete).
CATHOLIC EPISTLES Catholic Epistles

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**CATHOLIC EPISTLES:** A name given to seven of the epistles of the New Testament; viz., James, I and II Peter, I, II, and III John, and Jude. Different explanations have been given of the significance of the name. (1) It has reference to the *writers,* who were the apostles in general, whereas the other New Testament epistles were believed to be written by Paul. (2) It refers to the *contents, * which do not treat of any particular topic, but are general. (3) It refers to the *recipients, * the letters not being addressed to a particular church, but to the Church universal. (4) It refers to *opinion * concerning these writings and indicates that they were generally accepted as authentic, in distinction from the many writings current and ascribed to apostolic authorship but not everywhere so received. The name was given to the First Epistle of John in the East about the second century, and by the fourth century it included the seven epistles named. In the West they were called "canonical" epistles. Certain non-canonical writings (as the Epistle of Barnabas and the letter from the apostles at Jerusalem in Acts xv. 23-29) are also called "catholic" by early writers. See CANON OF SCRIPTURE, II., 2, § 5. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Catholic Epistles are of course dealt with in the principal works on the N. T. Canon, N. T. Introduction, and in the Commentaries. Consult: P. J. Gloag, *Introduction to the Catholic Epistles, * Edinburgh, 1887; W. Sanday, in *Biblical Inspiration, * London, 1896; W. H. Bennett, in the *Century Bible, * ib. 1901; and C. A. Bigg, *Commentary on St. Peter and St. Jude, * Edinburgh, 1902.
CATHOLIC OR UNITED COPTS Catholic or United Copts

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**CATHOLIC OR UNITED COPTS.** See UNIATES.
CATHOLICUS Catholicus

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**CATHOLICUS:** In the time of Constantine, a civil officer established after the organization of dioceses, each diocese having its catholicus, or receiver-general. As an ecclesiastical officer occurring in several Eastern churches, the catholicus occupied a position between the metropolitan and the patriarch. The title is also applied to the head of an independent or schismatic communion, such as the Armenian Church.
CATTLE Cattle

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**CATTLE.** See PASTORAL LIFE, HEBREW.
CAVAGNIS, FELICE Cavagnis, Felice

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**CAVAGNIS,** ca"va"nyîs, **FELICE,** Roman Catholic cardinal; b. at Bordogna (near Bergamo, 39 m. n.e. of Milan) Jan. 13, 1841; d. at Rome Dec. 29, 1906. He was educated at the Roman Seminary, and was ordained to the priesthood in 1863. Three years later he became a teacher at Celano, and later became a member of the faculty of the Roman Seminary, of which he was rector from 1887 to 1893. Later still he was appointed secretary of the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, and in 1901 was created cardinal deacon of Santa Maria ad Martyres. In addition to the Congregation for Extraordinary Affairs, he was a member of the Congregations of the Consistory, the Bishops and Regulars, the Council, the Index, and the Sacred Visitation.
CAVALIER, JEAN Cavalier, Jean

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**CAVALIER, JEAN.** See CAMISARDS.
CAVE, ALFRED Cave, Alfred

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**CAVE, ALFRED:** English Congregationalist; b. at London Aug. 29, 1847; d. there Dec. 19, 1900. He was educated at New College, London (B.A., London University, 1872), and was Congregational minister successively at Berkhampstead, Herts (1872-76), and Watford, Herts (1876-80). He was appointed professor of Hebrew and church history in Hackney College, London, in 1880, and two years later was chosen principal and professor of apologetic, doctrinal, and pastoral theology in the same institution, retaining both these positions until his death. He was also Congregational Union Lecturer in 1888, vice-president of the London Board of Congregational ministers in 1888 and 1898, and Merchants' Lecturer in 1893-94. He collaborated with J. S. Banks in translating the *System der christlichen Glaubenslehre * of I. A. Dorner (2 vols., Berlin, 1879-81) under the title *System of Christian Doctrine* (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1880-82), and also wrote the independent works: *Scriptural Doctrine of Sacrifice and Atonement * (Edinburgh, 1877); *An Introduction to Theology: Its Principles, Its Branches, Its Results, and Its Literature* (1886); *The Inspiration of the Old Testament Inductively Considered * (Congregational Union Lectures; London, 1888); *The Battle of the Standards, the Old Testament and the Higher Criticism * (1890); *The Spiritual World, the Last Word of Philosophy and the First Word of Christ *(1894); and *The Story of the Founding of Hackney College * (1899). An enlarged edition of his *Introduction to Theology * appeared in 1896.
CAVE, WILLIAM Cave, William

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**CAVE, WILLIAM:** Church of England patristic scholar; b. at Pickwell (13 m. e. by n. of Leicester) Dec. 30, 1637; d. at Windsor Aug. 4, 1713. He studied at Cambridge, in St. John's College, and was made M.A. in 1660, D.D. in 1672, in 1681 D.D. by Oxford. He was vicar of Islington, now part of London, 1662-91; rector of All Hallows the Great, Thames Street, London, 1679-89; became chaplain of Charles II. and canon of Windsor in 1681; and in 1690 vicar of Isleworth, London. His reputation rests on his eminent attainments in patristics. His principal works are: (1) *Primitive Christianity * (London, 1672; reprinted, Oxford, 1840, in connection with his *Dissertation Concerning the Government of the Ancient Church by Bishops, Metropolitans, and Patriarchs,* 1683); (2) *Tabulæ ecclesiasticæ, * tables of ecclesiastical writers (1674; improved ed. under the title *Chartophylax ecclesiasticus, * 1685); (3) *Apostolici, or the Lives of the Primitive Fathers for the Three First Ages of the Christian Church* (1677); (4) *Ecclesiastici: or, the Histories of the Lives, Acts, Deaths and Writings of the Most Eminent Fathers of the Church That Flourisht in the Fourth Century* (1683; 3 and 4 were combined and edited by Henry Cary under the title *Lives of the Most Eminent Fathers of the Church That Flourished in the First Four Centuries, * 3 vols., Oxford, 1840); (5) *Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum historia literaria* (1688; in Latin, to the fourteenth century, continued by others to 1617 and reprinted, Oxford, 2 vols., 1740-43). BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Darling, *Cyclopædia Bibliographica,* pp. 605-607, London, 1854; S. A. Allibone, *Critical Dictionary of English Literature,* i. 356-357, Philadelphia, 1891; *DNB,* ix. 341-343.
CAVICCHIONI, BENJAMIN Cavicchioni, Benjamin

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**CAVICCHIONI,** ca-vî'cho"nî, **BENJAMIN:** Roman Catholic cardinal; b. at Veiano (a village near Viterbo, 42 m. n.n.w. of Rome) Sept. 27, 1836. He was ordained priest in 1859, and, after teaching for several years, went to Rome, where he studied canon law. In 1872 he became a member of the Congregation of the Council, and twelve years later was consecrated titular archbishop of Amida and appointed apostolic delegate to Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador, where he remained until 1889. In the latter year he was appointed secretary of the council, with the title of archbishop of Nazianzum, and in 1903 was created cardinal priest of Santa Maria in Ara Coeli. He is a member of the Congregations of Bishops and Regulars, the Council, the Propaganda for the Oriental Rite, the Index, and Indulgences.
CAYET (CAHIER, CAIET, CAJETANUS), PIERRE VICTOR PALMA Cayet (Cahier, Caiet, Cajetanus), Pierre Victor Palma

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**CAYET**, ca"yê' (**CAHIER, CAIET,** *Cajetanus*) **PIERRE VICTOR PALMA:** Roman Catholic convert; b. at Montrichard (18 m. s.s.w. of Blois), Touraine, 1525; d. in Paris May 10 (or July 22), 1610. He studied at Paris and Geneva, was Protestant pastor at Poitiers and in its neighborhood, and in 1584 became chaplain to Catherine of Bourbon, sister of Henry IV.; in 1595 he embraced Romanism, was made professor of Hebrew in the Sorbonne in 1596, and became priest in 1600. He was accused of scandalous writings and immorality, but claimed that all charges were prompted by ill will because of his change of faith. His most noteworthy writings were *Chronologie septénaire de l'histoire de la paix entre le roi de France et d'Espagne * (Paris, 1605) and *Chronologie novénaire sous le régne de Henri IV* (1608).
CAZALLA, AUGUSTINO Cazalla, Augustino

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**CAZALLA,** ca-thal'ya, **AUGUSTINO:** Spanish Protestant; b. at Valladolid 1510; executed by the Inquisition there May 21, 1559. He was a scholar of Bartholomé Carranza and studied at Valladolid and Alcala. The influence of his father, the chief officer of the royal finances, opened to him a brilliant career in the Church, and his own ability won him the reputation of being one of the foremost preachers in Spain. In 1545 he became chaplain and almoner to Charles V. and accompanied the emperor to Germany on the outbreak of the Schmalkald war. There he undertook to confute the Lutherans, but ended by accepting their doctrines. Returning to Spain in 1552, he was cautious at first in expressing his opinions, but ultimately his mother's house in Valladolid became the meeting-place of the Protestants of the city and Cazalla himself the head of the congregation. In 1558, with his brothers and sisters and about seventy-five others, he was put into prison. On Mar. 4, 1559, when threatened with torture, he acknowledged that he had accepted Luther's teachings, but denied that he had taught them to others except to those already of like mind; further concessions he steadfastly refused to make. The *auto da fé* at which he perished was the first of these sad spectacles. Sixteen persons, including a brother and a sister of Cazalla, brought to judgment at the same time, were condemned to imprisonment for life; two, Cazalla's brother Francisco and Antonio Herezuelo, a lawyer of Toro, were burned alive; and twelve others, including Cazalla, were strangled before being burned. At the place of execution he was persuaded to address his fellow prisoners. (O. ZÖCKLER†.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. McCrie, *History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Spain,* pp. 226-231, 285-289, Edinburgh 1829; C. A. Wilkens, *Geschichte des spanischen Protestantismus,* pp. 79 sqq., 224 sqq., 234 sqq., Gütersloh, 1888; H. C. Lea, *History of the Inquisition in Spain,* ii. 318, 512, iii. 201, 430, 431, 438, New York, 1906.
CEADDA (CHAD), ST. Ceadda (Chad), St.

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**CEADDA (CHAD), ST.:** Third bishop of Mercia; d. at Lichfield Mar. 2, 672. He was one of Aidan's pupils at Lindisfarne and also spent some years at the monastery of Rathmelsige (Melfont, near Drogheda?) in Ireland. His oldest brother, Cedd, chose him to succeed himself as abbot at Lastingham, Northumbria, in 664. After the Synod of Whitby Wilfrid was elected to the Northumbrian bishopric and went to Gaul to be consecrated. As he did not return immediately King Oswy saw fit to appoint Ceadda, and he was consecrated (665?) by Wine of Winchester and two British bishops. Wilfrid acquiesced on going back to England, but when Theodore became archbishop of Canterbury (669) objection was raised to Ceadda's consecration; he expressed his willingness to lay down an office of which he had never deemed himself worthy, retired to his monastery in Northumbria, and Wilfrid was instated in his place. Theodore, however, impressed by Ceadda's humility and worth, reconsecrated him as bishop of the Mercians to succeed Jaruman, and he fixed his residence at Lichfield (Sept., 669). His simplicity, piety, and devotion to duty won the hearts of all, and in later times he was one of the most popular of English saints. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bede, *Hist. eccl.,* iii. 23, 24, 28; iv. 2, 3; v. 19. 24; *Fasti Eboracenses * ed. W. H. Dixon and J. Raine, i. 47-55, London, 1863; W. Bright, *Early English Church History,* pp. 243-246, 259-266, Oxford, 1897; *DNB,* ix. 391-393.
CECIL, RICHARD Cecil, Richard

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**CECIL, RICHARD:** English "evangelical"; b. in London Nov. 8, 1748; d. at Hampstead (London) Aug. 15, 1810. His early life was profligate, but he was converted about 1772, and in 1773 entered Queen's College, Oxford (B.A., 1777); he was ordained priest 1777 and, after holding various livings, was appointed minister of St. John's Chapel, Bedford Row, London, in 1780. He was the leading "evangelical" clergyman of his time, and exerted a wide influence. He had an original mind, dignified carriage, and impressive delivery. His works were collected and published with memoir by the Rev. J. Pratt (4 vols., London, 1811; new ed., with his letters and memoir by Mrs. Cecil, 1854). Perhaps the most noteworthy of his works is *The Remains of Richard Cecil, with numerous selections from his works, * new ed., with introduction by his daughter and preface by R. Bickersteth (London, 1876), containing reminiscences of his conversations.
CECILIA, SAINT Cecilia, Saint

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**CECILIA, SAINT:** Roman maiden of noble family, who is said by different versions of the uncertain and contradictory tradition to have suffered martyrdom under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, under Alexander Severus, and under Diocletian. Her *Acta * relate that on the eve of her marriage she converted her husband, Valerianus, to Christianity. Angels appeared to both Cecilia and Valerianus charging them that her virginity should not be impaired. Tibertius, the brother of Valerianus, was then converted. The two brothers, refusing to sacrifice to the gods at the bidding of the prefect, Almachius were executed by the sword, and Cecilia was exposed to death in an overheated bath in her own house; when this means failed she too was beheaded. The remains of the three martyrs were placed in the catacombs of St. Calixtus, when Pope Paschal I., in 821, is said to have removed the relics of Cecilia to a church called after her name (Sta. Cecilia in Trastevere); her coffin of cypress wood was found there in 1599 (Baronius, *Annales, * ad an. 821). De Rossi discovered what is probably the original crypt of Cecilia, adjoining the papal crypt in the cemetery of Calixtus, and has attempted to prove that she belonged to the old patrician family of the Cæcilii; also that the date of her martyrdom was 177 under Marcus Aurelius. Toward the end of the Middle Ages Cecilia begins to be represented in art with musical attributes. The conception of her as patroness of the organ dates probably from Raffael's painting of 1513, now in Bologna, and may be based upon a misunderstanding of certain words of her *Acta * which refer to the (secular) musical instruments at her wedding, but were thought to indicate a particular instrument played by herself. The rôle which she fills among both Roman Catholics and Protestants as patroness of church music in general may be due to the founding of a musical academy at Rome by Gregory XIII. in 1584 under her protection and named after her. (O. ZÖCKLER†.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: *ASB,* April, ii. 203-211; A. Bosio, *Acta S. Cæciliæ,* Rome, 1800 ed. J. Laderchi, with title, *Acta S. Cæciliæ et transtiberina basilica illustrata,* 2 vols., Rome, 1722; J. B. de Rossi, *Roma sotterranea christiana,* ii., pp. xxxii.-xliii., 113-161, Rome, 1887, Eng. transl., i. 315-333, London, 1879; Dom Guéranger, *Ste. Cécile, * Paris, 1874 (richly illustrated, but of little scientific value); C. Martin, *Die heilige Cäcilia * Mainz, 1878; Bertha E. Lovewell, *The Life of St. Cecilia, * in *Yale Studies in English,* vol. iii., New York, 1898.
CEDD (CEDDA), ST. Cedd (Cedda), St.

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**CEDD (CEDDA), ST.:** Bishop of Essex; d. at Lastingham (25 m. n.n.e. of York), Northumbria, Oct. 26, 664. With his youngest brother Ceadda or Chad, he was brought up at Lindisfarne, and was sent in 653 by his abbot, Finan, and Oswy, king of Northumbria, as missionary, first to Peada, king of Mercia, and then to Sigbert, king of Essex. He was very successful and was consecrated bishop of the East Saxons by Finan and two Scotch bishops in 654. He founded two monasteries in Essex and the one at Lastingham and governed them strictly, according to the Columban rules. He was present at the Synod of Whitby in 664 and acted as interpreter; he inclined to the British side, but when the Roman prevailed he acquiesced. He died of the plague while on a visit to Northumbria. He has been called the second bishop of London, but Bede, who is the source of all information concerning him (*Hist. eccl.,* iii. 21-23, 25, 26, 28; iv. 3), never speaks of him as such.
CEILLIER, REMY Ceillier, Remy

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**CEILLIER,** sêl"lyê', **REMY:** French bibliographer; b. at Bar-le-duc May 14, 1688; d. at Flavigny, near Nancy, Nov. 17, 1761. He entered the Congregation of St. Vannes (reformed Benedictines) in 1705, and became titular prior of Flavigny. His great work was an *Histoire générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques, qui contient leur vie, le catalogue, la critique, le jugement, la chronologie, l'analyse, et le dénombrement des différentes éditions de leurs ouvrages; ce qu'ils renferment de plus intéressant sur le dogme, sur la morale, et sur la discipline de l'église * (23 vols., Paris, 1729-63; *Table générale des matières* by Rondet and Drouet, 2 vols., 1782, new ed., 16 vols., 1858-69). This work is brought down to the middle of the thirteenth century, and is more complete and exact than the similar undertaking of Du Pin, but is inferior in respect to style and critical judgment; it is of most value for the first six centuries, for which Ceillier was able to use Tillemont and the Benedictine editions. BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Beugnet, *Étude biographique et critique sur Dom Rémi Ceillier, * Bar-le-Duc, 1891.
CELE, JOHANNES Cele, Johannes

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**CELE, JOHANNES:** Teacher at Zwolle; b. at Zwolle, about the middle of the fourteenth century; d. there May 9, 1417. He received his early education in his native place, continued his studies in some unknown school, and, returning to Zwolle, in 1374 was entrusted with the school-management there. Having been awakened by the preaching of Gerard Groote, he thought of joining the order of Minorites, but was prevented from doing so by Groote, who advised him to complete his studies at Prague. Whether he went to Prague is not known. Depressed in mind, Cele spent some time in the monastery at Munnikhuizen and in company with Ruysbroeck. Through the influence of Groote, in spite of opposition, Cele was made rector of the school at Zwolle. He received much help from the Brethren of the Common Life and assisted them especially in the difficult task of securing houses at Zwolle for their adherents and those committed to their charge, but he did not join the brotherhood, remaining rector of the ever-growing school, which numbered 1,000 pupils. He taught Latin, grammar, and rhetoric, and expounded the Scriptures, admitting laymen to his lectures against the will of the city ministers. He founded a large library by buying and copying manuscripts. For more than forty years he stood at the head of the institution, highly esteemed for his learning and piety and his lasting influence on his pupils. The lazy and presumptuous were kept under rigid discipline. All wore the simple dress of the brethren. He had no method of his own, but labored in the spirit of his friend Groote, recognizing in a pious personality the source of all morality, and thus he gave to the growing humanism the right direction and true basis in the Christian faith and genuine piety. Many prominent men were his pupils, such as Heinrich von Herxen, Wessel Gansfort, Alexander Hegius, Rudolf Langen, Rudolf Agricola, Ludwig Dringenberg, Moritz von Spiegelberg, and Johannes Busch. L. SCHULZE. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the works mentioned in the article COMMON LIFE, BRETHREN OF THE, valuable sources for Cele are the personal reminiscences of Thomas à Kempis in the *Chronicon monasterii S. Agnetis, * ed. H. Rosweyde, p. 171, Antwerp, 1615 and of his scholar, Johannes Busch, in the *Chronicon Windeshemense, * ed. K. Grube, pp. 204-222, Halle, 1887. Consult also *ADB,* iv. 79.
CELESTINE Celestine

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**CELESTINE:** The name of five popes. **Celestine I:** Pope 422-432. He was a Roman by birth, and only a deacon when, in Sept., 422, he was raised to the episcopate. The main endeavor of his pontificate was to extend the jurisdiction of his see. To this end he made use of a conflict which had been going on for years in the African Church in order to assert the right of the Roman pontiff to receive appeals thence. He restored to communion Apiarius, an African priest who had been deposed by his bishop and had appealed to Rome under Zosimus and Boniface I. The Africans, however, in a synod at Carthage in 424 or 425, denied his right to interfere. Celestine's part in the dogmatic controversies of his time was also influenced by political considerations (see SEMI-PELAGIANISM; NESTORIUS). He died at the end of July, 432. (A. HAUCK.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: *Liber pontificalis, * ed. Duchesne, i. 230, Paris, 1886; Jaffé, *Regesta,* i. 55; Hefele, *Conciliengeschichte, * ii. 159 sqq., Eng. transl., ii. 476 sqq.; Bower, *Popes, * i. 166-186; Milman, *Latin Christianity, * i. 200-238. **Celestine II.** (Guido de Castellis): Pope 1143-1144. He was a Tuscan of noble birth, reputed to be learned and pious. He occupied the papal throne only from Sept. 26 to Mar. 8, not long enough to fulfil the hopes which his elevation had raised. (A. HAUCK.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Jaffé, *Regesta,* ii. 1; Bower, *Popes,* ii. 475. **Celestine III.** (Jacinto Bobo): Pope 1191-98. After being a cardinal forty-seven years, at eighty-five he was elected, Mar. 30 (?), 1191, the first pope of the house of Orsini. The times were troublous (see CLEMENT III.), and the aged pope, a man of mild temper and inclined to half measures, was no match for his formidable opponent Henry VI., who appeared before Rome and demanded his coronation, which Celestine was obliged to perform on the day after Easter. Henry surrendered Tusculum to him, but later forced him, in compliance with the agreement of May 31, 1188, to give it up to the Romans for destruction. From 1194 he saw the Norman kingdom, with which his predecessors had invested Tancred, in the possession of the hated Hohenstaufen. Henry refused to take the oath of fealty or to pay tribute; he appointed bishops and judged them, and gave the lands of Countess Matilda to his brother Philip in fee. Celestine did not venture to excommunicate him, but did break off relations with him, though he offered reconciliation when Henry took the cross (May 31, 1195). It soon became evident that Henry was a crusader only for political advantage, and the territory and rights of the Church were invaded in various quarters. Humiliations beset the aged pope. He was obliged to release Philip Augustus of France from his unperformed vow to free the Holy Sepulcher; and could not force the recognition of his legate in England, William of Longchamp (the bishop of Ely, Richard Coeur de Lion's chancellor), by Prince John and the barons; nor did Philip Augustus heed his admonitions against the arbitrary dissolution of his marriage with Ingeborg of Denmark and the contracting of a new one. His fear of the emperor prevented him from protesting against Richard's imprisonment; only after the English king had paid his ransom did he excommunicate Leopold of Austria. Celestine survived Henry VI. by only a few months, dying Jan. 8, 1198. (A. HAUCK.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Jaffé, *Regesta,* ii. 577; J. M. Watterich, *Pontificum Romanorum vitæ,* ii. 708, Leipsic, 1862; F. Gregorovius, *Geschichte der Stadt Rom*, iv. 591, Stuttgart, 1890, Eng. transl., iv. 626-630, 699, London, 1896; Bower, *Popes,* ii. 531-534; Hauck, *KD,* iv. 663-681. **Celestine IV.** (Galfrido di Castiglione): Pope 1241. A Milanese by birth, he was elected pope in a conclave held by permission of Frederick II. on Oct. 25. He was old and feeble, and died, before he could be consecrated, on Nov. 10. (A. HAUCK.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bower, *Popes,* ii. 559-560. **Celestine V.** (Pietro di Murrhone)**:** Pope 1294. He was born about 1215 in the Abruzzi; d. at Fumone, near Anagni, May 19, 1296. At twenty he entered the Benedictine order, and lived for years in retirement first on the Murrhone, then on the Majella, where numerous followers gathered around him (see CELESTINES). After the death of Nicholas IV. (Apr. 4, 1292), dissensions among the cardinals hindered an election, until in March, 1294, Charles II. of Naples, who needed a pope to support his designs on Sicily, took up the matter. Since there was no hope of agreeing on a cardinal, Latinos, the head of the Angevin party in the sacred college, drew his attention to the hermit of the Abruzzi, whose sanctity was universally revered; and Pietro was elected on July 5. His unfitness for high affairs of state was equally well known; the various leaders hoped to rule through him. But the remarkable choice can only be fully explained by a study of the mystical reform movement represented by Joachim of Fiore, which had spread so widely among a section of the Franciscan order. Their prominent men favored the election of Pietro enthusiastically, flocked to his coronation, and renewed their old relations with him by a formal embassy. The new pope sanctioned their observance of the rule of the order in its strictest form, and took them under his special protection, allowing them to be known by the name which he had assumed as pope. Meantime Charles was preparing to use his candidate for his own purposes; he surrounded him with Sicilian counselors, and brought him to Aquila, where he had him crowned in the presence of only three cardinals. The king's influence, however, finally induced the others to appear one by one, the last being Benedetto Gaetani, Celestine's successor as Boniface VIII., and the coronation ceremony was repeated. Celestine's whole interest was given to the promotion of monasticism; in other things he was merely a tool in the heads of Charles, who got him to create twelve Angevin cardinals, confirm his treaty with Aragon, and supply large sums of money for the Sicilian war. The strict regulation of Gregory X. for the conclave was reenacted, that Charles might have the next election also securely in his hands, and in October the curia was removed to Naples. Both the cardinals and the pope were discontented with the state of affairs, and the latter began to think of abdication, that he might be able to give himself once more wholly to his ascetic practises. The thing was without precedent, and offered great constitutional difficulties, which, when Celestine's resolve was seen to be fixed, were as far as possible removed by the legal wisdom of Gastani, and the abdication took place on Dec. 13. While Dante speaks scornfully of the pope "who made the great refusal," others lauded the act highly—Petrarch among them, who regarded it as an example of humility entitling the poor hermit to rank above the apostles and many other saints. Gaetani was later accused of having brought about the abdication by guile in order to secure his own advancement. The charge is not justified, but he undoubtedly had his eye on the tiara in view. After he had attained it, he wished to keep his predecessor with him in Rome, lest he should be used as a tool by the opposition; but the ascetic fled, and was finally taken and imprisoned in the mountain castle of Fumone, where he died the next year. He was canonized by Clement V. (HANS SCHULZ.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The older documents are collected in *ASB,* May, iv. 419-498 cf. Muratori, *Scriptores,* III. i. 613-641. Consult: A. Potthast, *Regesta pontificum Romanorum,* ii. 1915-22, Berlin, 1875; Don Josaphet, *Der heilige Papst Coelestin V.,* Fulda, 1894; F. Gregorovius, *Geschichte der Stadt Rom,* v. 490 sqq., Stuttgart, 1892, Eng. transl., v. 523-534, London, 1898; Bower, *Popes,* iii. 40-43.
CELESTINES Celestines

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**CELESTINES:** A name borne by two monastic societies which owe their origin to Pope Celestine V. (1) The *Benedictine Celestines, * known also as Moronites and Murrhonites, were originally composed of men who were members of the Benedictine order, but lived as hermits on Monte Majella in the Abruzzi from about 1258, under the guidance of the future pope Celestine, who gave them a severer rule and obtained papal confirmation for the congregation from Urban IV., probably in 1264, though the alleged bull of this year, as well as another of Gregory X. from 1274, is of doubtful genuineness. The early history of the congregation is, in fact, frequently open to critical objection; as, for example, the statement that it already had sixteen houses in 1274, when its founder is said to have gone to the general council at Lyons and attracted great attention as a wonder-worker. After about 1290, the mother house seems to have been at Monte Murrhone near Sulmona. On the founder's elevation to the papacy in 1294, he attempted by rich grants of indulgences and other privileges to give it a commanding position in the Benedictine monastic family; indeed, he aspired to reform the mother house of the whole order at Monte Cassino on the principles of his congregation. But the brevity of his pontificate prevented the execution of his plans. The congregation, however, continued to grow, until in Italy it had at the beginning of the eighteenth century ninety-six houses. Its rule, which in some points, especially as to fasting, surpasses the original Benedictine rule in strictness, was revised by Urban VIII. in 1629. The French province never got beyond twenty-one houses. In Bohemia and Lusatia the congregation had some famous seats, as at Prague, Königstein, and Oybin near Zittau, the last of which was founded by Charles IV. in 1366 and suppressed in the sixteenth century.—(2) The *Franciscan Celestines* (*Poveri eremiti di Celestino*), called also Fraticelli, were a congregation within the Franciscan order, founded in 1294, on an impulse given by Celestine V., by two of the "spiritual" sections of the order, Pietro da Macerato (Liberato) and Pietro da Fossombrone (Angelo Clareno, d. 1357). It existed down to about 1340 in nearly all its original strength as a congregation of the Minorites. See FRANCIS, SAINT, OF ASSISI, AND THE FRANCISCAN ORDER. (O. ZÖCKLER†.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: For (1) Helyot, *Ordres monastiques,* v. 51 sqq., vi. 180-191; Heimbucher, *Orden und Kongregationen,* i. 134-136 (gives the later literature); Currier, *Religious Orders,* p. 147; *KL,* iii. 582-584. For (2) Felice Tocco, *I fraticelli o poveri eremiti di Celestino,* in the *Bollettino della società storica Abruzzese,* vii. (1895) 117-159.
CELESTIUS Celestius

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**CELESTIUS.** See PELAGIUS, PELAGIANISM.
CELIBACY Celibacy

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### CELIBACY. Celibacy in the Early Church (§ 1). Marriage of the Clergy Still Permitted (§ 2). In the Early Roman Catholic Church (§ 3). The Medieval Period (§ 4). The Council of Trent on Celibacy (§ 5). Protestant Rejection of Celibacy (§ 6). ### 1. Celibacy in the Early Church. Celibacy, in the Roman Catholic Church, means the permanently unmarried state to which men and women bind themselves either by a vow or by the reception of the major orders which implies personal purity in thought and deed. The Jewish priests and high priests were married, being restricted only in the choice of a wife (Lev. xxi. 7, 8, 14, 15). In preparation for the exercise of their office, they were to abstain from commerce with their wives, which was also required of the whole people before the reception of the Law on Sinai (Ex. xix. 15). The New Testament contains no prohibition of marriage; some of the apostles were married (Matt. viii. 14; I Cor. ix. 5), and Paul recommended marriage to the heads of churches (I Tim. iii. 1), though he considered that under some circumstances it was better not to marry (I Cor. vii. 38). Very early in the history of the Church the idea grew up that the unmarried state was preferable (Hermas, I. ii. 3; Ignatius to Polycarp, v.), and grew into a positive contempt of marriage (Origen, *Hom. vi. in Num.; * Jerome, *Ad Jovinianum,* i. 4). As early as the second century examples of voluntary vows of virginity are found, and the requirement of continence before the performance of sacred functions. By the fourth century canons began to be passed in that sense (Synod of Neocæsarea, 314 A.D., canon i.; Synod of Ancyra, 314 A.D., canon x.). ### 2. Marriage of the Clergy Still Permitted. Unmarried men were preferred for ecclesiastical offices, though marriage was still not forbidden; in act, the clergy were expressly prohibited from deserting a lawfully married wife on religious grounds (Apostolic Canons, v.). The Synod of Gangra (355?) anathematized in its fourth canon, against the Eustathians, those who refused to accept the ministrations of a married priest. The stricter view prevailed so far, however, that the Council of Nicæa could speak of it as an ancient custom that priests and deacons should not marry after ordination, unless, in the case of deacons, they had expressed an intention of marrying at the time of their ordination—though both were allowed to retain wives already married, and a marriage contracted in contravention of this regulation was valid. ### 3. In the Early Roman Catholic Church. The standpoint of the Roman Church was different from this. Thus Pope Siricius declared in 385 that priestly marriage had been allowed in the Old Testament because the priests could only be taken from the tribe of Levi; but that with the abandonment of that limitation this permission had lost its force, and that "obscoenæ cupiditates" (i.e., marriage) hindered the proper performance of spiritual functions. Succeeding popes adhered to this view (cf. decretals of Innocent I., 404, 405, and Leo I., 456, 458), and the rest of the Western Church came to it (Synods of Carthage, 390, 401). Candidates for the higher orders were accordingly required to take a vow of celibacy, and from the fifth century those for the subdiaconate also. A breach of this vow entailed degradation from office, but not the nullity of the marriage. Those in minor orders were still permitted to marry, but not a widow or for the second time (Fifth Synod of Carthage, 401; Gregory I., 601). Secular legislation confirmed these regulations in so far as it forbade married men, or men who had children, to be made bishops, and even went further by declaring the marriages of those in major orders void and their children illegitimate. The Eastern Church adhered to the older legislation, with the modifications introduced by the imperial decrees just referred to; prohibited marriages were now declared void, but married men could still be admitted to orders without giving up their wives, except in the case of bishops (Council of Constantinople, 692). This system the modern Roman Catholic Church still allows for the Uniat Greeks, as explained by Benedict XIV. in the constitutions *Etsi pastoralis* (May 26, 1742) and *Eo quamvis tempore* (May 4, 1745). But within its own boundaries the Latin Church has held more and more strictly to the requirement of celibacy, though not without continual opposition on the part of the clergy. ### 4. The Medieval Period. The large number of canons on this subject enacted from the eighth century on shows that their enforcement was not easy. After the middle of the eleventh century the new ascetic tendency whose champion was Gregory VII. had a strong influence in this matter. Even before Hildebrand's accession to the papacy, the legislation of Leo IX. (1054), Stephen IX. (1058), Nicholas II. (1059), and Alexander II. (1063) had laid down the principles which as pope he was to carry out. In the synod of 1074 he renewed the definite enactment of 1059 and 1063, according to which both the married priest who said mass and the layman who received communion at his hands were excommunicate. Urban II. decreed in 1089 that the marriage of one in major orders should be punished by the loss of both office and benefice. The Councils of Reims (1119) and of the Lateran (1123) ordered that the parties to such a marriage should be separated and sent to places of penance. The Lateran Council of 1139 confirmed this provision, with the declaration "that such connection was not marriage." These strict principles were not extended to the minor orders. It is true that Alexander III. and Innocent III. prescribed the loss of clerical rank and privileges for even the holders of these in case they married; but Boniface VIII. (1298) and Clement V. (1311) reasserted the older law. ### 5. The Council of Trent on Celibacy. After the Reformation had done its work, Charles V. endeavored by the Interim of 1548 to bring about the abolition of these rules, and with several other princes requested the discussion of the question at the Council of Trent. The council, however, maintained the system as a whole, and the following rules are now in force: (1) through the reception of major orders or the taking of monastic or other solemn vows, celibacy becomes so binding a duty that any subsequent marriage is null and void. (2) Any one in minor orders who marries loses his office and the right to go on to major orders, but the marriage is valid. (3) Persons already married may receive the minor orders if they have the intention of proceeding to the major, and show this by taking a vow of perpetual abstinence; but the promotion to the higher orders can only take place when the wife expresses her willingness to go into a convent and take the veil. The Council of Trent further lays down that the functions of the minor orders may be performed by married men in default of unmarried—though not by those who are living with a second wife. In the nineteenth century attempts were not lacking, even within the Roman Catholic Church, to bring about the abolition of celibacy. They were rather hindered than helped by temporal governments, and always firmly rejected by Rome. ### 6. Protestant Rejection of Celibacy. Celibacy has been abolished among the Old Catholics; and modern legislation in Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, and Switzerland authorizes the marriage both of priests and of those who have taken a solemn vow of chastity. Austria, Spain, and Portugal still forbid it. The evangelical churches at the very outset released their clergy from the obligation of celibacy, professing to find no validity in the arguments adduced in its favor on the Roman side. The question is carefully discussed and decided against the Roman practise in the Augsburg Confession (xxiii.) and the Apology (vi.). Similar ground is taken in Art. xxxvii. of the first Helvetic Confession and Art. xxix. of the second, as well as in Art. xxxii. of the Thirty-nine Articles. Likewise disapproval is expressed of binding vows of celibacy in the Augsburg Confession (xxvii.) and Apology (xi.). (E. FRIEDBERG.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The book best worth consulting from the Protestant standpoint is H. C. Lea, *Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church * 3d ed., 2 vols., London and New York, 1907; for the Catholic presentation consult Migne, *Encyclopédie Théologique,* vol. xxv., "Célibat," Paris, 1856; *Dictionnaire de Théologie catholique,* "Célibat ecclésiastique," ib. 1905. Other treatises are: J. Schmitt, *Der Priestercölibat,* Münster, 1870; P. M. R. des Pilliers, *Le Célibat ecclésiastique, * Chambéry, 1886; *Clerical Celibacy, * Oxford, 1891; F. Chavard, *Le Célibat, le prêtre et la femme,* Paris, 1894; L. Bocquet, *Le Célibat ecclésiastique jusqu'au concile de Trente,* Paris, 1895; A. Vassal, *Le Célibat ecclésiastique au premier siècle de l'église,* ib. 1896; *Essay on the Law of Celibacy,* Worcester, n.d.; E. Carry, *Le Célibat ecclésiastique devant l'histoire et devant la conscience,* Paris, 1905; E. A. Sperry, *An Outline of the Hist. of Clerical Celibacy in Western Europe to the Council of Trent, *New York, 1906 (contains a bibliography). On the change of status in the Eng. Church consult J. Collier, *Ecclesiastical History,* ii. 262 sqq., London, 1714, and G. Burnet, *History of the Reformation, * ii. 84 sqq., ib. 1715. The subject of celibacy is treated at greater or less length in the church histories, e.g., Neander, *Christian Church,* consult the Index.
CELL Cell

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**CELL:** Usually the room or hut in which a monk, nun, hermit, or friar lives, but also a dependency of a large monastery, ruled by a prior, dean, or abbot, who was the virtual choice of the abbot of the mother house. Such "cells" were frequently country houses which with the grounds were bestowed upon the abbey as a source of revenue, as the monks living therein had to pay a certain part of their revenue to the mother house. Sometimes the "cell" was an important building, as Tynemouth Priory near Newcastle, England, which was a "cell" of the Benedictine abbey of St. Albans (20 m. n. of London); or Bermondsey, which was a "cell" of the Cluniac abbey of La Charité (140 m. s. of Paris). Originally a "cell" was an oratory erected over the grave of a martyr or saint.
CELLARIUS Cellarius

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**CELLARIUS.** See BORRHAUS, MARTIN.
CELLITES (CELLITÆ) Cellites (Cellitæ)

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**CELLITES (CELLITÆ).** See ALEXIANS; BEGHARDS, BEGUINES.
CELSUS Celsus

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**CELSUS:** A pagan philosopher and controversialist against Christianity. ### Origen's Contra Celsum. In the period of peace which the Church enjoyed under the emperor Philip in the year 248, Origen brought to notice, by an exhaustive reply (the *Contra Celsum*), a treatise written about seventy years earlier against Christianity by a highly educated Platonist. The occasion of this reply may have been the celebration in that year of the thousandth anniversary of the founding of Rome, which gave the Christians reason to fear religious excitement on the part of the pagan population. Origen gives the arguments of Celsus sometimes word for word, sometimes in substance; in the latter case there is little abbreviation and not many omissions, so that there is very fair material for an attempt to reconstruct the original text of Celsus. This attempt was first made, not very systematically or successfully, by Jachmann in 1836; in 1873 Keim undertook a restoration of Celsus in a German version which, in spite of its defects, has many merits, and this was partially improved on in the French version of Aubé in 1878. The recent reconstruction by Neumann in the Greek shows that not more than one-tenth of the original has been lost, and that three-fourths of what we have is word-for-word quotation. ### The "True Discourse" of Celsus. The "True Discourse" of Celsus was composed in the last years of Marcus Aurelius. It notices the rescript of that emperor, issued in 177 (or 176 at the earliest), against popular tumults caused by the introduction of a new religion (viii, 69). In viii. 71 the author speaks of two emperors reigning at the time, which fixes the date in the joint rule of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, from 177 to 180. He was thus at least a contemporary of the Celsus to whom Lucian dedicated his "Alexander," and some have supposed the two to be identical. Lucian's friend, however, was an Epicurean, while our Celsus, in spite of Origen, stands out clearly as a Platonist; and the books kata magon (Lucian, *Alex.,* lxi.; Origen, i. 68, kata mageian do not seem to fit in with the conception and tone of the "True Discourse." The latter, though usually divided into eight books, seems to have been but one originally; and, according to Origen (viii. 76), Celsus intended to write another, "in which he engaged to supply practical rules of living to those who felt disposed to embrace his opinions." In iv. 36 Origen mentions two more books written by a Celsus whose identity with ours he leaves uncertain; but as he seems to know nothing of these, it is at least possible that he has misunderstood a notice referring to the two already mentioned: Keim, followed by Pélagaud, places the home of Celsus in the West, probably in Rome, where he thinks the "True Discourse" was written—partly on the ground that the Jew depicted by Celsus is a Roman and not an Eastern Jew. The old view, adopted also by Aubé; that the book was composed in the East, probably in Alexandria, rested upon its accurate knowledge of Egypt; and this view might be supported by the contention that as a matter of fact Celsus's Jew is really not the Roman type, but belongs to those Eastern Jewish circles in which the doctrine of the Logos was familiar; thus in Origen, ii. 31, the Jew of Celsus says, "If your Logos is the Son of God, we also give our assent to the same." ### Criticism of Celsus. After the introduction, there follow objections against Christianity from the Jewish standpoint, which should be compared with Justin's dialogue with Trypho. With book iii. begins the direct attack, which is directed not against Christianity alone, but also against Judaism, although a slight preference is shown for the latter. Celsus shows a good knowledge of Genesis and Exodus; Aubé; thinks he can prove an acquaintance with the Prophets and with the Psalms, and a reference to Jonah and Daniel is indeed found in vii. 53. His knowledge of Christianity is sufficient to be of some value to the historian of today, and Harnack has used it in his *Dogmengeschichte. * The manner in which Celsus employs the New Testament corresponds to the stage of development of the canon which the Acts of the Martyrs of Scili show in 180. He knew and used our Gospels, showing a preference for the synoptic type; his acquaintance with the Acts is disputed, while familiarity, with Pauline ideas, though not with the epistles themselves, is generally admitted. Gnosticism he knew well; his relation to Marcion needs further investigation. His whole criticism is not irreligious; it is that of a pious pagan of Platonic tendencies, though his Platonism is that of his age, as we meet with it, for example, in Plutarch. It is the religion of well-to-do, self-confident people, and shows no conception of those crying needs of the time which helped Christianity to spread so rapidly, of the reasons why it was welcomed by the poor and oppressed. Again, he fails to appreciate the significance of the church idea, though he under stands the relation of the local communities to the Church at large (v. 59, 61), and knows that all Christians do not belong to the latter (iii. 12). But it presents itself to him rather in its opposition to the Gnostic sects than as a great bond of unity, whose importance he undervalues while seeing in the conflict of sects a sign of weakness. Still, Christianity seems to him important enough to make him desirous of winning back its adherents; and he closes, not, as he began (i. 1), with the accusation of secret and illegal association, but with the hope that an understanding may be reached. ### Later History of His Work. The book had no influence on the attitude of the Roman government, and scarcely a trace of acquaintance with it can be found in classical literature. Such traces have been seen, on the other hand, in Minucius Felix and in the *Apologeticum * of Tertullian; but Origen was the first to call general attention to it. The Neoplatonic controversialists naturally went back to it; certain fundamental thoughts reappear in Porphyry, whom Julian follows, and the LçgoifilalÐqeiv ("Truth-loving Discourses") of Hierocles point to it in their very title. Meantime, however, the canon of the New Testament had been completed, and it was possible for assaults on Christianity to take the form of assaults on its sacred writings. Later Christian antiquity saw the typical literary attack from the pagan side not in Celsus but in Porphyry; Theodosius II. ordered the books of Porphyry, not those of Celsus or of Julian, to be burned in 448. (K. I. NEUMANN.) According to the account of Origen, the principal charges brought by Celsus against Christianity were as follows. The Christians were members of illegal secret associations which were necessary to them because they would suffer death if their practises were known. The origins, of Christianity were derived from secondary sources, some of these even barbarous, and Moses himself simply borrowed the ordinances which he promulgated. The alleged divinity of Jesus can not be proved from his miracles, since they were the mere tricks of a juggler, while the indications of his life and character are equally against the doctrine. Jewish converts to Christianity were ipso facto renegades, since the new religion was no improvement upon the old. Both the Jewish and the Christian religions were really rebellious against the state. The alleged theophanies were really the appearances of demons, and the Christian eschatology is irrational and incredible. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best edition of Origen's *Contra Celsum* is by P. Koetschau, Leipsic, 1899, and the translation is most accessible in *ANF,* iv. 395 sqq. T. Keim, *Celsus' Wahres Wort,* Zurich, 1893, puts together in German the quotations by Origen and so reconstructs the original text. Consult: K. R. Jachmann, *De Celso philosopho,* Königsberg; 1836; B. Aubé, *La Polémique paienne à la fin du deuxième siècle,* Paris, 1878; E. Pelagaud, *Un conservateur au second siècle. Étude sur Celse,* Lyons, 1873; C. Bigg, *Christian Platonists of Alexandria,* pp. 254-268, Oxford, 1886; idem, *Neoplatonism,* pp. 98-118, London, 1895; K. J. Neumann, *Der römische Staat und die allgemeine Kirche,* i. 58-59, 256-273, Leipsic, 1890; J. A. Robinson, *On the Text of Origen Contra Celsum,* in *Journal of Philology, * xviii. (1890) 288-296; P. Koetschau, *Die Gliederung des Alethes Logos des Celsus,* in *JPT* xviii. (1892) 604-632; J. Patrick, *Apology of Origen,* Edinburgh, 1892; F. M. Müller, *Die wahre Geschichte des Celsus,* in *Deutsche Rundschau,* lxxxiv. (1895) 79-97; Harnack, *History of Dogma,* vols. i. ii., passim, Boston, 1895-97; idem, *Litteratur,* II. i. 314-315; A. C. McGiffert, in his edition of Eusebius, *NPNF,* i. 278-279; Moeller, *Christian Church,* i. 169-170; Neander, *Christian Church, * vol. i., passim; Schaff, *Christian Church,* ii. 89-93; *DCB,* i. 435-436.
CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland

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Origin and Early History, to c. 500. In Britain. Heresies (§ 1). In Ireland. Native Tradition of Origin (§ 1). The Tradition Unreliable (§ 2). Prosper's Palladius the Same as Patrick (§ 3). True Origin of the Irish Church (§ 4). St. Patrick (§ 5). In North Britain (Alba). Development and Full Maturity, 500-800. In Britain. The Church in Wales (§ 1). The British Church and Augustine (§ 2). In Ireland and North Britain. The Irish Church not Revived from Wales in the Sixth Century (§ 1). Learning of the Irish Monks (§ 2). Travels and Missionary Labors (§ 3). North Britain Christianized (§ 4). Relations with Rome (§ 5). The Patrick Legend (§ 6). Conforms to Roman Usage (§ 7). Complete Assimilation to the Roman Church, 800-1200. In Wales. In Ireland. Incursions of the Norsemen (§ 1). Irish Monks on the Continent (§ 2). Rise of Armagh (§ 3). The Culdees (§ 4). Final Subjection to Rome (§ 5). In North Britain. Some General Considerations. Reason for the Divergences from Rome (§ 1). Consecration by a Single Bishop (§ 2). Monastic Character of the Irish Church (§ 3). The Celtic and Roman Spirit (§ 4). Relics (§ 5). By the Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland is meant the Christian Church which existed in parts of Great Britain and Ireland before the mission of Augustine (597), and which for some time thereafter maintained its independence by the aide of the new Anglo-Roman Church. It comprises two branches, one in Roman Britain and a continuation of it in Wales, the other in Ireland and Alba (Scotland). ### I. Origin and Early History, to c. 500 ### 1. In Britain: There is no trustworthy account of the introduction of Christianity into Britain. That the British Church of the first half of the sixth century had no knowledge or tradition of the time or manner may be inferred from the silence of Gildas. The Lucius story may be dismissed at once as fabulous (see ELEUTHERUS; CHUR, BISHOPRIC OF). Foreign writers give no more reliable information than the native sources. The arguments of Warren (pp. 46-62) for the introduction of Christianity into Britain from Greek churches in Lyons and Vienne as a consequence of the persecutions under Marcus Aurelius are not convincing [cf. F. Haverfield, *Early British Christianity, * in *The English Historical Review,* xi. (1896) 418, n. 2]. It is more probable that the Gospel came to the island by ordinary intercourse with other countries, and Gaul and the Lower Rhine lands are those of which it is most natural to think. Had there been organized or individual missionary effort, tradition would have preserved names. That Christianity was widely spread in Britain by the beginning of the third century can hardly be inferred from the notices in Tertullian and Origen (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 3-4), which are too rhetorical to be safe testimonies. It does seem certain, however, that much progress was made during the third century. This rests, not upon the sixth-century tradition of martyrs in Britain during the Diocletian persecution, which probably did not have any noteworthy extension into Britain (cf. Haddan and Stubbs, i. 5-6), but upon the fact that three bishops, a presbyter, and a deacon from York, Lincoln [according to others Colchester or Carleonon-Usk], and London took part in the Synod of Arles in 316 (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 7). The towns from which they came as well as the localities assigned for the martyrdoms mentioned by Gildas (St. Albans, Carleon-on-Usk) show distinctly that Christianity first took firm foothold in the cities and stations of the Roman highways. ### 1. Heresies. The records are sufficient to show that throughout the fourth century there was a well-organized Church in Britain which stood in constant touch with the rest of the Church, particularly in Gaul, and considered itself an active member of that body (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 7-12). British bishops attended the synod summoned at Ariminum (Rimini) by Constantius in 359 [Haddan and Stubbs, i. 9-10], and their presence shows that their Church was drawn into general doctrinal disputes. Gildas maintains that it was much injured by Arianism (p. 32, ll. 20-25). His testimony is controverted by that of Hilary of Poitiers (c. 358) and Athanasius (363; both in Haddan and Stubbs, i. 7, 9). But it must be admitted that Arian views found acceptance in Britain during the second half of the fourth century, and as the Roman power was waning there from that time on, it is conceivable that such views may have lingered and found expression se late as 600, possibly in the baptismal formula (cf. F. C. Conybeare, *The Character of the Heresy of the Early British Church, * in the *Transactions of the Society of Cymmrodorion,* 1897-98, pp. 84-117). It is noteworthy that a life of Gildas written in the eleventh century, but based upon materials taken from the sixth century, and a life of Patrick of the second half of the seventh century lay stress on their devotion to the Holy Trinity (*Chronica minora,* iii. 95, ll. 8-9; *Tripartite Life,* ii. 273, ll. 12-13; 286, ll. 6-7); and Gregory the Great is said to have suspected Columba of not being quite sound in the doctrine (Bernard and Atkinson, i. 64, ii. 25). It is certain that Pelagianism appeared in Britain during the fifth century (see AGRICOLA). Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, was sent thither in 429, and "overthrew the heretics and directed the Britons to the Catholic faith" (Prosper of Aquitaine, *Chronicle, * anno 429). Some years later, on a second mission, he completed the extirpation of Pelagianism in the island (*Vita Germani, * used by Bede, i. 17, 21). Gildas, writing a century later, does not mention the heresy. For a hundred years after the mission of Germanus nothing is heard of the Church in Britain. The land was abandoned by the Romans, and the Anglo-Saxon conquest caused Christianity to disappear completely from the East. With those Britons who kept their independence it found a refuge in the mountains of the West, whence it gradually comes again into view in the sixth century (see below, II., 1). ### 2. In Ireland: ### 1. Native Tradition of Origin. There is native tradition of the introduction of Christianity into Ireland, the two oldest records of which can scarcely be dated earlier than the last quarter of the seventh century. They are (1) the life of Patrick, written by Muirchu Maccu-Machtheni at the wish of Bishop Aed of Sletty (d. 698), and (2) the collections of a certain Tirechan, a pupil of Ultan of Ardbrechan (d. 656), based upon information about Patrick which his teacher had communicated to him personally or had left in his papers. Both records, but with additions and amplifications, are in the Book of Armagh ( *Liber Ardmachanus*), the several parts of which were written between 807 and 846. In brief this native tradition is as follows: In 431 Ireland was entirely heathen. In that year Pope Celestine I. sent a certain Palladius to preach to the people, but he turned back and died in Britain. His place was at once (c. 432) taken by a Briton, Patrick, who in his youth had been a prisoner in Ireland. He evangelized the entire land, founded churches everywhere, ordained bishops and presbyters, and died (459) universally revered as the head of the Church, in which he held a sort of metropolitan rank, with his see at Armagh in Ulster. ### 2. The Tradition Unreliable. Everything discredits the authenticity of this tradition. (1) It represents Patrick as a personality comparable to Martin of Tours or Columba, the apostle to the Picts; such men do not fail to find a biographer among their admirers and associates; their fame grows and is spread in the next generation. But the name of Patrick does not appear till the second third of the seventh century, and then it is in the letter of Cummian to the abbot Seghine of Iona, in connection with the introduction of the Dionysian (!) paschal computation, which is ascribed to him. He is not mentioned in the full report of the Synod of Whitby (664), although the arguments were historical and the Irish referred to the traditions of their forefathers and to Columba (Bede, iii. 25). Bede must have been well informed concerning the Church in North Ireland and his interest in the beginnings of Christianity in the British Isles was keen; yet he says nothing about Patrick in his *Historia ecclesiastica. * It seems impossible that there can have existed in the North of Ireland in the seventh century a tradition of a founder of the Irish Church called Patrick. And yet it is in the North (at Armagh) that the tradition (the first reports of which come from the South) represents Patrick as having his see and ending his days. (2) The tradition describes the Irish Church as *episcopal, * dependent on Patrick's see of Armagh. But as a matter of fact the Church of Columba and of Finnian of Clonard, i.e., from the end of the fifth century, is a *monastic church without central organization * and with no traces of such a past as the tradition presupposes. How intensely the Irish cling to the customs of their fathers was shown at Whitby; it took four hundred years to transform this monastic church of the sixth and seventh centuries even after the theoretical acceptance of an episcopal constitution. If, then, the organization was so fundamentally changed within one generation, as it must have been if the tradition be correct, an explanation is needed. And none is forthcoming. (3) There is good reason to believe that Ireland was not entirely heathen in 431. The island is easily accessible from Britain; and active intercourse, particularly between the Southwest of Britain and the Southeast of Ireland, existed as early as the third and fourth centuries (cf. Zimmer, *Nennius vindicatus,* pp. 85-93, Berlin, 1893; Kuno Meyer, *Early Relations Between Gael and Brython, * in the *Transactions of the Society of Cymmrodorion, * 1895-96, pp. 55-86). As has been seen, there was a well-organized British Church in the fourth century. It is natural to assume, then, that Christianity was carried to Ireland from Britain before the time assigned to Patrick. And the assumption is corroborated by certain saints' lives, particularly those of Declan, Ailbe, Ibhar, Ciaran, and Abban (*ASB,* July, v. 590-608; Sept., iv. 26-31; Apr., iii. 173; Mar., i. 389-399; Oct., xii. 270-293; cf. also Ussher, *Antiquitates, * ed. of 1687, pp. 408 sqq.). In all these lives Patrick figures as "Archbishop of Ireland," but this is due to the time of redaction. These same men are not only Patrick's contemporaries, but *older * contemporaries, *independent of him, * and recognized as the apostles of their districts. Their locality is the Southeast, the coast counties of Wicklow, Wexford, and Waterford, and the adjoining inland counties of Kilkenny and Tipperary, where local testimonies to their cult still survive. Further evidence may be found in the fact that the two lives of Patrick, mentioned above, limit his activity to the North. The Patrick legend originated in the South and was forced upon the North from the time of Cummian's letter, the object being to win over the North Irish to conformity with the Roman Church. But this alone does not explain the silence of the lives concerning the South. It must be that, while the Southerners were willing to acknowledge Patrick theoretically as apostle of the North with his see at Armagh, hoping thereby to win over the mainstay of the opposing party, the abbot-bishop of Armagh, the traditions in the South concerning the founders of the monasteries there were too well known to admit of a description of Patrick as the apostle of the South. A third testimony is the fact that Ireland cherished the memory of the heresiarch Pelagius and was well acquainted with his writings (cf. Bede, ii. 19). In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, the Irish Church possessed the original *unmutilated* commentary of Pelagius (when it had disappeared everywhere else in the West) and knew that Pelagius was the author. Pelagius may himself have been an Irishman (cf. Jerome, in *MPL, * xxiv. 682a, 758b). He was a sincere and earnest thinker and did not adopt heretical views until he went to Rome (c. 400). His learning was great and would naturally gratify the pride of his countrymen. If he came from a monastery of southeastern Ireland, it is easy to understand how his books were brought thither and how they came to be preserved. But, whatever may have been the nationality of Pelagius, his celebrity in Ireland is incompatible with the Patrick legend. Pelagianism was annihilated in the Roman State and See by Honorius and Zosimus in 418. In 429 Germanus successfully combated it in Britain. If, then, Ireland was wholly heathen in 431 and Patrick Christianized the land and organized its Church, he must himself have carried Pelagianism thither—which is, of course, absurd. But if the South was already Christian in the first quarter of the fifth century, it is quite comprehensible how Pelagianism found its way to the island. (4) Linguistic facts prove that Christianity came to Ireland from Britain. British and Irish are Celtic tongues, but certain differences of sound had developed by the fourth century. Ecclesiastical and other loan-words, introduced into Irish from Latin with the Christian religion, show forms hard to explain if they came directly from the Latin, but quite comprehensible if they came, through the medium of British (cf. Güterbock, *Lateinische Lehnwörter im Irischen,* pp. 91 sqq. Leipsic, 1882). Patrick himself was a Briton, it is true; but he is said to have studied on the Continent, and his associates are represented as of Romance origin ( *Tripartite Life,* ii. 273, 305; Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 292). (5) Among the writings attributed to the supposed apostle of Ireland are two, the so-called "Confession" and the "Epistle Concerning Coroticus," which are undoubtedly authentic. They are the work of a man "unlearned and rustic, not at all such a one as later times extolled with the highest praises" (Schöll, p. 71; cf. p. 68), or one who could have founded in the fifth century the Irish Church—a Church in which from the sixth to the ninth century Christian and classical learning were united as nowhere else in the West. Moreover, the "Confession" is the work of a man looking back upon a long life, complaining bitterly of ingratitude, trying to defend himself from the reproach of having presumed to undertake a calling above his capabilities, and threatening to turn his back on Ireland because he recognizes the failure of his life's work there. And he makes not the slightest mention of ever having consecrated a bishop or established a single church in the island. (6) Finally there is the definite statement of Prosper of Aquitaine ( *Chron., * anno 431) that Pope Celestine "ordained Palladius and sent him as their first bishop to the Irish believers in Christ." Prosper was probably in Rome in 431 and issued the first edition of his "Chronicle," which contains the statement quoted, in 433. Here then is a record, as certain and credible as may be, which confirms the supposition that the Irish, in part at any rate, were Christians in 431. The meaning of Prosper's expression "first bishop" is clear, bearing in mind the organization of the Irish Church. Palladius was the first bishop canonically ordained according to Prosper's view, in distinction from the missionary and monastic bishops of the Irish Church during the fifth century. In his later *Liber contra collatorem * (written probably about 437), in the course of a fulsome eulogy of Celestine, Prosper states that "while he [Celestine] endeavored to keep the Roman island [Britain] Catholic, he made also the barbarous island [Ireland] Christian" (in *MPL,* li. 271b-c). But a rhetorical statement of this sort does not impair the value of the careful entry in the "Chronicle." Moreover, the supposition that Celestine ordained a simple deacon—for such Palladius still was in 431—as bishop of a land considered wholly heathen is in itself untenable. It was not customary to consecrate "bishops" for lands where there were no Christians. Augustine was sent by Gregory to preach to the Angles; but he was not consecrated till he had made converts among them. ### 3. Prosper's Palladius the Same as Patrick. Before attempting to reconstruct the early history of Christianity in Ireland, it must be noted that the historical Patrick and Prospers Palladius are the same. Various reasons may be mentioned: (1) Palladius went from Rome to the Irish Christians in 431; Patrick appeared in Ireland in 432. In view of the difficulties of travel of the time, it is hardly conceivable that two different persons should have been despatched to Ireland within the space of one year. (2) Palladius went as the ordained bishop of the Irish Christians; Patrick (in the first sentence of the "Epistle") calls himself with emphasis the appointed bishop for Ireland. (3) Palladius is first mentioned by Prosper under the year 429 as instigating the mission of Germanus against Pelagianism, from which it may be inferred that Palladius was a Briton and stood in somewhat intimate relations with Germanus. This is true of Patrick according to his own testimony and statements of the lives ("Confession," Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 309, ll. 1-4; *Tripartite Life,* ii. 370, ll. 9-14; lives, ib. ii. 272, Il. 4-5; 302, ll. 19-23). (4) If Palladius was a Briton, his Romanized name, according to the general custom of the time, should be a translation of his native name. Hence the latter should have some such signification as "war like" or "having to do with war." Patrick's British name was Sucat (Muirchu, *Tripartite Life,* ii. 494, l. 6; Tirechan, ibid. 302, l. 5; Fiacc's Hymn, ibid. 404-405), composed of su, "good," and cat, "war," a word still in use in modern Welsh in the form *hygad,* signifying "warlike." If, as was but natural, he resumed his native name on reaching Ireland and the name Palladius first became known there from Prospers work, it is easy to understand how the idea of two persons arose. As for the name Patrick, it is not improbable that Sucat-Palladius assumed it himself. He was especially proud of his alleged aristocratic descent (cf. his words in Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 316, ll. 15-17; 306, ll. 26-27; *Tripartite Life,* ii. 377, ll. 19-22; 368, ll. 1-2), which, however, was not so distinguished as he would make out. In Rome at that time the title *Patricius* was often conferred upon high officials of the empire to indicate rank. The somewhat narrow-minded Sucat, applying Roman conditions to the little British country town of Bannaventa, where his father had been senator or mayor, may have taken to himself the title *Patricius,* and so figured in Ireland as Sucat Patricius, and in his writings merely as Patricius. If this name entered into the Irish vernacular of the fifth century, according to linguistic laws it should appear in Irish of the seventh century as Cathrige or Cothrige. And it is a fact that a number of sources (Tirechan, Fiacc's Hymn, and others) state that Patrick was also called Cothrige. ### 4. True Origin of the Irish Church. As a result of the foregoing argument, the origin and early history of the Celtic Church in Ireland seems to be as follows: Christianity was brought to Ireland from Britain during the fourth century as a natural outcome of the close intercourse between southwest Britain and southeast Ireland. The actual foundation of a Church, extending over large parts of the island, must be regarded as a result of that first great wave of monasticism which swept over Gaul and Britain from the middle of the fourth century and carried a number of half-Romanized Christian Britons to Ireland. Two facts confirm this view: (1) The great repute of Martin of Tours in Ireland, so great that in the ninth century it was thought desirable to bring the new apostle, Patrick, into close relations with Martin, and he was even accounted the latter's nephew. (2) The difference between the organization of the Irish Church and that of the British Church from which it sprang. Just how fast and how far Christianity spread can not be ascertained, but it seems safe to say that the northeast coast was Christian about 400. It is noteworthy that Patrick, in the two passages of the "Confession" where he speaks of his six years' captivity in North Ireland (Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 296, ll. 5 sqq.; 300, ll. 16 sqq.; *Tripartite Life,* ii. 357, ll. 7 sqq.; 361, ll. 19 sqq.), does not intimate by a single word that the Irish with whom he lived were heathen. This is the more remarkable since he dwells with horror on the paganism of the pirates into whose hands he fell when he made his escape (Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 301, l. 16-303, l. 2; *Tripartite Life, * ii. 362, l. 19-363, l. 34). No doubt the Saxons drove a number of Christian Britons into Ireland, as well as to the Armorican coast of Gaul, during the fifth century. ### 5. St. Patrick. A Briton named Sucat played a prominent part in the Irish Church during the second third of the fifth century. The following outline of his life is based upon his own statements in the "Confession," and the notices of Prosper, interpreted as above. He was born about 386 in the borough of Bannaventa in central Britain, probably near the modern Daventry in Northamptonshire. His family possessed some wealth and had been Christian for generations. He led an easy worldly life until the age of sixteen (402), when plundering Irish carried him off as a slave to North Ireland. For six years (402-408) he was a swineherd. Reflection and changed circumstances made him a new man. He practised austerities, saw visions, and heard voices which counseled him to flee. He reached the coast and fell in there with heathen (doubtless Saxons), who took him to Britain and led him about the country for sixty days. Then he escaped and finally arrived at his home (408 or 409). There he became a deacon. His visions continued, and eventually he came to believe himself called to be the bishop of Ireland. In his native place, where he was looked upon as an enthusiast, narrowminded, and of defective education, obstacles arose to his consecration. His parents and friends were against it. So he left home at the age of thirty-eight (c. 424), and followed the old road by way of Auxerre (where he stayed some time with Germanus), through the Rhone valley, by way of Arles, along the coast of Provence and the Lerinian islands, through Upper Italy, to Rome. If Ultan may be believed (Tirechan, *Tripartite Life, * ii. 302, ll. 19-23), he spent seven years wandering through Gaul and Italy. His barbarian name was Latinized into Palladius. At Rome he gained influence probably the more readily since for twenty years Britain had been separated from the empire and the connection between the British Church and Rome had become difficult. Perhaps also he exaggerated his family's position and influence to the leading ecclesiastical circles. In 429 he was instrumental in sending Germanus of Auxerre to Britain, and in 431 he attained his heart's desire and was consecrated *episcopus * for Ireland. He reached Ireland in 432, dropped the Roman translation of his name, and assumed in its stead the title *Patricaus. * There are no trustworthy details of his activity in Ireland. But he was never recognized as its "appointed bishop." In the letter on Coroticua he says complainingly "although now I am despised by some," and in the "Confession," written near the end of his life, he characterizes himself as " despised by most." His very limited literary education may well have aroused the scorn and derision of his more cultured associates. How far he extended his missionary efforts in Connaught and the Northwest, where there must still have been opportunity for such work, can hardly be ascertained from the "Confession," the only source of any authority. Its words are those of a monkish ascetic to whom *convertere ad deum* is identical with "to enter a monastery," and definite inferences can not be drawn from its statements. There are some indications of the locality where the historical Patrick lived. Muirchu (*Tripartite Life, * ii. 275, l. 13) says that the legendary Patrick landed at a port called *Hostium Dee, * near the present Wicklow. As the tendency of the legend required Patrick to settle in the North as soon as possible, it is probable that an item, of true tradition is preserved here. Muirchu was himself from County Wicklow and used the "Confession" and "Epistle" of Sucat as sources of his life. Aed, at whose request Muirchu wrote, was bishop of Sletty in Queen's County, near Carlow. Cummian, who was the first to mention the legendary Patrick, was also a native of the South. Therefore the South of Ireland possessed the material left by the historical Patrick (the *Confessio * and the *Epistola*) as well as notices of his life. Hence it is probable that Patrick settled somewhere in County Wicklow. He died Mar. 17, 459, according to the statement in the Luxeuil Calendar and the most trustworthy entries of the Annals. He was soon forgotten save in the district of his special activity; and here, in the seventh century, under the influence of a specific tendency, he was resurrected and made the apostle of the Irish, as Augustine was the apostle of the Saxons and Columba of the Picts. It is not possible to say definitely why Patrick does not mention his consecration by Pope Celestine in the "Confession." But it may be recalled that for three hundred years the Roman Empire was a standing menace to the liberty of the Irish. Without doubt bitter feelings and hatred were still alive in 432, and the Irish were not likely to distinguish carefully between spiritual and temporal Rome. If, therefore, when Patrick arrived in Ireland he tried to impress the Christian Irish with his ordination by Celestine, he must soon have found out his mistake. With his religious feelings and views, Patrick would look upon Celestine merely as the instrument of God, who had himself appeared to him in visions and dreams and appointed him apostle to the Irish. And it was only natural that to the old man on the brink of the grave Celestine's slight and casual intervention in his life should fade away before the image of God Almighty, whose chosen one he was. (For other views concerning St. Patrick, see the article PATRICK, SAINT.) ### 3. In North Britain (Alba): From statements by Beda (iii. 4) we know that a Briton named Nynia (St. Ninian) founded a monastery on the peninsula of Wigtown, in the extreme Southwest of Scotland, about 400, and thence spread Christianity among the Picts south of the Grampians. The germs of the young faith seem to have been destroyed in the confusion which arose in North Britain early in the fifth century. In two passages of his letter concerning Coroticus Patrick with evident anger calls the Picts "apostates" (Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 314, l. 13; 318, l. 5; *Tripartite Life, * ii. 375, l. 26; 379, l. 7). Coroticus was probably a king of the Strathclyde Britons, ruling near the modern Dumbarton between 420 and 450. His subjects were Christians; and as Patrick does not reproach the Irish (*Scotti*), living to the northwest, with paganism, it may be that they also, like their countrymen on the opposite coast of Antrim, were Christians. ### II. Development and Full Maturity, 500—800. ### 1. In Britain: ### 1. The Church in Wales. The British Church reappears in Wales in the second third of the sixth century, and is the direct continuation of the Church of the fourth century. That the latter consisted mainly of Roman residents of the towns while the Britons in the country remained heathen, and that the Celtic Church first arose after the withdrawal of the Romans, is an opinion based upon defective knowledge of conditions in Roman and post-Roman Britain and is disproved by the fact that the Christian missionaries to Ireland in the fourth century and the Christians who settled in Armorica in the fifth spoke British, i.e., they were native Britons, not Roman occupants of the country. The external organization of the sixth century, however, is not an uninterrupted development from the fourth. When the Britons fled from the Saxons to the thinly populated hill-regions of the West, they found there no cities to serve as centers of ecclesiastical organization. But monasticism, which had flourished in Britain from the end of the fourth century, soon created new centers. Dioceses were formed, each based on the monastery of a clan and comprising the territory belonging to the clan. In time these were combined into larger organisms, and during the seventh century the ecclesiastical organization of Wales was definitively fixed by the constitution of four bishoprics, corresponding to the four political divisions, viz.: Bangor on Menai Straits in Gwynedd; St. Asaph in the Northeast in Powys; Menevia (St. David's) in the Southwest in Dyfed; and Llandaff in the Southeast in Gwent. They were independent of one another and based on the chief monasteries of the territories named. Abbot and bishop were generally the same. According to the *Annales Cambriæ, * the founders of the four bishoprics died in 584 (Daniel of Bangor), 601 (David of Menevia), and 612 (Dubricius of Llandaff and Kentigern of St. Asaph). ### 2. The British Church and Augustine. The result of Gregory's mission to the Saxons (see ANGLO-SAXONS, CONVERSION OF THE; AUGUSTINE, SAINT, OF CANTERBURY) was to intensify and perpetuate the isolation from which the British Church already suffered. Two conferences were held between its representatives and Augustine (602 or 603), but the Britons rejected the proposals of the Roman missionary and refused to have him for archbishop (Bede, ii. 2; cf. Bright, pp. 86-93). Augustine's unskilful management may have contributed to the result—he is said to have offended the Britons by not rising to meet them—but he offered to overlook all other differences if the Britons on their part would accept the Roman computation for Easter, would remove divergences from Roman practise in the baptismal rite; and would join him in preaching the Gospel to the Saxons. The third requirement was probably the chief obstacle, and union was not effected because the Britons regarded the missionary as the representative of their hated foes. In his disappointment Augustine is said to have threatened the obstinate Celts with death at the hands of the English if they would not preach to them the way of life. Eight, or perhaps twelve, years after Augustine's death Ethelfrid, the heathen king of Northumbria, massacred a large company of British priests and the monks of Bangor at Chester, and the prophecy was thought to be fulfilled. When the South Irish Church conformed to Rome, about 630, the Welsh Church was cut off on both sides, and this isolation proved fatal to its spiritual culture. Its most eminent representative in the sixth century is Gildas, and after him there is no one of greater literary merit than Nennius at the end of the eighth century. According to the *Annales Cambriæ,* Elbodug, bishop of Bangor, adopted the Roman Easter computation in 768: the *Chronicle of Welsh Princes* gives the date as 755 and says that South Wales followed in 777 (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 203-204). But opposition did not cease at that time, for the same source says that when Elbodug died in 809 "a great controversy arose because of Easter." ### 2. In Ireland and North Britain: ### 1. The Irish Church not Revived from Wales in the Sixth Century. The earliest native and foreign sources show a flourishing church in Ireland in the sixth century. Its type is that of a mission-church, resting not on the labors of a single man, but growing, without central organization, in a land divided among many clans, through the constant activity of a missionary monkhood. It is the natural development of the seed sown in southeastern Ireland by British missionaries from the middle of the fourth century, springing up and increasing undisturbed by outside influences. This view is quite different from the prevalent one, which assumes, on the one hand, a complete collapse of the Irish Church at the end of the fifth century, and, on the other hand, a revival in the sixth century due to the influence of the Welsh Church, and particularly of such men as Gildas Cadoc, and David. A collapse about 500 is inexplicable, and is assumed only because necessitated by the Patrick legend and the hypothesis of a revival from Britain in the sixth century. This hypothesis rests upon: (1) statements concerning the activity of Gildas in Ireland, made in his life written at Ruys in Brittany in the eleventh century; (2) the view of the Irish Church of the fifth and sixth centuries found in the eighth century *Catalogus sanctorum Hiberniæ*; 1 and (3) notes of certain saints' lives [such as that of St. Disibod], certainly not older than the eleventh or twelfth century (cf. Haddan and Stubbs, i. 115, n.a.). On the other hand, a mere enumeration of dates shows that the Irish Church was in no need of revival. Finnian of Clonard, the father of the "twelve apostles of Ireland," died in 548. Columbia founded the monastery of Derry about 546 and Durrow before 560. Ciaran founded Clonmacnoise 541 and died 548. Comgall founded Bangor in Ulster 554 or 558. Brendan founded Clonfert in Longford 552. In 563 Columba went to Iona. The authority of an eleventh-century monk of Ruys is not to be put above such evidence as this. Nor can the statements of ignorant authors of saints' lives, who confuse different centuries, furnish the basis for a historical construction at variance with all fixed dates. There is no evidence of British influence in Ireland apart from the visit of Gildas there in 566 (cf. Mommsen, *Chronica minora,* iii. 6, ll. 3-23). [This visit is considered doubtful by some; see GILDAS.] The Church of Gildas, Cadoc, and David, it may be noted, was *episcopal;* if then these men, and men like them, revived the dying Irish *episcopal *Church, why did they substitute another entirely *monastic* with no trace of an episcopal character? Furthermore, the Church in Britain at this time was in no condition to infuse fresh life into the Irish Church. In the trouble and turmoil of the fifth century it had lost all organization, and Gildas himself draws a gloomy picture of the state of things in Britain before 547. Ireland, however, did not suffer from barbarian attacks, and her Church was able to develop undisturbed. Hence the natural supposition is that at this time the Irish Church was the giver and the British Church the recipient. And we know that from the very beginning of the sixth century Irish clerics went to southwest Britain and to Brittany, giving and spreading knowledge, not receiving it. The foundation of new monasteries in Ireland by Finnian of Clonard and men regarded as his disciples between 520 and 560 can not be considered a restoration or reformation of the Irish Church. There was already a large number of older monasteries, such as Emly in Munster and Armagh in Ulster, which for centuries played a greater role in the entire life of the Irish Church than any of these new foundations. Finnian was a sort of Irish Benedict of Nursia; he established his new house at Clonard by the side of the older institutions—rather mission-stations than monasteries—with stricter rules, and through the influence on Comgall and Columba it became the model of the Irish monasteries in North Britain and on the Continent. ### 2. Learning of the Irish Monks. The Irish Church of the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, then, was the natural development of the Church of the fourth and fifth centuries, without interference from outside. This freedom accounts for the high standard of learning maintained by the Irish monasteries till the ninth century. They kept the knowledge and culture received with Christianity, and cherished it at a time when everywhere else, in Britain, Gaul, and Italy, barbarian hordes came near to stamping it out. The erudition of the Irish monks in the sixth century—surely not derived from a Church whose greatest scholar was Gildas—surpassed on the whole that of Italy. Greek was studied at Bangor when Gregory the Great probably had no knowledge of the language. In the seventh century Aldhelm, writing to a young friend returning home from the Irish schools (*MPL,* lxxxix. 94 c-d), reluctantly admits the superiority of Irish scholarship. And in the eighth century Bede speaks with admiration of Irish learning (iii. 7, 27; [cf. Plummer's note to iii. 27, p. 192]). ### 3. Travels and Missionary Labors. Besides their zeal for learning, a noteworthy love of wandering characterized the Irish monks. Singly or in groups they went forth from the great monk-colonies—for such the monasteries really were— to seek a form of the anchorite's life. They were content at first with the isles of their own lakes and rivers; then they betook themselves to the many islands of the Irish coast; then to the Hebrides, the Orkneys, and the Shetland Islands, and before 800 they had reached Iceland. At the same time others went to Britain—where many Christian inscriptions of the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries with Irish names and written in Ogham bear witness to their presence north and south of the Severn estuary—and to Brittany, and then through the land of the Franks to the Alps and across the Alps, so that Bobbio (perhaps Tarentum; see CATALDUS; COLUMBAN) became the southern, as Iceland was the northern, limit of their wanderings. Their primary purpose was not missionary work; but circumstances made them missionaries and teachers of the people among whom they settled to lead the contemplative life. ### 4. North Britain Christianized. The greatest achievement of the Irish Church and its monks in the sixth and seventh centuries, the Christianization of North Britain, must be regarded from the same point of view. With twelve companions Columba left Ireland in 563, "wishing to go into exile for Christ" (Adamnan's *Life of Columba, * p. 9). They settled on the little island of Iona (Eo, Io, Hi), belonging to the Irish (Christian) state north of the Clyde, took up missionary work among the heathen Picts of the neighborhood and rapidly extended it, so that when Columba died (597), the mainland north of Glasgow and Edinburgh, as well as the western islands, was studded with monasteries, whose inmates looked after the spiritual welfare of the neighboring population, all of them dependent on the mother monastery at Iona. A generation later Oswald, king of Northumbria, who had been converted to Christianity during a seventeen years' exile in Ireland, applied to Columba's successor for missionaries to introduce Christianity in his realm. Aidan was sent (635) and under his lead and that of his successors, Finan (652-661) and Colman (661-664), with the earnest support of Oswald and his brother Oswy, the Gospel made rapid and splendid progress. Monasteries were founded, such as Mailros (Old Melrose) by Aidan, the first nunnery by Heiu at Hartlepool, the double monastery for both men and women at Coldingham by Oswald's half-sister, Ebba, the monastery at Whitby by Hilda, and others. Christianity and the Irish Church reached to the Angles living south of the Humber. ### 5. Relations with Rome. This flourishing state of the Irish Church was disturbed by the Roman mission to the Saxons in 597. Like the British Church, that of Ireland differed in some respects from the Roman Church of Gregory's time, the most important divergences being the form of the tonsure and the method of computing Easter [cf. Plummer's *Bede,* ii. 348-354; Bright, pp. 86-93, 224-225]. In 604 Augustine's successor, Laurence, with his fellow bishops, Mellitus and Justus, sent a letter to Ireland exhorting to conformity to Roman usage, but without success (Bede, ii. 4). A party favorable to conformity gradually arose through visits of Irish clerics to Gaul and Rome, and partly perhaps through influence of the Anglo-Roman Church, but in 627 it was still in the minority, for the exhortation of Pope Honorius I. to conform in 628 was again unsuccessful (Bede, ii. 19). Honorius then excommunicated Ireland (Cummian's letter, 977, ll. 5-6) and in 629 the Southeast generally observed the Roman date. Farther west opinions wavered, but in 630 the abbots met in a synod at Mag Lena near Tullamore, and decided to celebrate Easter the next year with the Roman Church. Opposition, however, made another meeting necessary and the Roman party failed to win a decisive victory. They sent an embassy to Rome, which returned in 633. Through the influence of this embassy and the death (636) of Fintan, abbot of Taghmon in County Wexford (see FINTAN, SAINT), leader of the opposition, the Roman party finally prevailed in the South. The North held out stubbornly for sixty years longer. Cummian's letter to Seghine, abbot of Iona (634), and a letter from Pope John IV. (partly preserved by Bede, ii. 19) in 640 to the prominent abbots of the North were ineffectual. The details of the struggle are not known, but it may be assumed that the Patrick legend was not the least important of the expedients resorted to to work upon the North Irish. ### 6. The Patrick Legend. It was natural for the Irish to seek for an apostle who should be to them what Columba was to the Picts and Augustine to the Saxons. In the neighborhood of Wicklow a certain *Patricius* was remembered who had called himself the "appointed bishop of Ireland." Is it unreasonable to assume that about 625 it came to be believed in the Southeast that the apostle was found in this man? The scanty history of Patrick was filled out by analogy with that of Columba and Augustine. The Irish were supposed to have been all heathen in 432 as the Picts had been in 563 and the Saxons in 597. Patrick converted the land in a brief time, established a Christian Church, and won the favor of King Laeghaire as Columba had that of King Brude and Augustine that of Ethelbert of Kent. This legend was at once utilized, if not invented, by the Roman party, as is evident from the first mention of it in Cummian's letter. He attributes to Patrick the introduction of the Dionysian cycle in Ireland, although it was not introduced in Rome till the sixth century (col. 975c). ### 7. Conforms to Roman Usage. The legend was also useful in winning over the bishop of Armagh. As the presumed successor of St. Patrick he was acknowledged in the South as metropolitan (cf. *Tripartite Life,* ii. 346, ll. 21-24). The claims of Armagh, however, met with violent opposition in the eighth and ninth centuries both in Connaught and Munster. Northumbria conformed to Rome after the Synod of Whitby in 664, whereupon the Irish returned to their native land (see COLMAN, SAINT). Adamnan, ninth abbot of Iona (679-704), was persuaded to yield while visiting the court of Aldfrid in Northumbria in 686 or 687-688, but was unable to control the abbots of the dependent monasteries or his own monks at Iona when he returned home (Bede, v. 15). Then he went to North Ireland and with an Angle, Egbert (see EGBERT, SAINT), took the lead in efforts to win over the Irish party. The bishop of Armagh yielded in 697. The Columban monasteries continued obstinate. In 713 Naiton, king of the Picts, enlisted the services of Ceolfrid, the distinguished abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow; the latter wrote a long letter on the Easter question, which Naiton sent in copy to all clerics in his dominion with an order to obey (Bede, v. 21). Those who continued recalcitrant were expelled from the country in 717. In 716 Egbert persuaded the abbot and monks of Iona to celebrate Easter at the Roman date. Their compliance, however, came too late to save the position of Iona as the center of a great monastic church. It was reduced to a mere parent monastery with a few affiliated houses on the west coast of North Britain and belonging to the Irish state. Armagh, on the other head, by timely yielding and a skilful use of the Patrick legend had prepared the way for becoming the head of an episcopal church comprising all Ireland. ### III. Complete Assimilation to the Roman Church, 800-1200. ### 1. In Wales: The Church in Wales, having been episcopal from the first, differed from the Roman Church only in subordinate points after it had conformed in respect to Easter and the tonsure. Political conditions hastened its complete assimilation to the Roman-Saxon Church. From the time of Egbert of Wessex (d. 836) the weaker Welsh chieftains sought the protection of the English kings against their more powerful countrymen. The attacks of the Northmen also, which from 853 on were felt more and more severely in Wales, promoted friendly feelings and relations between the two nations. That the culture of its clergy was higher after the isolation of the Welsh Church was ended is evident from the appointment and position of Asser, a nephew of Bishop Novis of Menevia, as teacher, counselor, and friend of Alfred. At the end of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh century, consecration of bishops of Llandaff by the archbishop of Canterbury seems to have been the rule, and there is some reason to believe that an earlier bishop, Cyfeiliawc (d. 927), was so consecrated. The Anglo-Norman archbishops Lanfranc (1070-89) and Anselm (1093-1109) repeatedly interfered in Welsh matters as if the Welsh bishops stood legally under the primate of England. Disputes concerning the boundaries of the Welsh dioceses of St. David's and Llandaff and the English diocese of Hereford between 1119 and 1133 were referred to Rome. About this time the bishop of St. David's began to set up the claim to metropolitan rank. After 1187, when Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury as papal legate held a visitation in parts of Wales and preached the Crusade, the Welsh Church may be regarded as part of the English Church, although as late as 1284 the bishop of St. David's formally protested against the visitation of Archbishop Peckham of Canterbury. [Welsh tradition and the rapidity with which the Lollard movement in the fourteenth century spread among the English-speaking people on the borders of Wales favor the theory that the ancient British form of Christianity persisted in Wales throughout the Middle Ages side by aide with the Roman Catholic establishment. The mountainous character of the country and the character of the language, which Englishmen rarely acquired, were favorable to the perpetuation of evangelical dissent. A. H. N.] ### 2. In Ireland: ### 1. Incursions of the Norsemen. A systematic sketch of the development of the Irish branch of the Celtic Church in this period is not yet possible owing to the defective character of the special investigations. A factor deserving more attention than it has commonly received is the influence of the incursions and settlements of the Norsemen. The Viking period—beginning in 795 and lasting more than 150 years—brought indescribable wo to all Britain and particularly to Christian Ireland. Churches and monasteries, as the centers of civilization and the Christian religion, were marked for destruction by the heathen Norwegians and Danes. Certain of the Irish monasteries (such as Iona, Bangor in Ulster, and many others) lay temptingly exposed to seafaring robbers. The rivers gave them easy access to the heart of the land from both the east and the west coast. The wooden structures of the monasteries were an easy prey to the flames, in which both books and monks perished. If any manuscripts escaped burning they were thrown into the water. A heathen Viking state in Armagh between 832 and 845 compelled the abbot-bishop, Forindan, to flee to Munster. At the same time the Norwegian heathen were settling in the interior, but they were either ultimately expelled or absorbed by the native population and became Christian. In 852, however, a Viking kingdom was set up at Dublin, which remained heathen and plundered Ireland and all the coasts of the Irish Sea for more than a century. ### 2. Irish Monks on the Continent. Under such conditions it is not surprising that the exodus of Irish monks to the Continent continued and increased from 800 on. In the ninth century they were teachers in the monastic schools everywhere in the land of the Franks, at St. Denis, Pavia, and on the Upper and Lower Rhine, and they spread the repute of Irish learning so that it is almost a truism to say: Whoever knew Greek on the Continent in the days of Charles the Bald was an Irishman or had learned it from an Irishman (cf. H. Zimmer, *Ueber die Bedeutung des irischen Elements für mittelalterliche Kultur, * in *Preussische Jahrbücher,* lix., 1887, pp. 27-59; L. Traube, *O Roma nobilis * in *Abhandlungen der philosophisch-philologischen Klasse der königlich-bayerischen Akademie, * xix., 1892, pp. 332-363). They took their manuscripts with them in such numbers that no fewer than 117 Irish manuscripts, or fragments of such, older than the eleventh century are still extant in Continental libraries, not counting those in the Vatican or the Bibliothèque Nationale (cf. W. Schultze, *Die Bedeutung der iroschottischen Mönche, * in *Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, * 6th year, 1889, pp. 287-298). But if this was the Continent's gain, it was Ireland's loss. King Brian (1002-13) had to send across the sea "to buy books" (J. H. Todd, *The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, Rolls Series, * no. 48, p.138, London, 1867). The standard of education in the monasteries sank with each generation, and the new and inferior priesthood had less power to resist the forces which were substituting for the native monastic church an episcopal church with metropolitan head. The Irish chieftains and princes also, instead of uniting against the common foe, thought the time most fitting to fight out their domestic feuds. The monasteries were involved in these quarrels, not to mention fierce and bloody disputes between monasteries themselves when their interests happened to clash. Thus the old organization was weakened and broken up. Furthermore, the Patrick legend became a sort of dogma during the eighth century; and its view of the Christianization of Ireland and the position of the *episcopus * in church government was an additional force shaking the firmly built edifice of the monastic church of the sixth and seventh centuries. ### 3. Rise of Armagh. It can be shown from the Annaia of Ulster that the abbot-bishop of Armagh, making free use of his opportunities, between 730 and 850 attained to some extent to that primacy in the Irish Church which was the logical outcome of the Patrick legend. The year 805 was decisive for Meath, 824 for Connaught, and 822, as well as Forindan's stay in Munster from 841 to 845, for South Ireland; thenceforth the see of Armagh had its tax-gatherers for Patrick's pence in all Ireland, excluding of course the Viking state whose ruler resided at Dublin. In 943 this ruler, Amlaib mac Sitricca (Norse, Olafr Sigtriggvasonr), became a Christian in England and was baptized by Wulfhelm, archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund, king of England, standing as his godfather. As Christianity spread among his subjects they naturally looked toward Canterbury and drew their clerics from England. The incumbents of newly established Norse bishoprics of Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick were consecrated at Canterbury. This was not satisfactory to the bishop of Armagh, who desired revenues from the rich Norse settlements in Dublin. He again had recourse to the Patrick legend, utilizing a detail of it which had already become current; namely, that Patrick had converted the Vikings. One of his adherents, writing about 1000, tells how the saint had converted the heathen Norse of Dublin, and consequently asserts that the successor of "Patrick of Armagh with the great revenues" had a right to an ounce of gold "from each nose" in the Dublin Viking state (cf. H. Zimmer, *Keltische Beiträge,* iii., in *Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum,* xxxv., 1891, pp. 54-85). ### 4. The Culdees. Another phenomenon in the inner development of the Irish Church in this period which deserves attention is the appearance of the so-called Culdees (Irish, *céli dé;* Latin, *colidei*). It is difficult to define exactly the origin and position of these men. The Irish name does not furnish a trustworthy clue. It meant originally one who enters God's service and devotes himself to him to death, and could be applied, like *vir dei* in Latin, to monks and anchorites in general. Hector Boece, the Scottish historian of the sixteenth century, started the theory that the *Culdei*, as he calls them, were the direct continuation of Irish monasticism of the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, or even of Celtic monasticism in general. But Bishop Reeves has shown that the term as used from the ninth to the twelfth century was applied to members of spiritual associations whose existence can not with certainty be traced earlier than about 800. Hence the associations of the *Colidei* must have been formed in Ireland about this time and an existing term of general application was given a more limited signification to designate their members. Apparently Chrodegang's monastic rule (749), designed originally for Metz, was brought to Ireland in the eighth century, and Irish anchorites, who were not under regular monastic rule, were first associated in accordance with it. The Culdees were never of great importance in Ireland. They are mentioned in nine places, often in connection with monasteries to which the house of the Culdees forms a sort of annex. The care of the sick and the poor was their chief charge, and they also seem to have been entrusted with the choral part of the service. In North Britain, however, whither they went from Ireland, they attained to greater importance. Naiton's expulsion of the refractory monks of Iona in 717 left gaps in the clergy which the new associations of the *Colidei* helped to fill. They appear in Scotland as a mixture of secular clergy and anchorites organized after monastic pattern; at a later time they resemble the regular canons of the Continent. There was a want of connection between different convents due to the lack of a common head and fixed forms. Hence there were wide divergences, and contemporary descriptions and opinions differ greatly. They were ultimately absorbed in the Roman orders, which were introduced in Ireland and Scotland during the twelfth century. ### 5. Final Subjection to Rome. The full subjection of the Celtic Church of Ireland to that of Rome was accomplished after 1050. Archbishop Lanfranc of Canterbury found opportunity to interfere in Ireland in 1074 and sent a letter to the king, Torlogh O'Brian, through Gilpatrick, the Norse bishop of Dublin. Instigated by both, Gregory VII. sent a letter to Ireland and appointed Gilbert, the Norse bishop of Limerick, papal legate for Ireland. As in the seventh century, so now, the bishop of Armagh resisted. But in the end Gilbert found a man who fell in with his views, when in 1106 Celsus succeeded to the see of Armagh. At the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1120 it was decided to divide Ireland into twenty-four dioceses, all except Dublin subordinate to Armagh. In 1152 a synod was held at Kells, under the presidency of the papal legate, Paparo, and Ireland was divided into four provinces, Armagh was selected as the see of the primate, and the bishops of Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam were promoted to archbishops and received pallia brought from Rome. The complete Romanization of the Irish Church in internal affairs was effected in furtherance of the political interests of the Anglo-Normans at a synod held at Cashel in 1172 by command of Henry II. ### 3. In North Britain: In 844 Kenneth mac Alpin, ruler of the Irish state in North Britain, mounted the throne of the united North and South Picts, and thereby created a united kingdom of Alba, later known as Scotland. In 850 Kenneth had the bones of Columba removed from Iona (which, because of constant attacks from the Vikings, had fallen into complete decay) and deposited at Dunkeld, in the land of the South Picts, the mainstay of his power. At the same time he established a bishopric at Dunkeld, apparently aiming to form here a center for a national church like Iona in the seventh century with a different basis, however, the abbot-bishop of Dunkeld being at the head of the church government as bishop and not as abbot. In 865 Kenneth's son, Constantine, removed the see of the bishopric to Abernethy, leaving Dunkeld with an abbot only. In 908 the see of the primate was transferred to St. Andrews and a parliament of the same year exempted the Church from taxation. Margaret, grandniece of Edward the Confessor and the queen of Scotland 1069-93, took energetically in hand the reformation of the Scottish Church according to Roman rules and usages. She received efficient support from her confessor, Turgot, abbot of Durham (see TURGOT). Her sons, Edgar (1097-1107), Alexander (1107-24), and David (1124-53) continued and completed their mother's reforms. In 1107 Turgot was appointed to the see of St. Andrews and was consecrated at York. His successor, Eadmer, a Canterbury monk, at the desire of King Alexander was chosen and consecrated by Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury (1115). By 1188 the outward and inward transformation of ecclesiastical Scotland into a Roman province was complete. It was then declared independent of Canterbury and, like the Irish Church, came directly under the sovereignty of Rome through a bull of Clement III. (cf. Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 273-274). The land was divided into nine dioceses with strictly defined boundaries, and Augustinian, Benedictine, and Cistercian monks were introduced and absorbed the remnant of the national Celtic monasticism. ### IV. Some General Considerations: ### 1. Reason for the Divergences from Rome. Concerning institutions and doctrine, neither tradition nor history offers any support to the view that the Celtic Church in its prime almost reproduced the Church of the Apostolic Age. The British Church of the fourth century was a part of the Catholic Church of the West, just as Britain was a part of the Roman Empire. And the Irish Church was an offshoot of the British Church. The divergences from Rome which both branches of the Celtic Church showed at the beginning of the seventh century are easily explicable. It must not be forgotten that the position of the bishop of Rome in the time of Leo the Great (440-461) was different from that of Pope Gregory the Great (590-604); that the fourth century knew nothing of that rigid uniformity of institutions which at the beginning of the seventh century was looked upon as an essential requirement of the *unites catholica;* and that innovations domesticated themselves slowly in the more distant members of the Church. About 400 the British branch of the Catholic Church was cut off because political Rome lost its hold on Britain. A series of events of the early fifth century is instructive for the immediate consequences. The popes Innocent, Zosimus, and Boniface (401-422) energetically opposed the teaching of Pelagius, and the emperor, Honorius, supported them by issuing a rescript (Apr. 30, 418) threatening banishment to every Pelagian. The suppression of the heresy in the empire was thus due to the civil power. But the arm of the emperor did not reach to Britain and in 429 Pope Celestine could only send Germanus of Auxerre thither to eradicate the heresy by moral suasion. Later all connection between the Celtic Church and Rome was broken for 150 years by a double and threefold wall of barbarians—Burgundians, Visigoths, Franks, and Saxons. The development of the Western Church during all this time left no impress on the Celtic; and local conditions could not fail to influence the latter. This explains how a Columban of Luxeuil presumes to address the pope in a way which two hundred years earlier would not have been remarkable in a bishop of North Africa or Alexandria. It explains why the Welsh Church of the sixth century knew only of independent bishops without metropolitan; the British Church in 400 knew nothing of this institution. The difference in the date of Easter is due to the fact that in 600 the Celtic Church still used the older *supputatio Romana,* which had been followed by Rome till 343, but was then superseded by the younger *supputatio Romana.* Other changes—the paschal table of Zeitz in 447, the nineteen-year cycle of Victorius in 501, the cycle of Dionysius about 550—were all unknown to the Celtic Church. ### 2. Consecration by a Single Bishop. The representatives of Britain at the Synod of Arles subscribed the canon that when possible seven and in any case three, bishops should take part in the consecration of a bishop. Yet consecration could be performed by a single bishop in both the British and Irish Churches long after their contact with Rome. This is not as surprising as it has been thought (cf. Warren, pp. 68-69). In the nature of things, particularly in the earlier period, consecration often had to be by one bishop if it took place at all. Gregory the Great recognized the necessity and gave Augustine permission to consecrate alone with the remark, "Since you are the only bishop in the English Church you can not ordain otherwise than without other bishops" (Bede, i. 27). Boniface V. gave the same permission to Justus, Augustine's third successor, "when the occasion made it necessary" (Bede, ii. 8). Custom with the English makes law without specific enactment. Hence it is comprehensible how consecration by a single bishop became first established usage and then law. ### 3. Monastic Character of the Irish Church. In respect to the markedly monastic character of the Irish Church and the position of the bishop in it unlike that in the Western Church, it must be noted that in the older monasteries (such as Armagh in the North and Emly in Tipperary) the abbots were also bishops; that is, the heads of the dioceses were abbots and bishops in one person, but their power of church government rested on their position as abbots. This is explained by the political and social conditions of the Celts and the time and manner of their conversion. The first step was the establishment of a monastic missionary station with a clan. A member of the chief's family inevitably became the head of such a station. In some cases the right of succession to the abbacy remained hereditary in the chief's family for centuries. The necessity for some one to perform episcopal functions would not be felt immediately. When it did arise an original lay abbot may have received consecration, but, living as he did far from the sight and influence of an episcopal church, it was only natural that he should continue to perform the duties of church government in the church of the clan by virtue of his position as abbot and member of the chief's family. ### 4. The Celtic and Roman Spirit. It is not advisable to attempt a complete picture of the doctrines and institutions of the Celtic Church in its prime. The material at hand is not sufficient, although it is adequate to support the conclusion that the Celtic Church of the sixth and seventh centuries was a reproduction of the Western Church of the fourth century, modified only in special points. An important difference, however, must be noted. The spirit of the Roman and Celtic Churches when they first came in conflict was not the same. The representatives of the former were intolerant and uncharitable, as Augustine toward the British bishops (Bede, ii. 2), Wilfrid toward Colman (ib. iii. 25), Aldhelm in his letter to Geraint (*MGH, Epist.,* iii. 231-235). The Irish, on the other hand, such as Columban on the Continent and Aidan and the rest in Northumbria, only asked that they be allowed quietly to follow the customs of their fathers. As soon, however, as an Irishman went over to the Roman party a new spirit entered into him. Ronan, an Irishman who had been in Gaul and Italy, began the quarrel in Northumbria with the gentle Finan (Bede, iii. 25). Cummian in his famous letter expresses the pious wish that God would "strike" Fintan (his chief opponent) "as he would" (col. 977b), although four or five years earlier he had himself kept Easter at the Celtic date. Again, the spirit of deliberate falsification to serve church interests does not appear in the Irish Church before its contact with Rome. That it appears immediately thereafter is abundantly shown by the history of the Patrick legend. ### 5. Relics. Lastly, the new spirit which begins to pervade the Irish Church in the seventh century is indicated by the unprecedented extension of the cult of relics. Ireland had no martyrs. There is no reason to believe that relics were known or honored in any part of the Irish Church before contact with Rome. In 633 the embassy sent to Rome because of the Easter contest (see above, p. 475) returned laden with books and relics. And the next year Cummian writes to Seghine: "And we have proof that the virtue of God is in the relics of holy martyrs and the writings which they have brought. We have seen with our own eyes a girl totally blind open her eyes before these relics and a paralytic walk and many demons cast out" (col. 978b). Everything here, even to the wording ( *reliquiæ*), is Roman, not Irish. Muirchu Maccu-Machtheni's life of Patrick witnesses the progress of the cult of relics in South Ireland during the seventh century. Speaking for his own time (before 697), the author mentions with emphasis that in three different places in the Roman-Irish territory relics are worshiped and he even makes Patrick prophesy such worship ( *Tripartite Life,* ii. 281, II. 1-2; 283, II. 3-5; 497, II. 14-19). To Adamnan, writing his life of Columba in North Ireland at the same time and before he had joined the Roman party, relics are utterly unknown. But no sooner did Roman influence find entrance in the North through the yielding of Armagh (697) and Iona (716) on the Easter question than the same change of attitude took place which had occurred seventy years earlier in the South. The Annals of Ulster give much information on the history of the Church, but in the sixth and seventh centuries they contain not a single entry respecting relics. In 726, however, occurs the first of a long series of entries recording the transference or enshrining of relics, and a little later Armagh exhibited at the great fairs of Ireland the relics of Patrick, supposed to have been found at Downpatrick in 733, and took them to Connaught and Munster. Enough has been said to show that the spirit which animated the Celtic Church about 600 was quite different from that which the emissaries of the Roman Church brought to the British Isles. Both had the same dogmas. But on the one side was a striving after individual freedom and personal Christianity, on the other side a bigoted zeal for rigid uniformity and systematizing. The Celt emphasized a Christianity manifesting itself in word and deed, the Roman Catholic valued a formal Christianity above all else. As has been said, there is no reason to believe that the Celtic Church greatly resembled the Apostolic Church in institutions or doctrines. But the practical results of its teaching as seen in the life of such men as Aidan and Finan (cf. Bede, iii. 17) unquestionably come nearer the popular conception of the Apostolic Age than does the spirit manifested by the representatives of Rome. (H. ZIMMER.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, *Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, * a convenient collection of the sources with valuable notes, vol. i., Oxford, 1869, dealing with the British Church in Roman times and the period of Anglo-Saxon conquest, the Church in Wales and Cornwall; vol. ii., part i., 1873, with the Church in Cumbria or Strathclyde, branches of the British Church in Armorica and Gallicia, the Church of Scotland till declared independent of York; vol. ii., part ii., 1878, with the Church in Ireland and the memorials of Patrick; vol. iii., 1871, with the English Church during the Anglo-Saxon period. Adamnan's *Life of St. Columba, * ed. W. Reeves, Dublin, 1857, Edinburgh, 1874 (see ADAMNAN). Bede, *Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, * ed. A. Holder, Freiburg, 1890, ed. C. Plummer, 2 vols., Oxford, 1896. Cummian's letter to Seghine, abbot of Iona, in *MPL,* lxxxvii. 969-978. Gildas and Nennius, *Historia Britonum, * ed. T. Mommsen, in *MGH, Auct. ant.,* xiii., *Chronica minora sæculorum iv.-vii.,* iii., 1898. Prosper of Aquitaine, *Chronicon, * ed. idem, ib. i. *Auct. ant.,* ix., 1892. The *Tripartite Life of Patrick with Other Documents Relating to That Saint, * ed. Whitley Stokes, in *Rolls Series, * no. 89, 2 vols., 1887 (see PATRICK, SAINT). The *Lives of the Cambro-British Saints of the Fifth and Immediate Succeeding Centuries, * ed. W. J. Rees, Llandovery, 1853, dating from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, which is also true in part of the material in the so-called *Liber Landavensis* ("Book of Llandaff," ed. W. J. Rees, Llandovery, 1840; ed. J. G. Evans, Oxford, 1893). The *Acta sanctorum Hiberniæ, ex codice Salmanticensi, * ed. C. de Smelt and J. de Backer, Edinburgh, 1888, and *Lives of Saints from the Book of Lismore, * ed. Whitley Stokes, in *Anecdota Oxoniensia, *1890, also present only relatively late material. The various annalistic works give important data for ecclesiastical history, viz.: for the British and Welsh Church, the *Annales Cambriæ, * ed. J. W. ab Ithel, in *Rolls Series, * no. 20, 1860; the oldest part also in Y Cymmrodor, ix., 1888; for the Irish-Scotch branch, the *Annals of Tigernach, * ed. Whitley Stokes, in *Revue Celtique,* xvi.-xviii., 1895-97; the *Annals of Ulster, * ed. W. M. Hennessy and B. MacCarthy, 4 vols., Dublin, 1887-1901; the *Chronicon Scotorum, * ed. W. M. Hennessy, in *Rolls Series, * no. 46, 1866; *Annals of Ireland, Three Fragments, * ed. J. O'Donovan, Dublin, 1860; *Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters, * ed. idem, 7 vols., 1848-51; *Annals of Clonmacnoise, * ed. D. Murphy, Dublin, 1896; *Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, * ed. W. F. Skene, Edinburgh, 1867. The oldest of the Irish collections is that of Tigernach (d. 1088). Since the sources upon which they are based are all lost, and the sources themselves appear in part to have been compilations of the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries from older monastic annals, it is clear that statements concerning Irish church history of the fifth century have no decisive value when they coincide with the views concerning the earlier period current after 750. In using the collections of Welsh and of Irish Laws *(Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, * London, 1841; *Ancient Laws of Ireland, * 6 vols., Dublin, 1865-1902) it must be remembered that the former dates from the tenth century and the latter can not be much older. Other sources are: the *Stowe Missal, * ed. F. E. Warren, in *The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church,* pp. 198-268, Oxford, 1881; the *Antiphonary of Bangor, * ed, idem, and the *Irish Liber Hymnorum, * ed. J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson for Henry Bradshaw Society, iv., x. and xiii., xiv., 1893-98; F. W. H. Wasserschleben, *Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche, * Halle, 1851; idem, *Die irische Kanonensammlung, * Leipsic, 1885; the *Félire of Oengus, * ed. Whitley Stokes, Dublin, 1881; the *Martyrology of Tallagh, * ed. M. Kelly, Dublin, 1857; the *Martyrology of Donegal, * ed. J. H. Todd and W. Reeves, Dublin, 1864; the *Martyrology of Gorman, * ed. Whitley Stokes, for Henry Bradshaw Society, ix., 1895. The father of Celtic church history was Archbishop Ussher, whose work, *Britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates, * Dublin, 1639; 2d ed., enlarged, London, 1687, however, has now only historic interest. The monograph of C. Schöll, *De ecclesiasticæ Britonum Scotorumque historiæ fontibus, * Berlin and London, 1851, and the introduction and notes of Reeves's *Adamnan,* u.s., were pioneer work in the critical investigation and appreciation of the sources; it is to be regretted that not all their successors have continued in the same spirit. The legends of the Celtic Church are briefly but fully told in Cardinal Newman's *Life of St. Augustine, * chaps. i.-v., London, 1845. Works dealing with the Celtic Church in both Britain and Ireland are: J. H. A. Ebrard, *Die iroschottische Missionskirche des sechsten, siebenten und achten Jahrhunderts, *Gütersloh, 1873; F. E. Warren, *Liturgy and Ritual, * u.s.; F. Loofs, *Antiquæ Britonum Scotorumque ecclesiæ quales fuerunt mores,* Leipsic and London, 1882; W. Cathcart, *The Ancient British and Irish Churches,* Philadelphia, 1894 (adverse to Roman Catholic claims); H. Zimmer, *The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland,* London, 1902. For the British branch noteworthy works are: R. Rees, *An Essay on the Welsh Saints,* London, 1836; J. H. Overton, *The Church in England,* i., *The National Churches, * 2 vols., London, 1891; H. Williams, *Some Aspects of the Christian Church in Wales during the Fifth and Sixth Centuries* (London, 1895, reprinted from the *Transactions of the Society of Cymmrodorion, * 1893-94, pp. 55-132); E. J. Newell, *A History of the Welsh Church to the Dissolution of the Monasteries,* London, 1895; J. W. W. Bund, *The Celtic Church of Wales,* ib. 1897; W. Bright, *Chapters of Early English Church History, * Oxford, 1897; J. W. W. Bund, *The Celtic Church of Wales,* London, 1897; W. E. Collins, *The Beginnings of English Christianity, with Special Reference to the Coming of St. Augustine,* London, 1898; W. Hunt, *The English Church from Its Foundation to the Norman Conquest, * London, 1899. For Ireland: J. Lanigan, *An Ecclesiastical History of Ireland to the Thirteenth Century,* 4 vols., Dublin, 1829; R. King, *A Primer of the History of the Holy Catholic Church in Ireland to the Formation of the Modern Branch of the Church of Rome,* 2 vols. and supplement, Dublin, 1851; idem, *A Memoir Introductory to the Early History of the Primacy of Armagh,* Armagh, 1854; C. J. Greith, *Geschichte der altirischen Kirche,* Freiburg, 1867; W. D. Killen, *The Ecclesiastical History of Ireland,* 2 vols., London, 1875; G. T. Stokes, *Ireland and the Celtic Church, * 6th ed., London, 1907; idem, *Some Worthies of the Irish Church, * ib. 1900; J. Healy, *Insula sanctorum et doctorum or Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars,* Dublin, 1890; A. Bellesheim, *Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Irland,* 3 vols., Mainz, 1890-91; T. Olden, *The Church of Ireland,* in *The National Churches,* London, 1892; J. Heron, *The Celtic Church in Ireland, * London, 1898; Eleanor Hall, *Early Christian Ireland, * Dublin, 1905. For Scotland: W. F. Skene, *Celtic Scotland,* ii., *Church and Culture,* 3 vols., Edinburgh, 1887; A. Bellesheim, *Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Schottland,* 2 vols., Mainz, 1883, Eng. transl., with additions and notes, by D. O. H. Blair, 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1887-1890; H. M. Luckock, *The Church in Scotland,* in *The National Churches,* London, 1893; J. Dowden, *The Celtic Church in Scotland,* London, 1894; W. Stephen, *History of the Scottish Church, * 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1894-96; Dom Columba Evans, *The Early Scottish Church,* London, 1906 (claims original Roman supremacy). For the Culdees: W. Reeves, *The Culdees of the British Islands as They Appear in History,* Dublin, 1864; Skene, u.s., pp. 226-277; J. von Pflugk-Hartung, *Die Kuldeer,* in *ZKG,* xiv. (1894) 169-192. Fuller bibliographies may be found in Warren, u.s., pp. xiii.-xix.; Bellesheim, *Irland,* pp. xix.-xxii.; *Schottland, * pp. vii.-xv.; and Olden, pp. 430-432.
CEMETERIES Cemeteries

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### CEMETERIES. Names Used in Early Times. Christian Burial and Burial-Places in General. Fundamental Ideas. Predecessors of the Cemeteries. Development of Cemeteries and Their Types. Origin of the General Cemetery (§.1). Period of the Catacombs (§ 2). Burial in Mausoleums and Churches (§ 3). Establishment and Administration of Cemeteries. Fossores (§ 1). Administrative Officials (§ 2). Acquisition, Use, and Protection of Graves. Purchase of Graves (§ 1). The Same Grave Used for Several Bodies (§ 2). Violation of Graves (§ 3). Commemoration of the Dead in the Cemeteries. Various Commemorations (§ 1). Ceremonies of Commemoration (§ 2). Arrangement, Structure, and Grave-Formation of the Cemeteries. Subterranean Burial-Places. The Oriental Group. Palestine (§ 1). Syria (§ 2). Mesopotamia (§ 3). Asia Minor (§ 4). Egypt (§ 5). Cyrenaica (§ 6). The Western Group. North Africa (§ 1). Sicily (§ 2). Malta (§ 3). Melos (§ 4). Apulia (§ 5). Naples (§ 6). Castellamare (§ 7). Rome (§ 8). Cemeteries Above Ground. Plan and Construction. In the Open Air (§ 1). Memorial Buildings (§ 2). Ground-Plan and Form (§ 3). Cemeteries Connected with Churches (§ 4). Types of Graves. The Ordinary Grave (§ 1). The Covering of the Grave (§ 2). Sarcophagi (§ 3). Other Receptacles (§ 4). Equipment and Decoration of Tombs. The Grave Itself. The Interior. Objects Pertaining to the Corpse (§ 1). Disposition of the Corpse (§ 2). Gifts to the Dead (§ 3). The Exterior. Vessels for Light and Incense (§ 1). Marks of Identification (§ 2). Inscriptions and Paintings (§ 3). The Chambers and Passages. Cemeteries is a term used to designate the burial-places of the early Christians, including the subterranean burying-grounds commonly known as catacombs. ### I. Names Used in Early Times: Among the various titles by which the Christians of the first few centuries designated the burial-places of their dead, the most frequent and probably the oldest is the Greek *koimētērion * or the equivalent Latin *cæmeterium. * It is not found in the Septuagint or in the New Testament, but the verb *koimasthai,* "to lie down to rest," "to sleep," occurs in both the literal and the metaphorical sense, usually the latter in the New Testament (metaphorical: Matt. xxvii. 52; Acts vii. 60, xiii. 36; I Cor. vii. 39, xv. 6, 18, 20, 51; I Thess. iv. 13; II Peter iii. 4; literal: Matt. xxviii. 13; Luke xxii. 45; Acts xii. 6). While the word *koimētērion* is of rare occurrence in classical Greek (it was applied by the Cretans, according to Athenæus, to a room for the entertainment of guests), it was constantly used by both Christians and Jews for single and family graves and for larger burying-grounds, whether above ground or under ground. On the other hand, there is only one doubtful case of its use in a heathen inscription for a burial-place (*CIL,* viii. 7543), against thousands in which other terms are used. That the expression was recognized as a distinctly Christian and Jewish term is evident from the way in which it is used as an unfamiliar term in the edicts of the Roman emperors (Eusebius, *Hist. eccl.,* VII. xi. 13). Latin-speaking Christians also occasionally employed the term *accubitorium, * which originally meant (from the Roman habit of reclining at table) a dining-room. These words show their connection with the Christian hope, which saw in death only a sleep. Besides these specifically Christian expressions, the inscriptions give a number of others, of a more general nature. Besides some of minor importance, there is, for example, *hypogæum * (or in one place Gk. *katagaion*) to designate small underground burial-places among both Christians and pagans. Modern scholars frequently employ this term to designate underground burial-places, no matter what their size or arrangements. The word *area * is also found among the Latin-speaking races, especially in North Africa, and it has become customary, following De Rossi, to use it for all surface burying-grounds of the primitive Church. The name "catacomb" is more recent than any of the above named, but has come into more general use to designate not only the subterranean burial-places of the primitive Christians but frequently also those of the Jews and other races. It is first met with in connection with the circus of Maxentius near the Appian Way outside of Rome, in an inscription which has the phrase *fecit et circum in catecumbas. * As relating to a Christian burial-place, it is not demonstrable before the year 354, when it appears as a specific designation of the cemetery of St. Sebastian on the Appian Way, to which it was limited for centuries. Johannes Diaconus is the earliest evidence for its application to other Christian cemeteries, outside of Rome as well as within. Familiar as the word now is, however, there is no certainty as to its original signification. The most probable theory is that of De Waal, followed by Schultze, that the circus of Maxentius and the cemetery of St. Sebastian were called *in catacumbas * (Gk. *kata kumbas,* "in the ravine") because of the sudden dip which the land, including the Appian Way, takes at that point into a deep hollow. ### II. Christian Burial and Burial-Places in General. ### 1. Fundamental Ideas: The burial of Christ in the garden was taken as the model for that of his disciples. The fact that never in the oldest Christian literature (including the New Testament) and not often later is a prohibition of cremation found, and the absence of traces of cremation, cinerary urns, and the like, demonstrate that burial in the earth was the unwritten law. Based originally upon the example of Christ, it was supported later by reasoning which connected the resurrection of the body more or less with its burial. Minucius Felix, however, prefers burial to cremation merely as "the older and better custom" (*Octavius,* xxxiv. 11). Augustine (*De civitate Dei,* i. 22; *De cura pro mortuis,* iii., etc.) takes burial for granted, and so does Origen in the East (*Contra Celsum,* v. 23, viii. 49; *De principiis,* ii. 10). It is impossible to decide how far Christians of the Apostolic Age were buried in Jewish and pagan graveyards; but later a strict line of demarcation was drawn, at least as early as Tertullian. The Christian graves were not required to be at a great distance, but there was to be a distinct interval between them and the heathen, and the burial of individual Christians in heathen graveyards was strictly forbidden, and vice versa. Primitive Christianity was thus as exclusive in death as in its worship during life. ### 2. Predecessors of the Cemeteries: While Christian antiquity agreed in condemning cremation, it made no attempt at enforcing uniformity in the manner of burial. Both of the earlier methods of sepulture, under and above the ground, were employed. The choice between the two was determined partly by the geological conformation of the place, though perhaps not as largely as has been usually assumed. Other prevailing reasons are to be sought in the customs of pre-Christian times in regard to the disposal of corpses. That the early Christians should have undertaken, in the absence of any definite prescription, to strike out wholly new lines for themselves in this matter is unlikely, especially since they did not attempt this in the analogous matter of the construction of their houses and churches. Naturally, therefore, they adopted in each place the prevailing local custom—the Hebrew Christians of Palestine following the Jewish mode, and the Gentile Christians of Sicily that of their pagan neighbors. The fuller our knowledge grows of both ancient Christian and ancient pagan burial-places, the more clearly is this theory demonstrated, not only in regard to the choice mentioned above, but equally in regard to the shape, decoration, and equipment of the sepulchers. Thus it may be remarked, without anticipating too much what will be said later, that private vaults, holding but a small number of bodies, are characteristic of the earliest period of Christian burial. As far as inscriptions and other indications go, these were restricted to the members of one family, its friends, etc., with, it is true, the addition (as in the *familia* of the imperial period) of Christian freedmen and their Christian offspring. It is not yet certain whether so early as this (on the analogy of the older Roman and later Christian custom) individuals joined together in associations for the purpose of providing a common burial-place. In a word, it is safe to say that the primitive Christians followed Jewish models in Palestine and pagan elsewhere, almost without exception. ### 3. Development of Cemeteries and Their Types: As in other things, so here Christianity proved itself a religion of development; and, once more following the general rule, this development was more rapid in the West than in the East. To take but a single important point, the development from the family vault to the general cemetery, the East never went beyond a few experiments, and burying-grounds for the whole of a local church remained exceptional, even at a much later period. The West, on the other hand, while it began with the family vault, and examples of this form persist through the whole of Christian antiquity, was not long in adopting the large common cemetery. The development was not everywhere equally rapid; Sicily was least affected by it, and Rome most. By the third century the common cemetery was the rule here. ### 1. Origin of the General Cemetery. The Roman catacombs mark the highest point reached in the development of ancient Christian burial, the greatest and most speedy advance upon its pre-Christian prototypes and upon its own beginnings. The most striking feature of this is not the immense extent attained by the wonderful underground city, but the motive power which created it—the spirit of brotherly love and *esprit de corps. * As nearly as the obscure beginnings can be traced, this, rather than practical considerations or needs, was responsible for the vast extension of the system. Before the advent of Christianity, it was not uncommon for philanthropists to provide either individuals or whole classes, principally among the poor, with burial-places, and there was nothing in itself remarkable about Christians being inspired with the same benevolent idea. But the earlier instances were the product of mere kindness of heart, while the motive of the Christian benefactions was distinctly the spirit of brotherhood. The most famous among those who thus endowed the oldest Roman church was a member of the imperial family, Flavia Domitilla, who possessed an estate on the Via Ardeatina, of which she allowed portions to be used for burial. The largest common cemetery of Rome, the catacomb which bears her name, was constructed on this spot, and some of her own relations buried in it. Other Christians followed her example, and the Church as a whole, so renowned for its spirit of charity, can not have been idle in this good work. ### 2. Period of the Catacombs. These beginnings date from the second century; the third is the great epoch of subterranean burial in Rome; and the new development ceased there first, as it had begun there. It is true that new catacombs were established in the fourth century, such as that of St. Felix on the Via Aurelia, but their number and extent were comparatively insignificant. Burial on the surface, previously rare, increased in frequency with the cessation of persecution, and by the beginning of the fifth century became the rule. The dated inscriptions give an accurate view of the change: if their proportion may be taken, one-third of the burials between 338 and 360, half between 304 and 369, two-thirds between 373 and 400, and after 450 all those who died were buried outside the catacombs. This striking change is not sufficiently explained by the recognition of Christianity; the decisive change does not coincide with the date of the Edict of Milan (313), and both in Sicily and in Palestine burial continued to be as before—in the former on the surface, in the latter underground. It may perhaps be better taken as merely an expression of the general consciousness of the change in the Church's position during the century, corresponding to the change which has been noticed in the ideal portrait of Christ in the same period (see JESUS CHRIST, PICTURES AND IMAGES OF). After the Roman catacombs ceased to be burial-places, they were by no means deserted, but remained the destination of pious pilgrimages. The veneration of the martyrs and their relics received a great extension in the fourth century, and the use of the ancient burial-places in this way was furthered by the restoration of the passages and chambers and the opening of new approaches by Pope Damasus. A number of fifth and sixth-century popes followed his example. The old chambers were enlarged into chapels, or regular basilicas were established in the catacombs (Sant' Agnete, San Lorenzo fuori le Mura, Santi Nereo ed Achilleo). ### 3. Burial in Mausoleums and Churches. While burial either in catacombs or in the open ground was the common practise of primitive Christianity, it sometimes took place in mausoleums or churches. The construction of churches to mark the sepulchers of the martyrs and render them accessible to large numbers of the faithful began soon after the recognition of Christianity. In churches of this kind burial was practised, either by graves dug in the earth or by sarcophagi. The principal churches used in this way in Rome were those of St. Peter and St. Paul, St. Laurence and St. Agnes without the Walls, and St. Pancreas, in and around which large numbers of Christians were buried until late in the sixth century. If in the first three centuries the Christians had respected the civil ordinance which required burial outside the walls of cities, the fourth witnessed a tendency to break down these restrictions. In Constantinople this took place about 381; in the mean while the relics of martyrs had been translated to the churches within the city, and promoted the desire of others to be buried in their neighborhood, so that an imperial edict was required which strictly prohibited such intramural burial. Chrysostom, however, who had sanctioned this restriction, was himself buried in a church in Constantinople in 438, and near him a number of persons of prominence. The increasing prevalence of the practise gradually broke through the law; in Rome there were intramural burial-places in the sixth century—a cemetery on the Esquiline and a number of places in and around the churches of the city, though the solemn translation of the relics of martyrs from the cemeteries outside to the city churches did not begin till the eighth and ninth centuries. ### 4. Establishment and Administration of Cemeteries: ### 1. Fossores. The same spirit of love which watched over not only the poor and the sick but also the dead in the primitive Church must have had before it the problem of the setting apart of definite officers for the care of this part of its work. It seems probable that as early as Cyprian's day special persons were officially charged with the care of funerals. Where vaults were hewn out of the rock or built up in masonry, special grave-diggers were not required; but the laying out of the larger catacombs required the services of technical knowledge. Thus it happens that next to nothing is heard about the organizers of cemeteries before the reign of Constantine, and in and after that reign more in the East than in the West. The Roman Church had no special officials in the middle of the second century, but at Cirta in North Africa as early as the beginning of the persecution of Diocletian *fossores * appear as the lowest of the clerical orders (see FOSSARIANS). Accordingly they came to be reckoned among the clerics between 250 and 350. Outside of Africa the *fossores* are sometimes named before the *ostiarii. * Their function was to dig the graves and act as custodians of the cemeteries. In the catacombs there are a number of pictures which show them at their work; here they are evidently of a higher class than mere laborers. In view of the complicated nature of their task, they are rather to be compared with architects. They seem to have been supported at first, like other church officials, from the free-will offerings of the faithful; but a number of fourth and fifth-century inscriptions imply that they received considerable sums from the sale of graves. This sort of traffic probably led to abuses, and so ultimately to the decline of the order as an order. It seems to have been definitely suppressed in Rome in the first half of the fifth century. Constantinople also had its official grave-diggers, though here they were not reckoned among the clergy. As a class established by Constantine and added to by Anastasius, they attended to burials without charge, but received immunity from taxation and other privileges, so that their position was a desirable one, and coveted even by well-to-do tradesmen. It is learned from Ambrose ( *MPL*, xvii. 745) that in the church of Milan the whole charge of burials was in the hands of the clergy, but he gives no details. ### 2. Administrative Officials. Earlier and fuller information is extant in regard to the officials who had the administration of the cemeteries. With the development from private vaults to burial-grounds for the whole local church, this naturally came within the bishop's sphere of influence. He would of course deputize some of his clergy to assist him, and in Rome from the third century the names of such clerics appear as administrators of the common burying-ground; the first who can be positively identified was in deacon's orders. The *Liber pontificalis,* in its account of Pope Dionysius (259-268), implies that each of the titular or parish churches of Rome had one cemetery specially assigned to it, and that the priest of each church had the oversight of the corresponding cemetery. At the beginning of the fourth century, the growth of the local church required an enlargement of the number, and a redistribution was made (again according to the *Liber pontificalis*) by Pope Marcellus (308-309). Assistants of the parish priest in this matter were those called from the end of the fifth century *præpositi,* who had charge of the more important cemeteries, and the *mansionarii,* who had charge of the less important burial-places. The *præpositi* of the catacomb of St. Calixtus, which was not classed with the others, and of St. Peter's, St. Paul's, and St. Laurence's, were subject not to parish priests but directly to the pope. ### 5. Acquisition, Use, and Protection of Graves: ### 1. Purchase of Grave. In Christian antiquity graves were acquired and prepared as in pre-Christian times, either by purchase or gift, and in the lifetime of the destined occupant or at death. People provided their relatives, friends, and servants with graves by their wills or by deed of gift. The only innovation is that which has been already remarked, that local churches provided burial-places for the poor out of the common funds. Both single graves and family vaults were frequently purchased, and the records of the transaction sometimes occupy more space than the funeral inscription proper, giving the names of buyer, seller, and witnesses, the price and location of the grave. In some of the Roman inscriptions, probably relating only to particular churches, the permission of the pope is mentioned. In cases where the purchase-price is mentioned, though it may have included the cost of construction, it seems in some instances to be excessive, and the *fossores* are likely to have driven a good bargain, especially for places near the tombs of the martyrs, for which there was an increasing demand. Gregory the Great set his face against the selling of graves, but after his death the system seems to have revived. Though the question can not be positively decided, it seems that in Christian antiquity the practise of providing a burial-place during life was more common in the East than in the West, and during the period after Constantine than that before. ### 2. The Same Grave Used for Several Bodies. A passage in Tertullian (*De anima,* li.) and the decrees of certain councils against the crowding of bodies on top of one another or close together has led many archeologists to believe that in the primitive Church each Christian had a grave to himself. But this view is untenable, as is shown especially by the excavations of Paolo Orsi in the cemeteries of Sicily, where he frequently found more than one body in a grave, and in one case as many as eighteen. Even in Rome, where more respect was pad to the dead, the inscriptions not seldom show that an old grave was used again for fresh interments, the original tablet being reversed and made to bear the name of the new tenant. The practise seems to have originated and to have been carried on with the least scruple in the East, where as early as the third century measures had to be taken against the violators of graves, not merely those who opened them for the purpose of interring more corpses, but some even who did not shrink from robbing them. ### 3. Violation of Graves. The custom of putting an inscription on a tomb to guard it from profanation is very old, and on the other hand was common in the Middle Ages. The Christian inscriptions of this kind warn those who read them most frequently and expressly against the use of the grave for burial by unauthorized persons; but the writings of fourth-century Fathers and the edicts of Christian emperors in the same period show that this was not the only danger feared. Gregory Nazianzen has left more than eighty epigrams directed against grave-robbers, and John Chrysostom was obliged to scourge this abuse again and again in his sermons. A startling fact is that the Christian inscriptions affixed to graves as a protection seem to be addressed mainly to Christians, if one may judge from their appeals to God and the last judgment. In all the principal sections of the ancient Church numerous inscriptions are found which threaten violators of tombs either with secular or with divine penalties, or with both; but they are nowhere so numerous as in Phrygia and the adjoining provinces of Asia Minor. This frequency may be explained partly by the open and comparatively unprotected nature of the cemeteries there, although such inscriptions are found also in the Roman and Sicilian catacombs; but it is probably due more largely to the pre-Christian tradition in Asia Minor, where pagan inscriptions of the kind were very numerous—while in Rome, on the other hand, they are equally rare, among pagans and Christians. Secular rulers imposed heavy penalties upon violators of graves; they were excluded from profiting by the usual Easter indulgences, and their wives were allowed to get a divorce from them. Nor was the Church behindhand in warning and punishing offenders. But the evil was so deeply rooted that in spite of all these measures it lasted much longer than Christian antiquity. ### 6. Commemoration of the Dead in the Cemeteries: ### 1. Various Commemorations. Besides the solemnities of interment, the primitive Church had a number of arrangements for the subsequent commemoration of the dead. The earliest recorded is the annual commemoration at the grave of Polycarp on the day of his martyrdom ( *Martyrium Polycarpi, * xviii.). In the time of Tertullian it was customary in Africa to celebrate the anniversary of the death of other Christians ( *De corona,* iii.; *De monogamia, * x.; cf. also *Apostolic Constitutions,* viii. 42; Cyprian, *Epist.,* xxxix. 3). Other commemorations took place on the third, seventh, ninth, thirtieth, and fortieth days after death or burial. As has been seen in regard to the mode of burial, so here also these variations may be referred to the influence of pre-Christian local customs, whether Jewish or pagan. Thus Ambrose ( *De obitu Theodosii,* iii.) ascribes the celebration of the thirtieth day to the example of Deut. xxxiv. 8 and of the fortieth to Gen. l. 3; and Augustine ( *Quæstiones in Heptateuchum,* i. 172) shows the pagan origin of the ninth by objecting to it as reminding people of the Roman *novendial * and being without Biblical precedent. ### 2. Ceremonies of Commemoration. The place of these commemorations is not always mentioned in the early authorities. Those described in the *Martyrium Polycarpi * and the early Gnostic *Acta Joannis * took place at the sepulcher. What may be inferred from the latter to have been the practise of the Christians of Asia Minor is shown by Tertullian and Cyprian to have prevailed also in Africa—the celebration of the Eucharist in connection with these observances. By this sacred feast, which consolingly united the living with those who had gone before, the memorial ceremonies acquired a specifically Christian character. Later it came to be surrounded a number of other ceremonies. Of these the first to come up was a meal, not the ancient *agape * but one partaken of in the ordinary way as simple nourishment. These feasts on the anniversaries of the saints led to abuses and excesses which are frequently rebuked by the Fathers, especially in Africa, but also at Milan and in Rome. Offenses not merely against temperance but against morality seem to have taken place on these occasions in the East, according to Chrysostom, and also at the beginning of the fourth century in Spain, where a council legislates against them. In fact, the influence of the pagan *dies parentales * and *femoralia* continued to be felt, as was clearly the view of Ambrose and Augustine when they endeavored to regulate such customs, and especially to abolish anything which could seem like the heathen custom of offering food and drink to the dead (Augustine, *De moribus ecclesiæ catholicæ,* i. 34; Confessiones, vi. 2; and a canon of the Second Synod of Tours, 567). These authorities, however, do not raise any objection to other survivals of pre-Christian customs, such as the offering of balsam and other sweet-smelling spices, which were frequently poured into the grave in liquid form, through specially prepared openings such as are still to be seen in one of Orsi's discoveries in the catacombs of Syracuse, and at San Paolo fuori le Mura in Rome. Incense was also used. It was a common practise to deck the graves with flowers, and lights were sometimes burned, though this was forbidden by the Synod of Elvira on the singular ground that "the spirits of the saints are not to be disturbed." This custom is evidenced by the large numbers of small lamps found in the catacombs, either placed in niches or fastened to the walls, which can hardly have been intended merely for lighting the dark passages. ### III. Arrangement, Structure, and Grave-Formation of the Cemeteries: In the consideration of these points, the geographical division is evidently the right one; but lack of space will allow it to be carried out only in the description of the subterranean burial-places, while a generic classification will have to be adopted for those above ground. ### 1. Subterranean Burial-Places. ### a. The Oriental Group (Asia Minor, the Crimea, Lower Egypt, and Cyrenaica): ### 1. Palestine. Palestine is rich in tombs hollowed out of the rock, more or less reminding the beholder of the sepulcher of Abraham (Gen. xxiii., xxv. 9). There has not been sufficient scientific investigation into their origin and age to enable an accurate distinction to be drawn between Jewish and Christian tombs in the individual instances. Either naturally perpendicular or artificially filled-out walls of rock were dug into horizontally, or, where such were difficult of attainment, an excavation was made downward in suitable rocky ground, into which a flight of steps or a ladder led down. Places for single or family graves were excavated horizontally, with a low and narrow door to each, closed with a stone, often cylindrical in form. In the single graves a sort of niche, or sometimes two, were chiseled out, at the base of which, on the semblance of a couch, the corpse was laid, wrapped in cloths without a coffin. A variant or development of this was the hollowed-out grave, corresponding to the *arcosolium* of the Roman catacombs, allowing the body to be laid in an excavation resembling a coffin. The best-known single graves in Palestine are those called the tombs of Absalom and of Zechariah at Jerusalem and a number of tombs on the south side of the Valley of Hinnom. The family tombs present the same forms, and later frequent instances are found of another kind, in which the excavation in the walls is shaped so as to allow the body to be pushed in head or feet foremost; of these a large number have been found in Palestine. This latter class may be taken to be exclusively Jewish in origin, and, where they are found in connection with indisputably Christian graves, it is commonly assumed that the Christians merely appropriated them. There is no doubt that the Jewish Christians also used the hollowed-out and the vertically sunk graves. An interesting burial-place with the latter type of grave is that on the Mount of Olives, which in more than one particular differs from the normal arrangement in Palestine, and probably belongs to a comparatively late period of Christian antiquity. Elsewhere in the country, even down to the fifth and sixth centuries, the original character of both single and family tombs was preserved. ### 2. Syria. Syria offers a considerable number both of ancient church buildings and of ancient cemeteries, both above and below ground, and a type which is a combination of the two, at once hollowed out in the rock and built over above. The openings to the subterranean burial-places are either vertical or horizontal. In the former case they are covered by a stone like the lid of a sarcophagus, or sometimes by a roof with columns or a complete chamber; in the latter, a door leads directly into them by a flight of steps, or one passes first through a portico or anteroom. The inner space, usually rectangular, has in most cases two or three hollowed-out and vaulted graves, each along one wall; six is the largest number cited by De Vogüé. The coffin-shaped place for the body is generally covered, not by a slab, but by a heavy stone shaped like the arched sarcophagus-lids. The principal difference between the known Christian burial-places of Syria (mostly fifth century, to judge from the inscriptions) and their pagan prototypes is the almost universal choice of the *arcosolium* form among those used in pre-Christian times. ### 3. Mesopotamia. The cemeteries of Mesopotamia seem to correspond in their main features to those of central Syria, including structures wholly or partially above ground and excavations in the rock. An important necropolis is that outside the walls of Constantina in northern Mesopotamia, above ground, containing nearly 2,000 graves. The subterranean burial-places seem to have been mostly connected with ancient stone-quarries, and some of them are more extensive than the similar ones in Syria, though numerous smaller ones have been found. ### 4. Asia Minor. The best-known early Christian cemeteries in Asia Minor are in the extreme southeastern provinces of Isauria and Cilicia, of which the former had the good fortune to be explored by L. Duchesne. Near the ancient Seleucia (now Selefkeh) are numerous rectangular chambers at irregular distances from each other, excavated in soft limestone and entered by doors. They contain from three to ten graves apiece, somewhat like *arcosolia,* but standing out further from the walls. Rock-chambers and isolated *arcosolia* are also found near the village of Libas, and many isolated coffins were scattered around three basilicas at Mout, the ancient Claudiopolis, as well as graves dug straight down and covered with stone slabs. Anazarbe in Cilicia has a large necropolis dating from a late period of Christian antiquity, in which both rock-chambers and rock-coffins are found, as also at Elæussa. A still larger cemetery was probably that of Corykos (now Ghorigos), where chambers are excavated in the rock; sometimes in several lines one above another. These seem to have been all for families or small groups. All about the neighboring hills are large isolated sarcophagi with saddle-back covers. In Pisidia, at Termessos, there are burial-chambers which the crosses show to have been Christian. Since Armenia has Christian rock-tombs at Arabissos (now Yarpuz), it is not unlikely that the intervening province of Cappadocia will yet furnish some examples. It is possible that the lack of interest hitherto shown in the Christian cemeteries of Asia Minor is due to the close resemblance between them and the pagan burial-places; and evidence is not lacking to support the theory that a considerable number which have heretofore been classed as pagan will, upon further investigation, be proved to be Christian. ### 5. Egypt. Accurate modern scientific investigation of the Christian sepulchral remains of Egypt has borne no proportion to the importance of the northern part of that country in the early Church, and the question must be here discussed principally from the evidences to be found in Alexandria. Among the catacombs to which access was gained in the nineteenth century the best known is that discovered in 1858, lying near the Serapeum in the south-western part of the ancient city. A flight of steps leads down into a square anteroom, with a semi-circular niche adjoining it on the west side, and two burial-chambers extending out from it. One of these is long and narrow, vaulted above, and containing thirty-two tombs of the kind into which the body is pushed head or feet first. The other, smaller and square, has three hollowed-out graves, one on each side, and another sunk in the floor. That these were used by Christians is demonstrated by paintings and inscriptions, though more recent in date than the construction. Néroutsos, the most thorough student of the Alexandrian catacombs, mentions another, discovered in 1876, which he believes to be Christian. In this the anteroom resembles a Greek or Roman *ædicula,* though the capitals of the columns are decorated with lotus-flowers instead of acanthus-leaves. The oblong burial-chamber leading out of this has on three sides rows of graves of the kind described, at right angles with the wall, one above another, to the number of fifty-four. These cemeteries were probably family burial-places, serving for more than one generation. The pagans and Jews of Alexandria undoubtedly began with this system, but there is reason to believe that the Christians did not always adhere to it. ### 6. Cyrenaica. Cyrenaica contains a great number of burial-places hollowed out in the rock, both pagan and Christian, especially in the old capital city; but they have not been explored with sufficient completeness and accuracy to allow the formation of definite conclusions. As far as can be determined, most of the burial-places of Cyrene are excavated in the side of perpendicular cliffs near the city. Only a few of them give positive evidence of Christian use, though there is reason to think that these are not all. A great variety of methods appears, including movable and immovable stone sarcophagi, *arcosolia, loculi,* graves sunk in the floor, and long, narrow holes in the cliff in which the dead were laid one above another, separated by horizontal slabs. The *arcosolia* show considerable artistic feeling, and where the vaulted roof occurs it resembles not a little the vaulting of the apse in early churches, like which, again, it is often painted. In these catacombs several chambers are sometimes united to form a larger whole, evidently serving for more than one family, and in one case it is possible to conclude with certainty that it was a common burial-place for the Christian community. In this particular alone the Christians of Cyrenaica developed beyond their predecessors' whom they followed only in the variety of shapes used for the graves. ### b. The Western Group: ### 1. North Africa. Even if the assumption frequently made that there were no subterranean cemeteries in North Africa is abandoned, it is true, at least, that they have but little significance compared with the large number in the open air or in and near buildings above ground. There seem really to be but two subterranean burial-places to consider. One at Tipasa has ten adjoining chambers dug out of the rock of the foot-hills. The chamber, trapezoid in form, approximately ten feet by nine, has an *arcosolium* on each of three sides and three graves dug in the floor, apparently covered with flat slabs. Gavault, its discoverer, compares it with some chambers in the Roman catacombs, but it is more analogous to the Oriental and Sicilian. The other cemetery, discovered in 1885, is at Arch-Zara. The accessible portion is elliptical in shape, terminating in a sort of apse. Four parallel passages, the longest about eighty-eight yards, crossed by others at right angles, are found in it. In the walls of these galleries are placed *loculi,* closed by slabs of brick. It is quite possible that the place extends further in, or even that there is a second level below the one which has been excavated. ### 2. Sicily. The cemeteries of Sicily surpass in number those of any other province of the Roman Empire, and show more varied forms than even Rome itself can offer. Each of the races which successively ruled the island brought its own customs with it, while none was strong enough to enforce them to the exclusion of the old. In dealing with the problem of sepulture, Christianity had a number of methods, both aboriginal and mixed, to choose from, and needed only to adopt or adapt. Nor was it limited to Sicilian types; the many ties which connected the island, even in Christian times, with Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, North Africa, and Rome rendered it possible for still other architectural types to find an entrance. The geological formation of the island favored the excavation of subterranean burial-places. Limestone and tufa abound, the latter usually of firmer substance than the *tufa granulare* of the neighborhood of Rome. The first stage in the development is formed by the family vaults, of which the simplest show a square, oblong, or trapezoid form with graves in the walls, usually of the *arcosolium* or *loculus* type. Next, the small vault developed into a hall, from which recesses ran off on each side, usually shaped like a bell or a flower-pot, though sometimes square, with an opening at the top for light and air. Structures based upon older cisterns are confined to the vicinity of Girgenti, and tombs with a baldachin covering, to eastern Sicily and Malta. Some of these stand free from the walls with the covering supported by pillars on all sides, like the ciborium of an altar; others are supported from one side on pillars, and from the other connect with the wall. In the eastern part are some with decorative facades in front either of a single grave or of a group, furnished with doors and windows. The main differences in structure depend upon the size of the cemetery. The galleries of the larger catacombs were laid out with one or more main alleys and a number of smaller ones running across or parallel to them. The passages are as a rule comparatively wide, much wider than in Rome. Occupying an intermediate position between passages and chambers are the recesses, as wide as or wider than the corridors, but shorter. These are met with frequently in Sicily, and often contain (besides other types of graves) sarcophagi, sometimes arranged in terraces. Where chambers occur in the large catacombs, they are connected with the galleries, and are in shape square, oblong, trapezoid, or circular, the last being especially preferred in the principal catacombs of Syracuse. The rectangular ones have either a flat or a vaulted roof, the circular are often covered with a cupola, with an opening in the top for light and air. Where the size was sufficiently great to admit the possibility of a fall of the roof, this was guarded against by the construction of pillars out of the solid rock or by the erection of columns. The corridors and chambers are sometimes all on one level, sometimes in different stories. The variety of grave-forms is even greater than that of the general structure. In most places the commonest type is the *arcosolium,* sometimes double, one above another. Single graves are found relatively seldom; usually several occur in a row (up to fifteen or even more) under the same vaulted roof. In Sicily *loculi* are much less common than *arcosolia,* and where they are numerous certain corridors contain them almost exclusively for children. The "table-tomb" and the grave at right angles with the wall are rare. Sarcophagi, on the other head, were common, either cut out of the natural stone, built up with masonwork, or made of better material, such as marble; and so were graves sunk in the floor of chambers, recesses, and galleries, to the extent of forming a characteristic of the Sicilian cemeteries. The most important of all the Sicilian catacombs was that of San Giovanni near Syracuse, which in extent and skilful laying out surpasses even the Roman. ### 3. Malta. In Malta most of the ancient cemeteries lie near the capital, in the neighborhood of Carthaginian burial-places. Where the sides of rocky cliffs were accessible, the excavations were horizontal, vertical in the flat country. Some of these have nothing but galleries, others nothing but chambers. As a rule, the galleries are few and short, their height that of a man. Among the grave-forms is one which so far has not been found outside of Malta, known for convenience as the "oven-grave." This is an opening in the wall at a greater or less distance from the floor, with the bottom and sides straight, and the top in the shape of either an arch or a shell, or sometimes straight. These external parts are carefully constructed and decorated, often with pilasters in the front; at the back is a rectangular opening which gives access to the length of a grave usually for two, less often for one or three bodies. These graves are generally arranged in a row; in the catacomb of Tal-Liebru there are two rows, one above the other. This peculiar form can hardly be of Christian origin, but is rather, as Mayr has shown, the development of a type used by the Phenician population of the island. In a number of burial-places it is the only form used, in others it appears concurrently with the more usual types, among which the *arcosolium* is the most frequent. Both in the oven-graves and in the others a headrest with a semicircular depression is common. The Maltese cemeteries, most of which date from the fourth and fifth centuries, are as a rule small, and must have served for families or other small groups. Only a single catacomb is known on the neighboring island of Gozzo. ### 4. Melos. Near the village of Trypiti in Melos, surrounded by pagan tombs, is a Christian necropolis unquestionably used as early as the fourth century, composed originally of five separate catacombs, four of which were afterward connected; and it is probable that others still lie concealed in the vicinity. The oldest, that in the middle, consists of a broad main gallery and several side corridors. The width of the galleries varies from 3 ft. 3 in. to 16 ft. 4 in., the height from 4 ft. 7 in. to 7 ft. 6 in. The walls contain *arcosolia* with semicircular arches and a few *loculi,* and there are graves sunk in the floor of all the passages, usually in pairs. The three undoubtedly Christian catacombs have no chambers, but the other two, which are probably Christian, have them. Bayet counted 150 *arcosolia* and sixty-six sunk graves in the whole five. ### 5. Apulia. Far as Melos and Apulia are from each other, it would be difficult to find a closer affinity between types of catacombs than exists between these just described and those of Venosa, of which the one most fully studied is apparently of Jewish origin. Here again one finds the same unusual breadth of galleries, in spite of the friable nature of the tufa, the *arcosolium* is the predominant form, at least in the main galleries, and the floor is full of sunk graves, while chambers are once more lacking. The principal difference is in the form of the *arcosolia,* which in Melos are of only one kind, in Venosa of several, answering to the Sicilian variety; and in fact the Jewish catacomb of Venosa offers to a certain extent the intermediate step between Melos on one side and Sicily and southern Italy on the other. ### 6. Naples. The catacombs of Naples are the most important among those of Campania; and of these the largest and oldest are those of San Gennaro dei Poveri, whose beginnings apparently go back to the first century. Four are enumerated nowadays; but there is reason to suppose that there were originally more. The oldest is trapezoid in ground-plan, with a maximum width of thirty-three feet and length somewhat more. Other smaller rooms open from it to left and right, the latter of which was later remodeled into a church. At the back of the large hall are the entrances to two parallel galleries nearly 100 yards long, connected by numerous transverse passages. From the outer side of each of these stretch out other chambers and galleries, which in their turn ramify still further, though to a much less extent than in the Roman catacombs. The second catacomb is less important, and the other two still less. They exhibit three types of graves—*arcosolia, loculi,* and sunk graves. The first are the most numerous in the halls and chambers, as well as in the oldest and most important galleries; unlike the Roman, but like those of Melos and Sicily, they are sometimes in two rows, one above the other. From the irregular disposition of the *loculi,* which look as if they had been crowded in, it is safe to attribute a later date to them. They form, however, an actual majority of the total number of graves. ### 7. Castellamare. At Castellamare there is a later but not uninteresting catacomb, named after St. Blasius. Besides a nearly square entrance-hall, it contains a main gallery nearly twenty-two yards long, with an average breadth of 9 ft. 10 in., lined with *arcosolia.* On the left of it three side galleries branch out, and at its further end is a chamber from which further galleries continue. The weight of evidence is in favor of a Christian origin. The arrangement of the graves in the chambers at Castellamare and Sorrento is peculiar; they are placed in rows one above another so as to resemble a honeycomb, a form which is lacking in the older catacombs, though it is impossible to say whether it originated with the Christians of these places. ### 8. Rome. The history of the immense and widely known catacombs of Rome begins, as is the case elsewhere, with the family plot. In the first two centuries, and even later, individual Christians picked out places for the interment of themselves and their families, including in some cases their freed-men. The arrangement of the first cemeteries is not demonstrably derived from pagan models, since there were many Jews in Rome and in the primitive Church there, and these also buried their dead in subterranean cemeteries. But there is reason to believe that, while it would be too much to say that Jewish traditions had no influence on the early development, the first beginnings of the Christian burial system in Rome were derived rather from pagan prototypes. With the extension of the family plot into the common cemetery for the faithful, underground Rome became apparently a labyrinth, though really its plan is more simple and intelligible than that of some of the larger catacombs outside of Rome. Since the ground was either flat or slightly rolling, the excavation was begun by digging down at an angle into the earth, the descent being furnished with steps, usually covered with brick or marble. After it had reached the required depth (averaging about twenty feet), the excavation continued horizontally in a main gallery and others roughly parallel with it, connected by cross passages into a regular network. The dead were interred usually in the walls, less often in the floor of the passages. Here and there, at the side, end, or intersection of passages, doors were cut which led to one or more chambers ( *cubicula*). The shape of these was as a rule nearly rectangular, less often polygonal, semicircular, or circular; the roof nearly or quite flat or cross-vaulted in the rectangular ones, and of the nature of a cupola in the polygonal or circular. The later catacombs usually have smaller chambers, sometimes not more than about four square yards in extent. As to the form of the tombs, the *loculus* here is the most frequent, larger than necessary in the oldest cases, but later closely following the shape of the body. Sometimes they were dug in deep enough to afford room for several bodies. Above the *arcosolia* there was usually a nearly or quite semicircular arch. If two bodies were to be buried together in these, a *loculus* was cut at the back of the hollowed-out apace, or sometimes the arch was carried further back and two spaces hollowed out side by side; or again *loculi* were cut, especially for children, in the lunette of the arch. A combination of the *loculus* and the *arcosolium* is the so-called *loculus a mensa* or "table-tomb." The grave dug in the floor is found less often than in southern Italy and Sicily, and most of those which exist probably date from a time when the walls were already full. Sarcophagi were also used, made of marble in most cases; these were placed mostly in the *cubicula* and galleries, but sometimes on the side of the stairs. When the wall-space of a catacomb was filled, the *fossores* gained more room by digging the floor of the passages deeper. When this had gone so far as to threaten the stability of the walls, a second shaft or gallery was begun at a downward angle from the first, and the whole process repeated. Thus in the catacombs of St. Calixtus and St. Domitilla five different levels are found, the lowest more than eighty feet beneath the surface. An approximate conception of the vast extent of the Roman catacombs may be gained from the calculations of Michele Stefano de Rossi and of Marchi. The former estimated the total length of the passages at 550 miles, the latter at 750. The number of bodies buried there is variously given as from three and a half to six millions. The catacombs of the towns around Rome and in Etruria resemble the Roman, it is true, more than the Sicilian; but there are striking differences, as in the typical ones of Bolsena, Chiusi, and Soriano, which, when examined in detail, lead to the conclusion that the influence of the ancient Etruscan burial-customs had much to do with them. It extended, in fact, very nearly to the gates of Rome, and some of its characteristics are found in the catacombs of Rignano and at the twentieth milestone on the Via Flaminia. ### 2. Cemeteries Above Ground. ### a. Plan and Construction: ### 1. In the Open Air. The simplest form of cemeteries in the open air is found in Upper Egypt, where, in order, to save the soil available for agriculture and at the same time to protect the graves from inundation, the Christians laid their dead to rest on the border of the desert, in large cemeteries used by a considerable district. They seldom used wooden coffins, but tied the corpse, mummified with asphalt or natron, to a sycamore board, then wrapped cloths around it and buried it in an ordinary grave. The discovery in 1873 of a cemetery dating from the fourth and fifth centuries at Portogruaro, the ancient Julia Concordia, gives an accurate idea of other vanished burying-grounds, especially in northern Italy. Several hundred sarcophagi of Istrian limestone rest either directly on the ground or on large square bases. They are carved out of a single block of stone, usually without anything on their sides except inscriptions, and covered with heavy roof-shaped covers. The cemeteries of Arles, Vienna, and Treves were similarly laid out. At Arles five layers of graves ultimately existed, one above another, separated only by a layer of earth—the lowest heathen, the upper ones Christian. Much the same was the arrangement at Vienna and at Treves, except that in the latter there are both sarcophagi and graves lined with masonry or brick and covered with slabs of brick, limestone, or sandstone. Here again the lowest layer contains a number of pagan inscriptions and sarcophagi, the most probable inference being that the Christians in Gaul and the Rhine country occupied former pagan burial-places. The *areæ * of northern Africa attained a certain celebrity even during the epoch of persecution, and were carefully investigated by French scholars during the nineteenth century. One at Lambèse, about sixty-five by fifty-three yards in extent, was surrounded by a slight wall, and apparently contained nothing but ordinary graves. Elsewhere, in addition to these, small vaulted structures were erected over the bodies, as at Cæsarea (modern Cherchel) in Mauretania. Two important open-air cemeteries existed at Tipasa; in the center of one was a basilica erected over the body of the martyr Salsa. ### 2. Memorial Buildings. The word "mausoleum," now usually restricted to large and imposing monuments, was used in ancient times for less important tombs, and *memoria* is also frequently employed. These small memorial buildings have mostly disappeared. They must have been particularly numerous in regions where the small family burial-place was the rule, and where the custom of erecting them had been prevalent in pre-Christian times. Syria and Mesopotamia have supplied a considerable proportion of them, and Asia Minor probably had as many; but they existed also in countries where the common burying-ground was the rule. Some stood among graves in the open air, as above the Catacomb of St. Calixtus in Rome; others near or attached to churches, as at Tipasa and two that adjoined the old St. Peter's in Rome; others, again, were isolated, like the tomb of Galla Placidia and that of Theodoric at Ravenna. ### 3. Ground-Plan and Form. The frequency of nearly or quite rectangular grave-chambers in the underground cemeteries would lead to the expectation of finding the same structure above ground; and as a matter of fact it is the rule in Syria and Mesopotamia, while the early existence of numerous examples of this class may be inferred from paintings and sculptures representing the raising of Lazarus, which nearly always depict an oblong tomb like a house or temple. Actual examples from the West are one built like a tower above the Catacomb of St. Calixtus in Rome, another vaulted one at Tropea, two adjoining ones by the side of a basilica at Morsott, and another at Tipasa in North Africa. Occasionally to the rectangular ground-plan was added a semicircular termination at the rear, as in the group of tombs in the cemetery of Manastirine near Salona, of the fourth century or earlier, and other examples at Tipasa and Ancona. The rotunda shape, however, was also of frequent occurrence from the earliest times. Two large mausoleums of this shape, Santa Petronilla and Santa Maria della Febbre, stand near St. Peter's in Rome, and the church of St. George at Salonica was probably sepulchral in origin. The tomb of Theodoric at Ravenna is externally a decagon, on the ground floor within a Greek cross, and circular above. After semicircular additions to an original rectangular plan became common, suggesting the form of a cross, the idea received further development at the hands of Christians. The most prominent representative of this was the mausoleum of the first Christian emperors, the church of the Apostles at Constantinople, of whose sumptuous structure, unhappily, little more is known now than that it had the shape of a Greek cross. The tomb of Galla Placidia at Ravenna also deserves study from this point of view. Probably earlier than the time of Constantine is the original construction of the two mausoleums above the catacombs of St. Calixtus, which later received the names of St. Sixtus and St. Soter. ### 4. Cemeteries Connected with Churches. When, after the cessation of persecution, the erection of churches over or near the graves of the saints was carried out on a large scale, the development of cemeteries in connection with them followed as a consequence of the desire of Christians to be buried near the resting-place of the martyrs. In spite of the ancient law forbidding burial within the walls of the city, such burials continued after the relics of the martyrs were brought in to the principal churches of various places (see CHURCH-YARD). Burial within the church itself was not everywhere approved. In Spain and Gaul, particularly, it was even a subject of adverse conciliar legislation, although this barrier did not suffice to keep back the flowing tide of popular piety. Both literary and monumental evidence attests the existence in the most widely separated portions of the primitive Church of buildings used both for worship and for interment. A large number of them arose outside the walls of Rome. Unfortunately many smaller buildings of this class sank into decay or oblivion during and after the Middle Ages, while the larger ones were so transformed in course of time that to-day they have scarcely a trace of their original use. It is thus easier to examine the extant ruins in order to form an idea of the construction adopted in the first instance. Of these undoubtedly the most significant is that discovered and explored by Delattre at Damous-el-Karita near Carthage. Here, in the church proper and *atrium* as well as in the immediate neighborhood, more than 14,000 inscriptions or fragments of inscriptions were brought to light. The dead were buried in ordinary sunk graves, lined and covered with slabs, though some were constructed of masonry, frequently covered with stone slabs, and a number of sarcophagi were founds these latter sunk flush with the floor. Of the great burial-churches in Rome, the best example was until recently furnished by that of Santi Nereo ed Achilleo, the floor of which was literally crowded with graves and sarcophagi. The church of St. Paul without the Walls, also at Rome, which from the fourth century was a favorite burial-place, was surrounded by a space intended especially for interment, covered by a roof supported on columns, and adorned with paintings; and that of St. Balbina, also outside the city, had a *teglata* under which the dead were buried. ### b. Types of Graves: ### 1. The Ordinary Grave. In the primitive age, the simple grave dug in the earth was the commonest form for cemeteries above ground. It was ordinarily not so deep as the graves of to-day, and was frequently lined with slabs of stone, with brick, or with masonry. This custom led to the enlargement of the simple grave into a vault capable of holding several bodies. Of these vaults none have been so thoroughly investigated as were these of the upper cemetery of St. Calixtus and the churches of St. Laurence and St. Paul without the Walls by De Rossi. In the first-named large holes were dug, and then divided off by partitions into spaces each large enough for one body. The materials used in construction were tufa, brick, marble, and thick layers of mortar. In these compartments the corpses were placed one above another, a slab covering the one first buried and serving as a support for the next. The place of the slab was occasionally taken by an arched covering of brick or by a layer of masonry. In this particular cemetery the excavation was carried deep enough to contain ten or even more bodies thus superimposed; the average is between eight and nine. The same system is found at Ostia, Porto, and Tropea in Calabria, as well as in North Africa and at Athens. In other cases, as in the same cemetery of St. Calixtus, the corpses were laid side by side and separated by an upright slab. While the usual shape of all these graves was rectangular, some occur in North Africa which correspond roughly to the shape of the body, and are rounded off at the head and foot. They were frequently also wider at the head than at the foot, giving a bell-shaped type which corresponds to examples found in the Sicilian catacombs. In both cases this type is a survival of native pre-Christian usage. ### 2. The Covering of the Grave. The closing of the graves, whichever of these forms they took, was done in various ways. In Upper Egypt commonly, but elsewhere as well, the earth removed in excavation was heaped over the grave. In other cases slabs were laid either flat on the ground or on the top of the sides where an artificial lining was placed in the grave. These slabs were frequently decorated in the fifth century with mosaic, including an inscription and various pictorial representations, sometimes the portrait of the deceased or symbolic designs. Instead of slabs, large heavy stones cut into a rough shape were used in some places, especially in the East, and in North Africa, where it was an inheritance from Carthaginian custom. ### 3. Sarcophagi. The term sarcophagus was originally used by the ancients in connection with a kind of stone found near Assos in Asia Minor, which was supposed to have the property of consuming the flesh of the corpse in a short time (Pliny, *Hist. nat.,* XXXVI. xvii. 27), but it was often employed for receptacles made out of other stone. The early Christians, taking over both name and things, used the stone they found at hand. For relief decorations, however, the porous and often flawed limestone was ill adapted, and marble was generally selected where these were desired. The most usual form was that of a parallelepiped, hollowed out to receive the body. The shape of the body was sometimes partially reproduced on the outside, especially in North Africa, or at least the head was semicircular; while at Rome the head and foot were alike. Sarcophagi for children seldom occur, because they were usually buried with their parents in the larger ones. When more than one body was to be placed in the same sarcophagus, stone partitions were sometimes placed in the interior. Christian sarcophagi were frequently adorned with more or less elaborate decorations, usually in relief, though the taste of the North African Christians for mosaic led them to employ it in some cases. ### 4. Other receptacles. Wooden coffins were also used, either enclosed in the sarcophagi or buried in the earth; but on account of their perishable material they have almost disappeared. A coffin of cypress was found in the marble sarcophagus of St. Cecilia, and Gsell found others of oak and pine in sarcophagi at Tipasa. A plain rectangular chest of cedar, but richly decorated with plates of gold and silver, received the remains of St. Paulinus at Treves, and was afterward enclosed in a large sandstone sarcophagus. Coffins of lead were also known; but the most peculiar receptacles were those in the shape of an amphora or large water-vessel. These easily held the corpses of little children; when they were used for full-grown persons, they were sometimes taken apart and lengthened by the addition of cylindrical pieces taken from other amphoræ, and then cemented together. ### IV. Equipment and Decoration of Tombs: Corresponding to the great variety of arrangement and structure noticed above is a still greater wealth of objects pertaining to the equipment and decoration of the resting-places of the dead. Many of these objects seem natural and intelligible to-day, but others appear peculiar, especially the provision of household utensils. The furnishing of tombs with inscriptions and with painted or carved images is but an inheritance of the traditions of earlier civilized peoples, especially the Greeks and Romans; and it seems on the face of it not unlikely that the provision of these various other objects was similarly a following of ancient custom. It is indisputable that these pre-Christian peoples regarded the grave as a house, and gave it corresponding arrangements and decorations. Roman tombs sometimes accurately resemble dwelling-houses, with *atrium, triclinia,* and the like. Numerous pagan inscriptions designate either a burial-vault or a single grave as a house, the eternal house, etc. These same designations and an analogous form of construction are not uncommon in early Christian usage, as might be shown, did space permit, from monuments, inscriptions, and the writings of the Fathers. This conception of the grave as a house offers the only satisfactory explanation of what would otherwise be so mysterious, the character of the objects in the tombs as gifts to the dead. In themselves unnecessary if not senseless additions, they merely demonstrate the power of long custom, from which even medieval Christianity was not able wholly to emancipate itself. ### 1. The Grave Itself. ### a. The Interior: ### 1. Objects Pertaining to the Corpse. Proper clothing for the corpse was universal, no matter what form of grave was used. Even those who died of the plague in Alexandria had their seemly vesture (Eusebius, *Hist. eccl.*, vii. 22). Linen seems to have been the usual material, and white the color, though costly stuffs, such as silk and purple and gold brocade were sometimes used. Ambrose, Chrysostom, and Jerome protested against the use of gold-embroidered garments, and the first and last also against silk. At a later period synods even found it necessary to legislate against luxury in grave-clothes, e.g., that of Auxerre in 578. In the same century Gregory of Tours relates that a kinswoman of King Childebert was buried "with great ornaments and much gold," which, however, were soon stolen. The indications thus given in the literature of the period are confirmed by numerous discoveries, the largest number of which have been in Upper Egypt. Here the garments are mostly of linen, less often of pure wool or silk. As to mere ornaments, though Gregory of Nyassa says that the body of his sister Macrina was stripped before burial of rings and necklaces, the discoveries show that this was not the common practise. On the contrary, the number of such objects found leads to the conclusion that many bodies were more richly adorned in death than in life. Among them are rings, earrings, bracelets and anklets, necklaces, combs and hairpins, fibulæ, etc., made of various materials and frequently bearing Christian emblems, such as the monogram of Christ, the Good Shepherd, the dove, fish, and cross. With these ornaments it is easy to confuse the amulets sometimes found, since many of them were made in the shape of rings, bracelets, or pendants for the neck (see AMULET). ### 2. Disposition of the Corpse. Where the grave-diggers of the catacombs, or the stone-cutters who made sarcophagi, designed the space for the corpse, as was often the case, so that its head was higher than its feet, there was no need for any support for the head But in other cases such supports were placed in the tomb, the most primitive sort being of one or more stones. In Upper Egypt rich leather cushions stuffed with tow have been found, so sumptuously decorated as to deserve the name of works of art. Vessels of clay served the same purpose in North Africa. Sometimes supports were provided for the whole body—in North Africa a layer of beton, here and elsewhere simple arrangements of flat bricks, in Catania perforated brick supports on low feet, like benches. On sanitary grounds the grave was often lined with unslaked lime, which was also sprinkled over the corpse. Traces of this custom have been found in the Roman catacombs and elsewhere, as in North Africa. The dead were also laid in some places on a bed of laurel leaves. ### 3. Gifts to the Dead. While the Christians of the primitive age usually contemned the use of perfumed oils and waters, they used such things for the dead in considerable quantities. The dead were anointed before they were dressed for burial, and then sprinkled with perfumes or regularly embalmed with spices, though this latter practise seems to have been comparatively rare in Rome. Anything like mummifying was still more uncommon, outside of Egypt. Usually cloths wet with perfumes were laid upon the body, especially the face, and vessels of the most diverse shapes filled with perfumery were set near it. It is practically certain that some of the vessels known as *Ampullæ* contained these perfumes, and others wine. As food and drink were set out for the martyrs and other saints at the commemorative feasts, it is safe to say that this took place also at burials. There is also the often-discussed possibility that such vessels contained the elements of the Eucharist, or at least the consecrated wine, in connection with the practice condemned at the Third Council of Carthage and often later, of making the dead partakers in the communion. Another class is formed by the large number of domestic utensils of every sort which have been found in the graves. These comprise vessels of all kinds, mostly of clay but sometimes of glass or more costly materials, knives, forks, spoons, writing-tablets, styluses, ink-stands, hammers, nails, spinning-wheels, chisels, and tools of many different kinds. Other objects of daily use pertain less to mere utility than to luxury and adornment. A varied collection of articles such as served the women of those days for the toilet have been discovered in and near the tombs of the catacombs, made of metal, mosaic, ivory, glass, enamel, and mother-of-pearl. The grave being conceived, in a certain sense, as the house or chamber of the departed, there is nothing surprising in the discovery that parents, for example, placed near the bodies of the children they had lost even the trifles which had been dear to them in life—dolls, small figures of men and animals, small lamps, spoons, etc., savings-banks, and ivory letters of the kind used in the schools. Even things relating to the amusements of grown-up people—boards for games, dice, and the like—are occasionally found. Pieces of money are of frequent occurrence. Since there is evidence that the old pagan custom of providing the dead with money to pay Charon for the ferriage persisted among Christians in Greece and elsewhere, there is no doubt that at least some of these coins were placed there from that point of view. ### b. The Exterior: ### 1. Vessels for lights and Incense. After the burial was finished, it was a common practise to fix in the still wet mortar with which the *loculi* and *arcosolia* of the subterranean cemeteries were closed small vessels, usually of glass, sometimes shells, for the same purpose as the vessels inside the grave. A repeated renewal of these is evidenced by the tomb of one Peregrina (d. 452) in the Catacomb of San Giovanni at Syracuse, several glasses must have been broken and replaced, and there was also a clay censer still containing coals and some grains of intense. The lamps similarly affixed to the outside of the graves were intended to be lighted at the funeral and on memorial days. Semicircular niches were made in the adjacent walls to hold them. From the reign of Constantine the lamps burning at the graves of the martyrs were kept up with special reverence; the oil from them was credited with miraculous power, and pilgrims often took a small quantity of it home with them. ### 2. Marks of Identification. Many of the objects mentioned above (a, §3) are found embedded in the mortar outside the graves, sometimes as gifts, but in other cases undoubtedly as means of identification among the thousands of graves in the large catacombs, the majority of which had no inscriptions, possibly owing to the poverty of the survivors. Some of these substitutes for the regular incised blocks of marble or other stone are letters, numbers, etc., embedded or scratched in or above the place where the tomb is closed; others are small objects of great variety, rings, buttons, glasses, bits of mosaic, animals' teeth, shells, coins, stones of fruit and leaves of plants, fixed in the mortar before it dried. ### 3. Inscriptions and Paintings. In their use of sepulchral inscriptions the early Christians merely continued the tradition of still older civilizations. Outside of the family vaults, on or over the door of which the name of the occupants or owners appeared, the inscriptions were placed on or at least near the graves. The most peculiar exception to the general usage is formed by those which have the inscriptions inside the graves, where they can not have been visible to passers-by. Karl Schmidt discovered a number of inscribed gravestones in the necropolis of Antinoe in Egypt which seemed to have been laid originally well down in the graves, at the foot, with the writing underneath. The inscriptions were either cut with a chisel or other sharp tool, scratched with a sharp point, painted with a brush, or composed in mosaic. These inscriptions offer most trustworthy and striking evidence of the mode of thought, faith, and hope of the primitive Christians, especially in regard to death, the grave, and the resurrection (see INSCRIPTIONS; PAINTING). ### 2. The Chambers and Passages: In these the presence has already been noted of tables, benches, and chairs for the observance of the commemorations of the dead. The dimensions of such tables as have been discovered imply that the number of participants was small. While such furniture is practically absent from the Roman Catacombs, where wood must accordingly have been used, several tables of more durable material have been found in North African burial-places. The galleries and chambers of the catacombs also contained receptacles for the materials used in mixing mortar for closing up the tombs. Those which have been preserved, made usually of clay, with incrustations of mortar and lime still upon them, may have been used either for this purpose or on sanitary grounds, to counteract the effluvia of the place. Lighting arrangements are found here too, although the galleries must have been in comparative darkness, to judge from the way in which Jerome quotes Ps. lv. 15 and Vergil, *Æneid,* ii. 755 in connection with the memory of his visit to the Roman Catacombs. As the *arcosolia* were frequently ornamented with paintings in their vaults and lunettes, and the *loculi* on their exterior side, so also the chambers and less frequently the galleries of the catacombs were decorated in the same way. No doubt the structures above ground connected with the cemeteries were painted in much more numerous cases than the scanty remains extant at the present day would lead one to suppose. (NIKOLAUS MÜLLER.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Townshend, *Catalogue of Books Relating to the Disposal of Bodies, * New York, 1887. On the general question consult: F. Piper, *Einleitung in die monumentale Theologie, * Gotha, 1867; J. Wilpert, *Principienfragen der christlichen Archäologie, * Freiburg, 1889; F. X. Kraus, *Ueber Begriff, Umfang und Geschichte der christlichen Archäologie, * Freiburg, 1879; idem, *Real-Encyklopädie der christlichen Alterthümer,* 2 vols., ib. 1880-86; V. Schultze, *Archäologische Studien, * Vienna, 1880; *Die Katakomben, die altchristlichen Grabstätten, * Leipsic, 1882; R. Grousset, *Étude sur l'histoire des sarcophages chrétiens, * Athens, 1885; L. Wagner, *Manners, Customs and Observances, * London, 1885; A. Hasenclever, *Der altchristliche Gräberschmuck, * Brunswick, 1886; H. Marucchi, *Éléments d'archéologie chrétienne, * Paris, 1900; Neander, *Christian Church, * vols. i.-iv., consult Index, s.v. "Burial"; Schaff, *Christian Church,* ii. 286-310, 380-385; Moeller, *Christian Church, * i. 279-283 For burial in Palestine consult: T. Tobler, *Golgatha, * pp. 201 sqq., et passim, St. Gall, 1851; idem, *Zwei Bücher Topographie von Jerusalem, * ii. 227 sqq., Berlin, 1854; J. N. Sepp, *Jerusalem und das heilige Land, * i. 273 sqq., Schaffhausen, 1873; *Survey of Western Palestine, * London, 1881 sqq.; *Mittheilungen und Nachrichten des deutschen Palästina-Vereins, * Leipsic, 1895 sqq.; *Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, * passim; C. Mommert, *Golgotha und das heilige Grab zu Jerusalem, * Leipsic, 1900. For Syrian burial consult: F. E. C. Dietrich, *Zwei sidonische Inschriften,* pp. 11 sqq., Marburg, 1855; C. J. M, de Vogüé, *Notice archéologique sur les monuments encore existants en Terre Sainte, * Paris, 1870; idem, *Syrie centrale, * Paris, 1865-77. For North Africa consult: A. L. Delattre, *Inscriptions chrétiennes provenant de la basilique de Damous-el-Karita à Carthage, * Constantine, 1863; idem, *Les Tombeaux puniques de Carthage, * Lyons, 1890; idem, *Antiquités chrétiennes, * Paris, 1900; R. M. Smith and E. A. Porcher, *History of the Recent Discoveries at Cyrene, * London, 1864; Néroutsos-Bey, *Notice sur les fouilles récentes . . . ,* pp. 26 sqq., 48, Alexandria, 1875; idem, *L'Ancienne Alexandrie,* pp. 38 sqq., 53-54, 61, Paris, 1888; Pierre Gavault, in *Bibliothèque d'archéologie Africaine, * part 2, 1897; S. Gsell, *Recherches archéologiques en Algérie, * Paris, 1893; idem, *Les Monuments antiques de l'Algérie, * ib. 1899; M. de Bock, *Matériaux pour servir à l'archéologie de l'Égypte chrétienne, * St. Petersburg, 1901. For Asia Minor consult: J. T. Wood, *Discoveries at Ephesus,* pp. 12 sqq., London, 1877; F. Cumont, *Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire,* xv. (1895) 245 sqq.; W. M. Ramsay, *Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,* vol. i., parts 1, 2, Oxford, 1895-97; idem, in *Journal of Hellenic Studies,* passim. On the Greek Islands consult: L. Ross, *Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln,* iii. 145-151, Stuttgart, 1845; L. P. di Cesnola, *Cyprus,* New York, 1877; C. Bayet, in *Bulletin de correspondance Hellénique,* ii. 347-359, Paris, 1878. On the catacombs at Rome the literature is enormous. The following is a selection: G. B. de Rossi, *Roma sotterranea,* 3 vols., Rome, 1864-77 (the one great book, largely reproduced in English in J. S. Northcote and W. R. Brownlow, *Roma sotterranea,* 2 vols., London, 1879, an authorized summary); with De Rossi's monumental work should be mentioned the periodical edited by him, *Bollettino di archeologia cristiana,* Rome, 1863 sqq. (the repository of reports of discovery and decipherment); F. X. Kraus, *Roma sotterranea,* Freiburg, 1879 (based on De Rossi and Northcote and Brownlow); S. d'Agincourt, *Histoire de l'art par les monuments,* 6 vols., Paris, 1809-23; W. Rostell, in E. Z. Platner et al., *Beschreibung der Stadt Rom,* i. 355-416, Stuttgart, 1830; G. Marti, *Architettura della Roma sotterranea cristiana,* Rome, 1844; C. Maitland, *Church in the Catacombs,* London, 1847; L. Perret, *Les Catacombes de Rome,* 6 vols., Paris, 1851-55 (plates are valuable, the text is superseded); W. I. Kip, *Catacombs of Rome,* New York, 1854; D. de Richemont, *Les Catacombes de Rome,* Paris, 1870; P. Allard, *Rome souterraine,* Paris, 1874; J. H. Parker, *Archæology of Rome,* parts ix., x., xii., London, 1877 (a standard work); T. Roller, *Les Catacombes de Rome,* Paris, 1881; W. R. Brownlow, *Cemetery of St. Priscilla and Recent Discoveries,* London, 1892; M. Armellini, *Le Catacombe romane,* Rome, 1880; idem, *Gli antichi cimiteri cristiani di Roma e d'Italia,* ib. 1893; R. Lanciani, *Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome,* Index "cemeteries," Boston, 1897; A. Weber, *Die römischen Katakomben,* Regensburg, 1900. For cemeteries in Italy outside Rome consult: G. B. Pasquini, *Un antico cimitero,* Sienna, 1831; idem, *Relazione di un antico cimitero . . . ,* Montipulciano, 1833; C. F. Bellermann, *Die ältesten christlichen Begräbnisstätten,* Hamburg, 1839 (at Naples); G. Scherillo, *Le Catacombe Napolitane, * Naples, 1870; F. Liverani, *Le Catacombe . . . di Chiusi,* Sienna, 1872; T. Roller, *Die Katakomben von San Gennaro . . . in Neapel,* Jena, 1877: V. Schultze, *Die Katakomben von San Gennaro,* ib. 1877; F. Colonna, *Scoperto di antichità in Napoli, 1876-1897,* Naples, 1898. For Sicily, Malta, and Sardinia consult: G. P. Badger, *Description of Malta and Sardinia,* pp. 255-260. Malta, 1838; A. A. Caruana, *Recent Discoveries at Notabile,* Malta, 1881; idem, *A Hypogeum . . . ,* ib. 1884; B. Lupus, *Die Stadt Syracus im Alterthum,* pp. 271, 275, 323-327, Strasburg, 1887; V. Strazzulla, in *Archivio storico Siciliano,* xxi. 104-188, Palermo, 1896; J. Führer, in *AMA,* 1 Klasse, xx. (1897), part 3; idem, *Forschungen zur Sicilia sotterranea,* Munich, 1897 (a work of the first importance). For England: Caroline B. Southey, *Chapters on Churchyards, * London, 1870; E. E. Jarrett, *Lessons on the Churchyard, * ib. 1880; Mrs. B. Holmes, *London Burial Grounds,* ib. 1896. Consult also: J. B. D. Cochet, *La Normandie souterraine ou Notices sur des cimetières romains et des cimetières francs,* Dieppe, 1855; idem, *Sépultures gauloises, romaines, franques et normandes,* 2 vols., ib. 1857. The original article by Müller, in Hauck-Herzog, *RE,* x. 794-877f, is a learned treatise and should be consulted by advanced students.
CENSER OR THURIBLE Censer or Thurible

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**CENSER OR THURIBLE:** The vessel in which incense is burned during divine service in the Eastern, Roman Catholic, and of late years many Anglican churches. The usual shape is that of a small metal bowl, with a base on which to stand it when not in use, and fitting over it a high conical cover in which are perforations to let the smoke out. The whole is carried by three chains, on which the cover slides up and down, when it is raised to allow incense to be thrown upon the live coals contained in the lower part. In connection with the censer another smaller vessel, called the incense boat, is used to carry the supply of incense; as its name implies, it is shaped like a small boat, but with a lid and a base on which to stand it.
CENSORSHIP AND PROHIBITION OF BOOKS Censorship and Prohibition of Books

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**CENSORSHIP AND PROHIBITION OF BOOKS:** By censorship is meant the provision that no publication shall be issued without preliminary examination and permission by the authorities, either ecclesiastical or secular. The prohibition of books as dangerous to religion, to morals, or to the State dates back to an early period. ### Early Instances. Thus all works on magic were ordered to be destroyed by the later Roman Empire. Constantine issued an edict that the works of Arius should be burned, and numerous like edicts against books of other heretics followed. Those who used or possessed such books were threatened with death. The Church forbade, on its own account, the reading of pagan and heretical books ( *Apostolic Constitutions,* i. 6, vi. 16; canon xvi. of the Council of Carthage, 398). During the Middle Ages, both Church and State adhered firmly to the same principles; a salient instance is the decree of the Council of Constance against the writings of John Huss and its execution. ### Censorship by the Church. After the printing-press was invented and used to advance the cause of the Reformation, measures for its regulation were introduced by the Church, which first established a formal censorship of books. In a letter addressed to the archbishops of Cologne, Mainz, Treves, and Magdeburg, Alexander VI. ordered (1501) that no book should be printed without special authorization. The Lateran Council of 1515 sanctioned the constitution of Leo X., which provided that no book should be printed without having been examined in Rome by the papal vicar and the master of the sacred palace, in other countries by the bishop of the diocese or his deputy and the inquisitor of heresies. Further and more detailed legislation followed, and the Council of Trent decreed (session iv.): "It shall not be lawful to print, or cause to be printed, any books relating to religion without the name of the author; neither shall any one hereafter sell any such books, or even retain them in his possession, unless they have been first examined and approved by the ordinary, on pain of anathema and the pecuniary fine imposed by the canon of the recent Lateran Council." On these regulations are based a number of enactments in different dioceses which are still in force. The Council decreed also that no theological book should be printed without first receiving the approbation of the bishop of the diocese; and this rule is extended in the monastic orders so far as to require the permission of superiors for the publication of a book on any subject. ### Present Practise. The Council of Trent left the further provision concerning the whole subject to a special commission, which was to report to the pope. In accordance with its findings, Pius IV. promulgated the rule submitted to him and a list of prohibited books in the constitution *Dominici gregis custodiæ * of Mar. 24, 1564. Extensions and expositions of this ruling were issued by Clement VIII., Sixtus V., Alexander VII., and other popes. The present practise is based upon the constitution *Sollicita ac provida * of Benedict XIV. (July 10, 1753). The maintenance and extension of the *Index librorum prohibitorum * was entrusted to a special standing committee of cardinals, the Congregation of the Index (see CURIA), which from time to time publishes new editions (the latest, Turin, 1895). There is also an *Index librorum expurgatorum, * containing books which are tolerated after the excision of certain passages, and another *librorum expurgandorum, * of those which are still in need of such partial expurgation. The prohibition to read or possess books thus forbidden is binding upon all Roman Catholics, though in special cases dispensations from it may be obtained. The most recent regulation of the whole matter was made by the bull *Officiorum ac munerum * of Leo XIII., Jan. 25, 1897. The State in many cases for its own purposes approved the principle of censorship until comparatively recent times. In Germany it was abolished only in 1848. In England after the Reformation the licensing power was in the hands of the archbishop of Canterbury; after Milton's famous onslaught upon it in the *Areopagitica* (1643), it came to an end by the refusal of the House of Commons in 1695 to renew the Licensing Act. The Reformed Church of Germany maintained similar regulations in some places, where the synodal form of organization prevailed. Among the Lutherans, the matter was as a rule left in the hands of the State. (E. FRIEDBERG.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. G. Peignot, *Dictionnaire . . . des principaux livres condamnés au feu, * Paris, 1806; H. Arndt, *De libris prohibitis * Regensburg, 1855; J. Fessler, *Das kirchliche Bücherverbot, * Vienna, 1859; F. Sachse, *Die Anfänge der Bücherzensur in Deutschland, * Leipsic, 1870; *Suppressed and Censured Books, * in *Edinburgh Review,* vol. cxxxiv., July, 1871; T. Wiedemann, *Die kirchliche Bücherzensur in der Erzdiöcese Wien, * Vienna, 1873; F. H. Reusch, *Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, * Bonn, 1883 sqq.; G. H. Putnam, *Censorship of the Church and its Influence upon ... Literature,* 2 vols., 1906; *JE,* iii. 642-652.
CENSUS Census

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### CENSUS. In the Old Testament. In the New Testament. The Roman Census of Citizens (§ 1). Provincial Census to Regulate Tribute (§ 2). Cases and Methods of Roman Census (§ 3). Palestinian Census of 6 A.D. Quirinius (§ 4). Luke ii. 2 in Error. Jesus not Born Under Quirinius (§ 5). No General Census Under Augustus (§ 6). Solution, a Census by Herod (§ 7). Census is a term used to designate an enumeration of the people, generally for purposes of taxation or for service in the army. ### [I. In the Old Testament: Of censuses of the whole population there are recorded in the Old Testament ten cases: (1-2) under Moses (Ex. xxxviii. 26, cf. Num. i.; Num. xxvi.); (3) under David (II Sam. xxiv. 1-9; see DAVID); (4) under Solomon (II Chron. ii. 17-18); (5) under Rehoboam (I Kings xii. 21); (6) under Jehoshaphat (II Chron. xvii. 14-19); (7) under Amaziah (II Chron. xxv: 5-6); (8) under Uzziah (II Chron. xxvi. 12-13); (9-10) under Zerubbabel (?) and Ezra (Ezra ii. 64, viii. 1-14). There are other enumerations given, but they concern merely the strength of the army, as in II Chron. xiii. 3. ### II. In the New Testament: The subject here is of interest principally in its relation to the census mentioned Luke ii. 2 and Acts v. 37, and in connection with the birth of Jesus.] ### 1. The Roman Census of Citizens. Originally the Romans made a census of Roman citizens only, the primary object being the adjustment of their quota in the taxes for the costs of war. This census was intended to exhibit not only the pecuniary but the total effective utility of the individual toward the State. So it included attestation of personal circumstances, capacity for service, civil and military, and the moral worthiness of those enumerated. Gradually this census of Roman citizens lost significance. While in earlier times it was repeated every five years in connection with a religious festivity (*lustrum*), during the civil wars it lapsed. Augustus, it is true, consistently with his general policy of bringing about an ostensible restoration of the republican order (T. Mommsen, *Römisches Staatsrecht,* ii. 337, Leipsic, 1893), adopted the census anew. He put on record that he had thrice held a complete census of citizens, viz., in the years 29 B.C., 8 B.C., and 14 A.D. A census of this kind was made for the last time under the Emperor Vespasian. ### 2. Provincial Census to Regulate Tribute. The census of the Roman provinces, introduced much later, was quite distinct from this census of citizens, the difference corresponding to that between the Roman people as conqueror and the provinces as conquered. Since in this light the provincial census was designed to regulate not the rights but the obligations of those enumerated, it served only to define military service and tribute. The forms of the latter in the various provinces showed great diversity. There was doubtless everywhere some sort of ground tax *(tributum soli), * usually in the form of a definite tribute, partly in money, partly in natural products, which could also be levied as communal tithes, except that if in case of a defective harvest the amount of the requisite tribute was not realized, the tithes were made good through other taxes. The real-estate tax was everywhere supplemented by a personal tax (*tributum capitis*), which might be levied as a uniform capitation tax for all, or (as in Egypt) as a graduated poll-tax; or as property or income tax. In all forms, however, it was let by contract to tax farmers. These taxes, which in the main came down from the republican era, were in the earlier period regulated partly by means of a census. But only from the time of the government of Augustus were they organized on a more extensive basis. Especially in the provinces incorporated by Cæsar and the emperors into the Roman Empire were the fiscal relations thus regulated. ### 3. Cases and Methods of Roman Census. According to literary records well known, this was done three times in Gaul under Augustus, then under Nero and Domitian; in Syria, Judea, and Spain under Augustus; among the Clitæ under Tiberius; in Britain under Claudius; in Dacia under Trajan. Besides these provinces, the following are named in inscriptions as subjected to a census in imperial times: Aquitania, Belgium, Lugdunensis, Lower Germany, Macedonia, Thrace, Paphlagonia, Africa, and Mauritania. In the republican era the administration of these provincial censuses had been combined with the office of provincial governor; but in imperial times it was transferred to the emperor. Augustus personally executed this office in Gaul, in other cases the emperor was represented by men of the highest rank; for entire provinces, as a rule, persons of senatorial station were appointed; for smaller districts, knights. At the outset in the imperial provinces, the census was delegated only occasionally (Mommsen, ut sup., ii. 410, a, 4) to the provincial governor. The essential uniformity of organization of taxes and assessments throughout the empire, such as is proved for the later imperial times by the classic legal sources, although no traces are apparent of a sudden reorganization in relation to the provinces under the earlier period, was early anticipated by the census regulations of Augustus. As to the detailed constitution of this provincial census, which later became universal, there is still some debate; it is fairly certain, however, that it regulated a real estate tax for proprietors and a personal tax for the landless; that it included the taxpayers' personal assessment; that its organization was not communal but provincial; and that the formal declaration took place in the principal centers of the fiscal districts. Of the interval between censuses there is certain knowledge only in relation to Egypt, through the new discoveries of Egyptian papyri (U. Wilcken, *Griechische Ostraka, * in *Archiv für Papyrusforschung, * vol. i., 1899), according to which in that country two kinds of assessments *(apographai) * were executed at stated times: a popular enumeration every fourteen years, and a declaration of movable property annually. ### 4. Palestinian Census of 6 A.D. Quirinius. In Palestine, at all events, a census quite in the Roman manner was executed in the year 6 A.D., though only in the southern part of the country, which in that year came under immediate Roman jurisdiction. The Syrian legate Quirinius was at that time entrusted with the extraordinary imperial commission of undertaking a census not only in the newly annexed country but also throughout Syria (cf. also *CIL,* iii., supplement, no. 6687). The vehement opposition which the regulation provoked among the Jewish population and especially with a faction whose leader was Judas of Galilee shows that in that form it was new to the region. This census, as the mention of Judas of Galilee implies, is referred to in the words of Acts v. 37, "in the days of the enrolment." ### 5. Luke ii. 2 in Error. Jesus not Born Under Quirinius. More difficult of solution is the other New Testament passage, in which mention is made of a census decreed from Rome (Luke ii. 2). It is here distinctly stated that this census, commanded by Cæsar Augustus for the whole Roman Empire, was the first which took place in Palestine (as decreed by Augustus) when Quirinius was governor of Syria; and that by it Joseph was obligated to go with Mary to Bethlehem, his place of enrolment, where the birth of Jesus came to pass. From the starting-point of Acts v. 37, it were most plausible to bring the birth of Christ, according to Luke ii., down to the time of the census of the year 6 A.D. This is antagonized by the chronology of Luke iii. 23, also by the fact that both Matthew and Luke presuppose the birth of Jesus during the reign of Herod the Great, who died in the year 4 B.C. of the Dionysian era (see HEROD AND HIS FAMILY); that is, the birth of Christ would have occurred in the last preceding years. But in those years Quirinius could not have been governor of Syria, because Sentius Saturninus was governor in the years 8-6 B.C. (Josephus, *Ant.,* XVI. ix. 1), and from 6 B.C. until after Herod's death the governor was Quintilius Varus (Josephus, *Ant.,* XVII. v. 2, x. 1). It has been therefore proposed on exegetical grounds to set aside the synchronism between the governorship of Quirinius and the birth of Jesus. But these attempts are impossible artifices. It has also been affirmed on the strength of the later governorship of Quirinius in the year 6 A.D., that he served an earlier preceding term (T. Mommsen, *Res gestæ divi Augusti, * Berlin, 1865). But the evidences of this are quite uncertain. And since in no case can an earlier term of Quirinius as governor coincide with the reign of Herod the Great, it would not elucidate Luke ii. 2. If it be assumed that the census of the year of Christ's birth was begun by Saturninus, continued by Varus and completed by Quirinius (Zumpt), against this in Luke ii. 2, the governorship of Quirinius is evidently intended to indicate the time when the event recorded there took place; and a census by a Roman officer in Judea before the annexation of that country is improbable. Accordingly Zahn assumes that only one Roman census took place in Palestine, namely, under Quirinius, which is meant both in Luke ii. and in Acts v.; save that this occurred not in the year 6 A.D., but in the year 4 B.C., several months after the death of Herod. But the particularity of the data in Josephus contradicts this hypothesis, which at all events does not clear the Gospel of Luke of error. On this account it is to be assumed that the governorship of Quirinius, Luke ii. 2, has been erroneously transposed from the census of the year 6 to the year of Christ's birth. ### 6. No General Census Under Augustus. Still again, the report in Luke ii. of a general Roman imperial census is not historically warrantable according to the literal text. Disregarding later untrustworthy accounts, there are no literary or epigraphic traces of an imperial census in the time of Augustus, and such an event could not have occurred without leaving some traces. And from the monument of Ancyra it is evident that Augustus did not hold a census of Roman citizens in the period from 8 B.C. to 14 A.D. Only in the emperor's financial reform projects with reference to the whole empire, and in the assessments held by him in many parts of the empire, appears a certain nucleus of truth for that statement in Luke ii. ### 7. Solution, a Census by Herod. If then in the light of Luke ii. the governorship of Quirinius and the Roman imperial census can not be verified, this report is not to be rejected as unhistorical in all other respects. That Herod at that time received orders from Augustus to undertake a census in his country is not an impossibility. Highly as Herod was esteemed even by the emperor, he nevertheless remained the emperor's subject. This is manifest from the words of Augustus, that he would henceforth treat him not as his friend but as his subject (Josephus, *Ant.,* XVI. ix. 3); as likewise from his rating in the number of the Syrian procurators (*Ant.,* XV. x. 3). Consequently, since the Jews of Palestine from Pompey's time forth had been obliged to pay tribute in various forms to the Romans, Herod was also bound to the payment of tribute promptly after his appointment as king (Appian, *Bella civilia,* v. 75). It is, therefore, arbitrary to doubt (Schürer) that he also paid such dues continually (cf. Wieseler, *TSK,* 1875, pp. 541 sqq.). Nevertheless he was not deprived of the right of imposing and increasing taxes in his own name (cf. Josephus, *Ant.,* XV. x. 4; XVII. ii. 1, xi. 2). It is accordingly to be assumed that he had to furnish tribute to a prescribed amount at Rome the collection of which was generally left to him out of Jewish revenues. Where, however, the Roman interest required it, the emperor, as a matter of course, could intervene for raising the necessary taxes to make up the tribute. This is apparent from a similar case, wherein Augustus commanded Archelaus to remit one-fourth of the Samaritans' taxes (Josephus, *Ant.,* XVII. xi. 4). It is then conceivable that he commanded Herod to regulate the taxes necessary for the Roman tribute by means of a census by virtue of the forms already in vogue. For that Augustus did not at that time order a specifically Roman census in Palestine, but adhered to the Jewish practises, is borne out by other analogies in Roman procedure (Tacitus, *Annales,* iv. 72), by the operations of the Roman census of the year 6 A.D., and by indications afforded by the Gospel of Luke, according to which the census in question was decreed conformably to Jewish tribal enrolments. [For reply to above see QUIRINIUS.] F. SIEFFERT. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The older literature on II. is given in *TSK,* 1852, pp. 663 sqq. P. E. Huschke, *Ueber den zur Zeit der Geburt Christi gehaltenen Census,* Breslau, 1840; idem, *Ueber den Census und die Steuerverfassung der . . . Kaiserzeit, * ib. 1847; C. Wieseler, *Chronologische Synopse der vier Evangelien,* Hamburg, 1843; idem, *Beiträge zur richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien,* Gotha, 1869; idem, in *TSK,* 1875, pp. 435 sqq.; J. von Gumpach, in *TSK,* 1852, pp. 663 sqq.; A. W. Zumpt, *Commentationes epigraphicæ, * ii. 73-74, Berlin, 1854; idem, *Das Geburtsjahr Christi,* pp. 20 sqq., Leipsic, 1869; Aberle, in *TQ,* 1865, pp. 103 sqq., 1868, pp. 29 sqq.; A. Hilgenfeld, in *ZWT, * 1865, pp. 408 sqq., 1870, pp. 151 sqq.; H. Gerlach, *Die römischen Statthalter in Syrien und Judäa,* pp. 22 sqq. Berlin, 1865; T. Lewin, *Fasti Sacri,* London, 1865; H. Lutteroth, *Le Recensement de Quirinius en Judée,* Paris, 1865; C. E. Caspari, *Chronologisch-geographische Einleitung in das Leben Christi,* Hamburg, 1869; J. Marquardt, *Römische Staatsverwaltung,* vol. i., ii. 204 sqq., Leipsic, 1881-84; P. Schegg, *Das Todesjahr des . . . Herodes und das Geburtsjahr Christi,* pp. 37 sqq., Munich, 1882; F. Riess, *Nochmals das Geburtsjahr Christi*, Freiburg, 1883; T. Zahn, in *NKZ*, 1893, pp. 633 sqq.; W. M. Ramsay, in *Expositor,* 1897, pp. 274 sqq., 425 sqq.; idem, *Was Christ Born at Bethlehem,* London, 1898; Schürer, *Geschichte,* i. 508 sqq., Eng. transl., I. i. 357, ii. 80, 105-143; Haverfield, in *Classical Review,* July, 1900, pp. 309 sqq.; *DB*, iv. 183; *EB*, iv. 3994-96; also the commentaries on the passages in Luke and Acts, and the works on the Life of Christ. *
CENTRAL AMERICA Central America

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**CENTRAL AMERICA:** The extreme southern portion of the continent of North America, including seven independent states, as follows, enumerated in geographical order from north to south: The population is overwhelmingly Indian, negro, and mixed. In British Honduras in 1891 there were only 400 whites. In Guatemala 60 per cent of the people are Indians and 28 per cent mixed. About one-twentieth of the population of Salvador and one-fifth of that of Nicaragua are classed as white. In Costa Rica there are 8,000 Indians, and the remainder is almost entirely creole. The Indians in many localities retain their native language and live in almost primitive conditions; where classed as Roman Catholic converts their relation to the Church is often little more than nominal. But few of the colored population still persist in heathenism. The republic of Panama was formed by revolution from Colombia in 1903. Religious statistics for this state are not available, but it may be said, in general, that conditions are the same as in the rest of Central America and the mother country (see COLOMBIA). The five older Central American republics, after the disruption from Spain, formed from 1821 to 1839 the "United States of Central America." Their present independent status was attained gradually, often after internal dissension and warfare. During the revolutionary and formative period the Church suffered much. Its property was confiscated, monasteries were abolished, monks were banished, and the secular clergy were persecuted. Poverty has also been a heavy burden to the Church. Ecclesiastical affairs were regulated by a series of concordats with Pope Pius IX. between 1852 and 1863 (see CONCORDATS AND DELIMITING BULLS, VI., 5). The religion is everywhere Roman Catholic, but toleration is now legally assured in all states. The diocese of Guatemala was founded in 1534 and raised to archiepiscopal rank in 1743. The suffragan bishoprics are Nicaragua (1534), Comayagua (for Honduras, 1561), San Salvador (1842), and San José of Costa Rica (1850). A vicar apostolic has resided at Belize in British Honduras since 1893. An Anglican diocese of Honduras and Central America was founded in 1883. The bishop resides at Belize. Guatemala has approximately 4,500 Protestants representing English and American churches and including a congregation of about 1,000 Germans resident in the capital. Protestants in Honduras number about 1,000 and in Costa Rica 3,200. They are barely represented in Salvador. In Nicaragua are fifteen "stations" of the Moravians. All the states have public schools, colleges, and universities, and progress is being made in both elementary and the higher education. As might be expected, however, the majority of the population is illiterate. Attendance at the elementary schools is compulsory in Costa Rica, Guatemala, and Honduras. WILHELM GOETZ. BIBLIOGRAPHY: In general: T. Child, *Spanish American Republics,* London, 1892; *Etnologia Centro-Americana,* Madrid, 1893; C. Sapper, *Das nördliche Mittel Amerika,* Brunswick, 1897; idem, *Mittelamerika, Reisen und Studien, * ib. 1902; C. Haebler, *Die Religion des Mittleren Amerika,* Münster, 1899. On British Honduras: A. R. Gibbs, *British Honduras, * London, 1883; *British Honduras Almanac,* annual, Belize. On Guatemala: O. Stoll, *Reisen und Schilderungen von Guatemala,* 1886; T. Brigham, *Guatemala,* New York, 1887; A. C. Maudsley, *A Glimpse at Guatemala,* London, 1899; *Missionary Review of the World,* xiv. (1901) 168 sqq.
CEOLFRID, SAINT Ceolfrid, Saint

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**CEOLFRID,** chol'frid, **SAINT:** Abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow; b. of noble parents in Northumbria c. 642; d. at Langres, France, while on his way to Rome, Sept. 24, 716. He became a monk at the age of eighteen, and was made prior by Benedict Biscop of his new abbey of St. Peter at Wearmouth, which was begun in 674; accompanied Biscop to Rome in 678; became abbot of his second monastery founded at Jarrow in 681 or 682 (where he had Bede among his pupils), and in 688, abbot of both Wearmouth and Jarrow. He was a good manager and increased and enriched his monasteries, at the same time making them centers of learning and industry. He took special pains to learn the Roman methods of reading and singing the services and influenced the Irish in Scotland to adopt the Roman date for Easter. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bede, *Historia abbatum;* also *Hist. eccl., * iv. 18, v. 21 (where Ceolfrid's letter to Naiton [Nechtan], king of the Picts, on the Easter question, is given), v. 24; also the anonymous *Historia abbatum,* by a monk of Wearmouth, contemporary with Ceolfrid, in Plummer's *Bede,* i. 388-404; W. Bright, *Early English Church History, * pp. 308-309, Oxford, 1897.
CERDO (CERDON) Cerdo (Cerdon)

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**CERDO (CERDON):** A Syrian Gnostic, who, according to Irenæus (I. xxvii. 1, III. iv. 3) and Eusebius (*Chron., * ed. Schoene, i. 168), lived in Rome in the time of the bishop Hyginus (c. 136-140). Epiphanius (xli. 1) connects him with Saturninus. He is of importance chiefly as having been the teacher of Marcion. G. KRÜGER.
CERINTHUS Cerinthus

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**CERINTHUS:** Gnostic teacher of Asia Minor, about 100 A.D. According to Irenæus (I. xxvi. 1), he taught that the world was not created by the first God, but by a subordinate power. Jesus was a son of Joseph and Mary, but was wiser and more righteous than other men. After his baptism the spirit of the all-sublime power of God descended upon him in the form of a dove. From now on he preached the unknown Father and performed miracles. Finally the "Christ" forsook him, but "Jesus" suffered and rose again, whereas the spiritual Christ did not suffer. John directed his Gospel especially against Cerinthus (III. xi. 1), and in proof of the aversion which the apostle felt toward this heretic Irenæus (III. iii. 4) tells a story from Polycarp that the two met once in the baths at Ephesus, whereupon the apostle fled, "lest even the bath-house fall down because Cerinthus is inside." In the main the story is credible, but the later story (cf. Epiphanius, *Hær.,* xxviii. and others) of the Judaism of Cerinthus is an invention. The assertion of the Roman Caius that Cerinthus is the author of the Apocalypse is certainly erroneous. G. KRÜGER. BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. A. Lipsius, *Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanius, * pp. 115-122, Vienna, 1865; A. Hilgenfeld, *Ketzergeschichte des Urchristentums, * pp. 411-421, Leipsic, 1884; A. Harnack, *Dogmengeschichte,* i. 234-235, Freiburg, 1894, Eng. transl., iii. 14-19, Boston, 1897; T. Zahn, *Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, * 2 vols., Erlangen, 1888-92; Krüger, *History, * p. 68 and literature given there.
CESARINI, GIULIANO (JULIAN CESARINI) Cesarini, Giuliano (Julian Cesarini)

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**CESARINI,** chê"sa-rî'nî, **GIULIANO (JULIAN CESARINI):** Cardinal. He belonged to a distinguished family of Rome and attracted the attention of the curia as a humanist and teacher of law at Padua. Pope Martin V. made him cardinal (1426) and Eugenius IV. promoted him to cardinal bishop of Frascati. His knowledge of law and ability as a diplomatist fitted him for delicate missions. The Hussite question was entrusted to him and he entered Bohemia with a crusading army, but the army was defeated and the cardinal fled ignominiously (1431). From 1431 to 1438 he presided at the Council of Basel with marked ability. In 1438 and 1439 he was active in Ferrara and Florence, and shortly after went to Hungary to incite King Vladislav to war against the Turks. He succeeded, and war broke out in 1443, but Vladislav was defeated and slain at Varna, Nov. 10, 1444, and Cesarini also perished while trying to escape; he was probably assassinated and robbed while endeavoring to cross the Danube. PAUL TSCHACKERT. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The older accounts are in A. Chacon, *Vitæ . . . pontificum et . . . cardinalium, * ii. 861 sqq., 4 vols., Rome, 1677; and E. Baluze, *Miscellanea, * vol. iii., 4 vols., Lucca, 1761-64. Consult also: F. von Bezold, *König Sigmund und die Reichskriege gegen die Husiten,* 3 parts, Munich, 1872-77; Creighton, *Papacy,* ii. 163-165, 194 sqq.; Hefele, *Conciliengeschichte, * vol. vii. passim; *KL,* iii. 26-28.
CHAD, SAINT Chad, Saint

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**CHAD, SAINT.** See CEADDA, SAINT.
CHADERTON, LAURENCE Chaderton, Laurence

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**CHADERTON, LAURENCE:** Puritan; b. near Oldham (8 m. n.e. of Manchester), Lancashire, Sept. 14, 1536 or 1538; d. at Cambridge Nov. 13, 1640. He studied at Christ's College, Cambridge (B.A., 1567; B.D., 1578; D.D., 1613), and there embraced the Protestant religion, for which his father threatened to disinherit him. He became fellow, dean, tutor, and lecturer of his college, and as afternoon lecturer of St. Clement's Church, Cambridge, for nearly fifty years acquired fame as a preacher and exerted a far-reaching influence. When Sir Walter Mildmay founded Emmanuel College in 1584 he insisted on Chaderton's becoming master, and the latter filled the office with much ability and success till 1622, when he resigned. From 1598 to 1640 he was prebendary of Lincoln. Though a Puritan he was moderate in views and conciliatory in manners. He was a member of the Hampton Court Conference, and was one of the Cambridge committee of Bible translators. He appears to have published nothing except an anonymous tract, *De justificatione,* and a single sermon. BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Dillingham, *Vita Chadertoni, * ed. J. Dillingham, Cambridge, 1700, Eng. transl. by E. S. Schuckburgh, ib. 1884; *DNB,* ix. 430-432.
CHADWICK, JOHN WHITE Chadwick, John White

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**CHADWICK, JOHN WHITE:** American Unitarian; b. at Marblehead, Mass., Oct. 19, 1840; d. in Brooklyn Dec. 11, 1904. His father was a seafaring man, and he was apprenticed to a shoe-maker. But in 1857 he entered the State Normal School at Bridgewater, Mass., and while there determined to become a minister. From the Normal School he passed to Phillips Exeter Academy and the Divinity School of Harvard University, from which latter institution he was graduated in 1864. He was immediately asked to supply for three months the pulpit of the Second Unitarian Church of Brooklyn, N. Y., but made so favorable an impression that his relation became a permanent one and he was its pastor at the time of his death. Besides being well known as a preacher and lecturer and highly esteemed as a man, he won distinction as an author both in prose and poetry. He described himself as a "radical Unitarian," but he was heard with respect by those who most differed from him. Besides many other contributions to the press, he published: *Life of Nathaniel Alexander Staples * (Boston, 1870); *A Book of Poems * (1876, now in its 10th ed.); *The Bible of To-day * (New York, 1878); *The Faith of Reason, a Series of Discourses on Leading Topics of Religion * (Boston, 1879, 2d ed., 1880); *Some Aspects of Religion * (New York, 1879); *Belief and Life * (1881); *The Man Jesus * (Boston, 1881, 2d ed., 1882); *Origin and Destiny * (1883); *In Nazareth Town: a Christmas Fantasy, and Other Poems * (1883); *A Daring Faith * (1885); *The Good Voices, * Poems (Troy, N. Y., 1885); *Charles Robert Darwin * (Boston, 1889); *Evolution and Social Reform* (1890); *Evolution of Architecture * (New York, 1891); *Evolution as Related to Citizenship * (1892); *George William Curtis: an Address * (1893); *The Old and the New Unitarian Belief * (Boston, 1894); *Theodore Parker * (1900); *William Ellery Channing * (1903); and *Later Poems * (1905).
CHAITANYA Chaitanya

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**CHAITANYA,** chai"ta-nî'a: Brahman formulator of the doctrine of *Bhakti. * See INDIA, I., 3, § 3.
CHALCEDON Chalcedon

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**CHALCEDON,** kal'se-den: A city of Bithynia, on the Bosporus, near Constantinople, the scene of the Fourth General Council (451), at which Eutychianism was condemned and the so-called Creed of Chalcedon adopted. See CHRISTOLOGY, IV; EUTYCHIANISM.
CHALDEA Chaldea

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**CHALDEA.** See BABYLONIA, VI, 7.
CHALDEAN CHRISTIANS Chaldean Christians

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**CHALDEAN CHRISTIANS.** See NESTORIANS.
CHALICE Chalice

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**CHALICE.** See VESSELS, SACRED, § 1.
CHALLONER, RICHARD Challoner, Richard

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**CHALLONER, RICHARD:** English Roman Catholic prelate; b. at Lewes (50 m. s. of London), Sussex, Sept. 29, 1691; d. in London Jan. 12, 1781. His father was a Protestant, but died soon after his son's birth, and the latter was brought up by Roman Catholics and embraced their religion at about the age of thirteen. In 1704 he was sent to Douai and remained there as student, professor, and vice-president for twenty-six years (B.D., 1719; D.D., 1727; ordained priest 1716). In 1730 he joined the London mission, and in 1741 was consecrated coadjutor to Dr. Benjamin Petre, vicar apostolic of the London district; he became vicar apostolic on Dr. Petre's death in 1758. He was a learned and pious man, and performed his duties with faithfulness and ability, in the midst of persecution from the penal laws and the fanaticism of the English populace. He wrote upward of forty different works, controversial, devotional, historical, etc. His *Memoirs of Missionary Priests . . . and of other Catholics . . . that have suffered death in England on religious accounts from the year 1577 to 1684, * (2 vols., London, 1741-42; many later eds.) is the Roman Catholic "Book of Martyrs"; *The Garden of the Soul * (1740) is still the most popular prayer-book with English Roman Catholics; and *The Rheims New Testament and the Douay Bible, with annotations * (5 vols., London, 1749-50; 3d ed., revised, 1752), prepared by Challoner and under his direction, is the best-known version of the Douai Bible. His *Life * was written by J. Barnard (London, 1784), and by Dr. John Milner (in the 5th ed. of his *Grounds of the Old Religion, * 1798). BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Barnard, *Life of . . . R. Challoner, * London, 1784; John Milner, *Brief Account of the Life of Richard Challoner, * prefixed to the 5th ed. of Challoner's *Grounds of the Old Religion, * ib. 1798; J. Gillow, *Bibliographical Dictionary of English Catholics,* i. 447-457, London (1885); *DNB,* ix. 440-443.
CHALMERS, JAMES Chalmers, James

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**CHALMERS, JAMES: ** London Missionary Society missionary; b. at Ardrishaig, Argyleshire, Scotland (45 m. w. by n. from Glasgow), Aug. 4, 1841; d. at Risk Point, Goaribari Island, Gulf of Papua, New Guinea, April 8, 1901. Converted at the age of fourteen, he was soon after called to the foreign mission field and after study at Cheshunt College and at Highgate, an institution conducted by the London Missionary Society, he was sent by that Society to Raratonga, one of the group of Cook Islands in the Southern Pacific, where he arrived in 1867. The island had been partially Christianized, but he did a good work in education and evangelization. In 1877 he removed to New Guinea, where he encountered cannibals and did a memorable work at the constant risk of life. It was on one of these many journeys that he was killed. He takes his place beside Williams and Patterson as a missionary hero in the South Seas. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult his own *Pioneer Life and Work in New Guinea, 1877-1894, * London 1895; and the biographies by W. Robson, ib. 1901; C. Lennox, ib. 1902; and R. Lovett, ib. 1902 (the last-named containing Chalmers's *Autobiography and Letters*).
CHALMERS, THOMAS Chalmers, Thomas

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**CHALMERS, THOMAS:** The leader of the Free Church of Scotland; b. in East Anstruther, Fifeshire, Mar. 17, 1780; d. in Edinburgh May 30, 1847. The family to which he belonged was composed of middle-class people of the strictest type of Calvinism; and hence in his opening years, he received thorough indoctrination. He entered St. Andrews University when only eleven years old, and confined his attention almost exclusively to mathematics, but did not give up his original intention of becoming a preacher, and accordingly was licensed by the presbytery of St. Andrews Jan., 1799. His character early developed into maturity. Instead of beginning his professional work, he continued the study of mathematics and natural science; and during the winter of 1802-03 he acted as assistant to the professor of mathematics at St. Andrews. He showed an extraordinary power to awaken enthusiasm in almost any topic he took up; although it was this very fact which at that time cost him his place, the authorities disliking the novelty of his methods. ### Ministry at Kilmeny. He settled as minister of Kilmeny, nine miles from St. Andrews, May, 1803, and in the following winter, while preaching regularly, opened voluntary and independent classes in mathematics at the university, which were largely attended, although vigorously discouraged by the authorities. He was a faithful pastor at Kilmeny, and his preaching attracted wide attention, but his heart was not in his work. He was trammeled by the prevailing moderatism, which put culture above piety, and state support above independence. In 1808 evidence of the trend of his thinking appeared in his *Inquiry into the Extent and Stability of National Resources. * The supply of man's physical and social needs was uppermost in his mind. In the midst of such work he was visited with severe domestic afflictions, and a serious illness brought him to death's door; but he recovered after a year. David Brewster asked him to contribute to his Edinburgh Encyclopedia. He at first chose "Trigonometry," but at length took "Christianity" (separately published, 1813). And as he examined the doctrines of this religion, and went deeper into its mysteries, he realized its importance, and by studying about Christianity he became a Christian. The parishioners quickly became aware that he had really not so much resumed his work among them as begun it. His whole soul was on fire, and his culture was now used to make the saving truth of saving power. He cut loose from the moorings of moderatism, and became a decided Evangelical. His eloquence was expended in new channels, and with great results. ### In Glasgow. In July, 1815, he was formally admitted as minister of the Tron Church, Glasgow. In 1816 he delivered on weekdays the famous series of seven *Discourses on the Christian Revelation, Viewed in Connection with Modern Astronomy. * In Sept., 1819, he removed from the Tron parish to that of St. John's, in order that he might, in a newly constituted parish, have an opportunity of testing the practicability in a large city of the old Scottish scheme of providing for the poor. In the parish there were two thousand families. These he distributed into twenty-five divisions; and over each such district he put an elder and a deacon—the former to attend to their spiritual, the latter to their temporal needs. Two commodious school-houses were built; four competent teachers were employed, and by school-fees of two and three shillings each a quarter, seven hundred children were educated; while on Sunday the forty or fifty local schools supplied religious instruction. Dr. Chalmers not only presided over all this system of work, but made himself familiar with all the details, even visiting personally every two years each family of the parish, and holding evening meetings. He also assumed complete charge of the poor; and by thorough system, and consequent weeding-out of unworthy cases, he reduced the cost of maintaining them from fourteen hundred to two hundred and eighty pounds per annum. This efficient system, however, in 1837 was given up; and the "English" plan of compulsory assessments, which requires much less trouble, and probably does much less good, was substituted. In Nov., 1823, Dr. Chalmers became professor of moral philosophy in St. Andrews University, and in Nov., 1828, professor of theology in Edinburgh. In 1833 he issued his Bridgewater Treatise, *On the Adaptation of External Nature to the Moral and Intellectual Constitution of Man. * This work made a great sensation; and his biographer, Rev. William Hanna, says that, in consequence, he received "literary honors such as were never united previously in the person of any Scottish ecclesiastic." In 1834 he was elected fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and soon after one of its vice-presidents, in the same year a corresponding member of the Institute of France; and in 1835 the University of Oxford conferred on him the degree of D.C.L. ### The Organization of the Free Church. Up to this time he had taken little part in church government; from then on he was destined to have more to do with it than any other man of the century. The friction between Church and State in Scotland was rapidly producing trouble. The attempt to settle ministers who were obnoxious to the congregations was the commonest complaint. 1 The historic case is that of Marnoch. Here only one person in the parish signed the call; and yet the presbytery of Strathbogie decided, by a vote of seven to three, to proceed with the ordination, and did, although these seven were suspended. In so doing they were upheld by the civil authority, which annulled their suspension. But this case was only an aggravation of a common ill. Matters became so serious in all parts of Scotland that a convocation was held in Nov., 1842, to consider the matter; and a large number of ministers resolved that, if relief was not afforded, they would withdraw from the Establishment. No help came; and accordingly, on May 18, 1843, four hundred and seventy clergymen withdrew from the General Assembly, and constituted themselves into the Free Church of Scotland, electing Dr. Chalmers as their first moderator. He had foreseen the separation, and drawn up a scheme for the support of the outgoing ministers. But, after he had safely piloted the new church through the stormy waters, he gave himself up more exclusively to professional work, especially in connection with the New College, Edinburgh, of which he was principal, and to the composition of his *Institutes of Theology. * He died suddenly. Dr. Chalmers is to-day a molding influence. All the churches of Scotland unite to do him reverence. He was a greater worker than writer, and a greater man than either. It was surely enough honor for one life to inspire spiritual life throughout an entire land; and as the tireless and practical reformer, as the Christian philanthropist, and, above all, as the founder of the Free Church of Scotland, he will live. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The principal Life is by his son-in-law, W. Hanna, *Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Chalmers,* 4 vols., Edinburgh, 1849-52. Consult also: A. J. S[ymington], *Thomas Chalmers, the Man, his Times, and his Work, * Ardrossan, 1878; D. Fraser, *Thomas Chalmers, * London, 1881; J. L. Watson, *The Life of Thomas Chalmers, * Edinburgh, 1881; J. Dodds, *Thomas Chalmers, * ib. 1892; W. G. Blaikie, *Thomas Chalmers, * ib. 1896 (in *Famous Scots Series*); Mrs. Oliphant, *Thomas Chalmers, Preacher, Philosopher, and Statesman, * London, 1896; *DNB, * ix. 449-454.
CHAMBERLAIN, JACOB Chamberlain, Jacob

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**CHAMBERLAIN, JACOB:** Reformed (Dutch) missionary; b. at Sharon, Conn., Apr. 13, 1835; d. at Madanapalli, Madras, India, March 2, 1908. He was educated at Western Reserve College, O. (B.A., 1856), the Reformed Theological Seminary, New Brunswick; N. J., and the College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York. In 1859 he went as a medical missionary to the Arcot Mission, Madras, and was stationed successively at Palmaner, Madras (1860-1863), and at Madanapalli, Madras (1863-1901). From 1891 he was lector in Biblical languages and prophecy and acting principal of the Theological Seminary in the Arcot Mission, Palmaner. He was chairman of a committee for the translation of the Bible into Telugu, 1873-94; member of the Telugu Revision Committee of the Madras Tract Society in 1873-80, and in 1878 was elected vice-president of the American Tract Society for India. In 1901 he was first moderator of the South India United Church Synod, and since engaged in literary work in Tamil and Telugu. He translated the liturgy of the Reformed Dutch Church into Telugu (Madras, 1873), and also prepared a Telugu version of the *Hymns for Public and Social Worship *(1884), as well as other devotional works in the same language. His English works include: *The Bible Tested * (New York, 1878); *Native Churches and Foreign Missionary Societies * (Madras, 1879); *The Religions of the Orient * (Clifton Springs, N. Y.,1896); *In the Tiger Jungle * (Chicago, 1896); *The Cobra's Den, and Other Stories of Missionary Work Among the Telugus of India * (1900); and *The Kingdom in India,* with introductory biographical sketch by Henry N. Cobb (1908).
CHAMBERLAIN, LEANDER TROWBRIDGE Chamberlain, Leander Trowbridge

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**CHAMBERLAIN, LEANDER TROWBRIDGE:** American Presbyterian; b. at West Brookfield, Mass., Sept. 26, 1837. He was graduated at Yale in 1863, and from 1863 to 1867 was attached to the Pacific Squadron of the United States Navy. During this period he made explorations in the Inca civilization of ancient Peru. He studied theology at Andover 1867-69, and was pastor of the New England Congregational Church, Chicago, 1869-76, of the Broadway Congregational Church, Norwich, Conn., 1876-83, and of the Classon Avenue Presbyterian Church, Brooklyn, 1883-90. Since 1890 he has had no charge. He was the first United States representative secretary of the McCall Mission of France, a delegate to the Centennial of Sunday-schools in London in 1880, and a delegate of the General Assembly of the United States to the Pan-Presbyterian Council in the same city in 1888, a founder of the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, a representative of the United States Evangelical Alliance to the General Conference of Evangelical Alliances in Florence, Italy, in 1891. He is also president of the Evangelical Alliance for the United States, of the Philafrican Liberator's League, and of the Thessalonica Agricultural and Industrial Institute, Macedonia; secretary and treasurer of the American and Foreign Christian Union; vice-chairman of the national committee on arbitration between the United States and other countries; custodian and patron of the collection of gems in the National Museum, Washington; and curator of Eocene mollusca in the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia. In theology he is a Calvinistic Presbyterian. He has written: *A Short History of the English Bible * (Norwich, Conn., 1881); *Citizen's Manual * (New York, 1898); *The State, Its Origin, Nature, and Functions * (1898); *The Colonial Policy of the United States * (1899); *Patriotism and the Moral Law * (1900); *Evolutionary Philosophy * (1901); *Government not Founded in Force * (1904); *The Suffrage and Majority Rule * (1904); and *The True Doctrine of Prayer * (1906).
CHAMBERS, TALBOT WILSON Chambers, Talbot Wilson

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**CHAMBERS, TALBOT WILSON:** Reformed (Dutch); b. at Carlisle, Pa., Feb. 25, 1819; d. in New York Feb. 3, 1896. He was graduated at Rutgers College, New Brunswick, N. J., 1834. He studied at New Brunswick and Princeton Theological seminaries, became minister of the Second Reformed (Dutch) Church of Raritan, at Somerville, N. J., 1839, and one of the ministers of the Collegiate Reformed (Dutch) Church of New York in 1849 and continued there till his death. He was a leader in his denomination, was president of its General Synod in 1863, and for the eight years preceding his death was president of its Board of Foreign Missions; he was one of the organizers of the Presbyterian Alliance and chosen its president in 1892 and expected to preside over its sixth general council (1896). He was a member (from 1881) and president (from 1892) of the Executive Committee of the American Tract Society; chairman of the Committee on Versions of the American Bible Society; and member of the Old Testament company of the American Bible Revision Committee, being the only pastor in the Old Testament company. Besides many sermons, addresses, and miscellaneous articles, he published: *The Noon Prayer Meeting, Fulton Street, New York* (New York, 1858); *Memoir of the Hon. Theodore Frelinghuysen * (1863); *The Psalter: a Witness to the Divine Origin of the Bible, * Vedder lectures at New Brunswick, 1876 (1876); and *A Companion to the Revised Old Testament * (1885). He was editor of *The Presbyterian and Reformed Review * and of the earlier *Princeton Review; * translated and edited Schmoller on the Book of Amos and prepared the Book of Zechariah for the Schaff-Lange commentary (1874); edited the American edition of Meyer's commentary on I and II Corinthians (1884), and the homilies of Chrysostom on the same books for *The Post-Nicene Fathers,* vol. xii. (1889); suggested and with the Rev. Frank Hugh Foster contributed to the *Concise Dictionary of Religious Knowledge * (1889), edited by the Rev. Samuel Macauley Jackson. BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. B. Coe, *Commemorative Discourse*, New York, 1896.
ASSOCIATE EDITORS Associate Editors

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** ASSOCIATE EDITORS**
CHANCEL CHANCEL

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CHANCEL: In the narrowest sense the sanctuary of a church, i.e., an enclosure beyond or within the choir containing the altar. As the distinction between clergy and laity developed, it became customary to reserve an ever larger space for the former, and separate it from the body of the church, as by a screen. Their space then came to be designated as the chancel, and the word is often employed in modern usage for all beyond the nave and transepts. See ALTAR.
CHANCEL, APOSTOLIC CHANCERY, APOSTOLIC

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CHANCERY, APOSTOLIC *(Cancellaria Apostolica). * See CURIA, § 3.
CHANDIEU, ANTOINE DE LA ROCHE CHANDIEU, ANTOINE DE LA ROCHE

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CHANDIEU, shan"dyu', ANTOINE DE LA ROCHE: French Reformed theologian; b. at the castle of Chabot (near Macon) 1534; d. at Geneva Feb. 23, 1591. His trend toward the Reformed was strengthened during his study of law at Toulouse, and after a theological course at Geneva he became the pastor of the Reformed congregation of Paris, 1556-62. When in the night of Sept. 4, 1557, a Protestant meeting was attacked and 140 persons were imprisoned, Chandieu published his *Remonstrance au Roi * and his *Apologie des bons Chretiens contre les ennemis de l'eglise catholique.* In consequence, he was arrested, but was soon released at the intervention of Anthony of Navarre. In 1558 he went to Orleans, but soon returned to Paris. He took an active part in the deliberations of the first national synod of the Reformed Church in France which was held at Paris May 26-28, 1559, and assisted in preparing a confession of faith. He presided at the third national synod at Orleans, Apr. 25, 1562, where Morelli's doctrine regarding the general right of voting at ecclesiastical elections was condemned. The controversy nevertheless continued, and Chandieu wrote a rejoinder, *La confirmation de la discipline ecclesiastique observee en eglises reformees de France * (Geneva, 1566). At the eighth national synod, held at Nimes, May 6, 1572, the matter of Morelli, who was seconded by Pierre Ramus, De Rosier, Bergeron, and others, was again taken up and again condemned. After the massacre of St. Bartholomew (1572), Chandieu fled to Switzerland, and lived first at Geneva and afterward at Lausanne and Aubonne, everywhere advocating and defending the cause of his countrymen, many of whom lived in Switzerland. In the religious war of 1585 he was field-chaplain to Henry of Navarre; but in May, 1588, he returned to his family at Geneva, where he died three years later, lamented by the Protestants of Geneva and France and by Beza. Chandieu was a prolific author, writing under the pseudonyms of Zamariel, Theopsaltes, La Croix, and, after 1577, of Sadeel. Among his works special mention may be made of the following: *Meditationes in Psalmum xxxii.* (Geneva, 1578; Eng. transl. by W. Watkinson, London, 1579); *De verbo Dei scripto * (1580); *De vera peccatorum remissione * (1580); *De unico Christi sacerdotio * (Geneva, 1581); *De veritate naturae humanae Christi * (1585); *De spirituali manducatione corporis Christi * (1589; Eng. transl., London, 1859); and *De sacramentali manducatione corporis Christi* (Geneva, 1589). A collected edition appeared at Geneva in 1592 under the title *Antonii Sadaelis viri nobilissimi opera theologica. * Of great importance was his *Histoire des persecutions et martyrs de l'eglise de Paris depuis l'an 1557 jusqu'au temps de Charles IX. * (Lyons, 1563), in which he described his residence at Paris (1557-60). He also distinguished himself as a poet, and in 1563 defended his Church in verse against the attacks of the poet Pierre de Ronsard. (THEODOR SCHOTT.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Bernus, *Le Ministre A. de Chandieu*, in *Bulletin de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme francais*, xxxvii (1888), 2 sqq; J. Senebier, * Histoire litteraire de Geneve*, i. 322 sqq., Geneva, 1786; E. and E. Haag, *La France protestante*, ed. H. L. Bordier, iii. 1049 sqq., Paris, 1852, Lichtenberger, *ESR, *iii. 33-41, Paris, 1878.
CHANDLER, EDWARD CHANDLER, EDWARD

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**CHANDLER, EDWARD: **Church of England bishop; b. in Dublin about 1670; d. in London July 20, 1750. He studied at Emmanuel College, Cambridge (M.A., 1693; D.D., 1701); was consecrated bishop of Lichfield 1717, and in 1730 was translated to Durham. He gained his reputation by his *Defence of Christianity from the Prophecies of the Old Testament * (London, 1725), a reply to *A Discourse on the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion * (1724) by Anthony Collins (q.v.). Collins replied with *The Scheme of Literal Prophecy Considered * (1726), and Chandler then published *A Vindication of the Defence of Christianity from the Prophecies of the Old Testament * (2 vols., 1728). The chief point of their debate was whether or not there was general expectation of the coming of a messiah at the time of the birth of Jesus, Collins denying this and Chandler affirming it. Chandler has been charged with having bought his see, and with dying " shamefully rich."
CHANDLER, SAMUEL CHANDLER, SAMUEL

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**CHANDLER, SAMUEL:** English Presbyterian; b. at Hungerford (26 m. w.s.w. of Reading), Berkshire, 1693; d. in London May 8, 1766. He was educated at Bridgewater and at Gloucester, where he formed lifelong friendships with Bishop Butler and Archbishop Seeker. He finished his studies at Leyden; became pastor of the Presbyterian church at Peckham, Surrey (a suburb of London), 1716; assistant at the Old Jewry, London, 1726, and in 1728 pastor. He was a learned and talented man, and is said to have refused offers of preferment in the Established Church. In 1760 he preached a sermon on the death of George II., in which he compared the deceased king to David. This called forth an anonymous pamphlet in which David was described as a bad man, and the comparison objected to as an insult to the late king. Chandler made a brief reply in 1762, and then prepared *A Critical History of the Life of David * (2 vols., London; 1766), which is his best known and most valuable work. His other publications were numerous; and are for the most part controversial, directed against the Deists or the Roman Catholics. Four volumes of sermons were published posthumously (1768). In theology he was a semi-Arian, or, as he expressed it, " a moderate Calvinist."
CHANGE OF CONFESSION CHANGE OF CONFESSION

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**CHANGE OF CONFESSION: ** The change from one Christian Church to another. The expression is not equivalent to change of religion, and the subject has practical interest mainly as concerns conversions from Roman Catholicism to Protestantism and vice versa in certain European countries where legal complications are involved. Where only one confession is recognized by law, there can be no change of confession. Thus there was none before the time of the Reformation; not only was it true that every secession from the Church was considered an offense, but no such thing was recognized either by ecclesiastical or secular law. In Germany rules of procedure in cases of confessional change first began to be formulated after the Evangelical princes and the German Empire ceased to acknowledge the law against heretics by the Religious Peace of Augsburg in 1555, and after the Empire decreed at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 that under certain conditions Protestants in Roman Catholic territories and Roman Catholics in Protestant territories might be tolerated and possess civil rights. These rules were further developed under the modern principle of toleration, according to which the State recognizes in the Churches only more or less favored associations, and treats them accordingly from the legal point of view. The Roman Catholic Church, however, still clings to the state of affairs before the Reformation, and still considers itself the only existing Church. According to the Roman view, every one who goes over to Protestantism is a heretic, and every one who changes from Protestantism to the Roman Catholic Church returns from an error of faith, to the knowledge of truth or rather to the churchly authority which possesses this truth. The ban is imposed upon every one who leaves the Church; even every born Protestant is under the ban; and every one who goes over to Catholicism is required not only to make the Catholic confession of faith, but also to confess that as Protestant he was a heretic, and to renounce his heresy and ask for absolution. The Protestant Churches admit the right of change, although a person who makes use of this right is regarded as unfaithful. The declaration of an intention to make a change, regular attendance at the services of another church, or at its communion table, are considered sufficient to sever old connections. Whoever comes over from another Church is not required to abjure his former faith, but simply to make a confession according to the new doctrine, whereupon he is admitted to the Lord's Supper as the *signum communionis.* It is the task of the State to regulate the existence of different confessions side by side, as well as to protect the liberty of conscience of the individual. Accordingly the legal ordinances concerning change of confession proceed from the State. The law of Prussia forbids the making of proselytes, but this is interpreted to mean that no religious party has the right " to seduce members of another confession by force or cunning to join its own Church," and that " nobody is allowed to disturb the peace of a family or impair its rights under the pretense of religious zeal." In Austria Protestants were, until 1868, forbidden to convert Roman Catholics. The modern State has generally fixed a certain age before which conversion can not take place, in order to exclude disputes as to the capacity of judgment of the convert. The State leaves the conditions of admission to the church organizations, but sometimes regulates the form of withdrawal for the sake of keeping accurate ecclesiastical statistics. The person who leaves has sometimes been required to announce his withdrawal to the pastor, and sometimes a certificate of dismissal is required. The Austrian interconfessional law of May 25, 1868, and the Prussian law of May 14, 1873, require only a declaration before the proper state official, who notifies the Church. (A. HAUCK.)
CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY

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### **CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY.** Life (§ I). His Views as Stated by Himself (§ 2). His Doctrines, Influence, and Character (§ 3). Works (§ 4). William Ellery Channing, the most celebrated and influential Unitarian theologian America has produced, was born at Newport, R. I., Apr. 7, 1780; d. at Bennington, Vt., Oct. 2, 1842. His father was an honored judge and a moderate Calvinist; his mother, a refined and pious woman. Under such influences he early manifested a deeply religious nature, and chose the clerical profession. He traced his conversion to the influence of the funeral of his father, and a religious revival which then swept over New England. After his father's death he passed under the tuition of his uncle at New London, the Rev. Henry Channing, and then went to Harvard College, being graduated in 1798. For two years he acted as private tutor in Richmond, Va., and while there had such mental agony from religious doubts that he was physically enfeebled, and returned to Newport in 1800 " thin and pallid," with a constitution permanently impaired. At home he associated much with the Rev. Dr. Samuel Hopkins-- the famous Calvinist, and pupil of Jonathan Edwards-- for whose character he felt the deepest reverence. In 1802 he returned to Harvard, where he had been elected regent. The same year he was licensed to preach, and at once distinguished himself by his fire, his unction, and his elegant style. On June 1, 1803, he was ordained and installed pastor of the Congregational Church in Federal Street, Boston, his only pastoral settlement. Here he introduced a new era in preaching, and enlivened the pulpit by themes of Christian philanthropy and social reform. A new edifice was erected in 1809 to accommodate the increased congregations. At the close of his sermons Charming was often physically exhausted. In the earlier period of his ministry he was as indefatigable in pastoral visitation as in his pulpit. Not long after this time, it became apparent that many of the Congregational churches of New England, especially in Boston and its neighborhood, had, through various influences, become Antitrinitarian and Anti-Calvinistic (see CONGREGATIONALISTS, I., 4, § 8; UNITARIANS). In the separation which followed, Channing allied himself with the so-called " Liberal " party, and became its acknowledged head. In a famous sermon at the installation of Rev. Jared Sparks as pastor of the Unitarian Society in Baltimore in 1819 he gave a clear statement of the points wherein he diverged from the orthodox churches of the time. He is commonly called a Unitarian; but, in his own language, he wished to regard himself as " belonging not to a sect, but to the community of free minds, of lovers of truth, and followers of Christ, both on earth and in heaven. I desire to escape the narrow walls of a particular church " (Sermon at the installation of Rev. M. J. Motte, 1828). This catholicity of spirit secured him the esteem of men of all schools and parties. In a letter of May 8, 1841, he declared: " I have little or no interest in Unitarianism as a sect. I can endure no sectarian bonds. With Dr. Priestley, a good and great man who had much to do in producing the late Unitarian movement, I have leas sympathy than with many of the ` Orthodox ' " (*Memoir*, ii. 105). In a letter of Aug. 29, 1841, addressed to an Englishman, he expressed the noble sentiment: " As I grow older . . . I distrust sectarian influence more and more. I am more detached from a denomination, and strive to feel more my connection with the Universal Church, with all good and holy men. I am little of a Unitarian, have little sympathy with the system of Priestley and Belsham, and stand aloof from all but those who strive and pray for clearer light, and look for a purer and more effectual manifestation of Christian truth " (*Memoir*, ii. 106). From this confession some have inferred that toward the close of his life he leaned more to orthodoxy; but this is emphatically denied by his nephew and biographer, and by E. S. Gannett, his colleague and successor. In another letter written three months later (Nov., 1841), he says: " I value Unitarianism, not because I regard it as in itself a perfect system, but as freed from many great and pernicious errors of the older systems, as encouraging freedom of thought, as raising us above the despotism of the Church, and as breathing a mild and tolerant spirit into all the members of the Christian body " (*Memoir*, ii. 121). Channing opposed, on the one hand, the still, cold, Puritan orthodoxy of his day, and combated vigorously the traditional views on the Trinity, the atonement, and total depravity; on the other hand, he opposed equally the rationalistic and radical Unitarianism, and sought a middle way. He was averse to creeds and precise doctrinal statements, and laid stress on freedom and individuality in belief and religious experience. He insisted upon the expression of Christian belief in virtuous action and humanitarian sympathies.
CHANTRY CHANTRY

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**CHANTRY: **A chapel or an aisle in a church endowed for the purpose of having masses said for the soul of the founder; or of others nominated by him; also the money left for such purposes. The chantry priest was one employed on such a foundation. There were 1,000 chantries in England when Henry VIII., in 1545, issued his order for their suppression (37 Hen. VIII., cap. 4), on 'the ground that their possessions were generally misapplied. The death of the king soon ensuing, their suppression was apparently not carried out. At all events, in the first year of Edward VI. (1 Edward VI., cap. 14, 1547) a very long act was passed dissolving the chantries, along with free chapels, hospitals, fraternities, brotherhoods, gilds, and other promotions, and devoting their revenues to charitable and educational purposes. The reason given for such appropriation was the alleged maintenance of superstition and ignorance by these foundations. The text of this article is in Gee and Hardy, *Documents*, pp. 328-357.
CHAPEL CHAPEL

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**CHAPEL: **A small building used for divine worship. It may be entirely detached; to supply the needs of people at a distance from the parish church; or form a separate apartment in a large building, such as a convent or a nobleman's house; or run out of and form part of a large church, with an altar of its own. In this last sense some of the largest Gothic churches have small chapels entirely surrounding the east end or choir, the " Lady Chapel," dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, being usually directly behind the high altar (see Architecture, Ecclesiastical). In modern English usage the word chapel is commonly applied to non-conformist places of worship, those of the Establishment alone being known as churches; but the term " chapel of ease " is occasionally applied to Established places of worship coming under the meaning first given above, and without parochial boundaries.
Chapin, Edwin Hubbell

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**CHA'PIN, EDWIN HUBBELL: **American Universalist; b. at Union Village, Washington County, N. Y., Dec. 29, 1814; d. in New York Dec. 28, 1880. He studied four years at the Bennington (Vermont) Academy, began the study of law, but abandoned it in 1837 to become assistant editor of the *Evangelical Magazine and Gospel Advocate*, a Universalist paper published at Utica, N. Y. He was ordained in 1838. He was pastor at Richmond, Va., 1838-39; at Charlestown, Mass., 1840-45; and assistant to Hosea Ballou in Boston, 1845-48. In 1848 he went to the Fourth Universalist Church, New York, and remained there till death. During his pastorate the society moved from Murray Street to new and more commodious church buildings on Broadway near Spring Street (1852), and then to the corner of Fifth Avenue and Forty-fifth Street (1888), and adopted the name " Church of the Divine Paternity." He was one of the prominent clergymen of New York, and his services were much in demand as lecturer and on special occasions. His sympathies and creed were broad, his preaching was eloquent and popular. He possessed a ready wit and no slight poetical talent; an admirable ordination-hymn, " Father, at this altar bending," is from his pen. His publications, chiefly sermons, include *Discourses on the Lord's Prayer * (Boston, 1850); *Moral Aspects of City Life * (New York, 1853); *Lessons of Faith and Life * (1877); *The Church of the Living God * (1881). BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. Ellis, *Life of Edwin H. Chapin, * Boston, 1882.
CHAPLAIN CHAPLAIN

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**CHAPLAIN: **A term which, with its equivalents (Lat. *Capellanus, * Germ. * Kaplan, * Fr. *Desservant*), designates members of the clergy assigned to some kinds of special service. In the Roman Catholic Church a chaplain is a priest who acts as assistant to the pastor of a parish. According to both Tridentine and earlier law, each parish has but one priest in full charge; if it is too large to be properly administered by him alone, he is supposed to appoint a sufficient number of chaplains, with the approval of the bishop. These serve directly under him, are maintained by him, and may be dismissed at his pleasure. There are cases, however, in which a benefited foundation exists within a parish, with chapels or altars at which the incumbent is bound to say a certain number of masses. Such beneficed chaplains (*capellani curati*) are either bound to assist the parish priest, or may be specially directed to do so by the bishop. As beneficed clergy, they can not be removed at the latter's will; but he is not obliged to avail himself of their services, unless certain parochial duties are assigned to them by the terms of their foundation. Such cases occur most frequently in chapels situated at a considerable distance from the parish church, or in hospitals and similar institutions. In case the parish priest fails to appoint chaplains, or does not appoint enough, when directed to do so by the bishop, the latter, in accordance with the law of Devolution (q.v.), may proceed to appoint. In some places, by either written law or custom, the bishop has a general right of appointment on his own motion; and then the chaplains are removable not by the parish priest but by the bishop-- unless they have beneficed rights as mentioned above. In France the chaplains were called *desservants*. The old French law distinguishes between parish churches (*parochiales ecclesiae*) and subsidiary (*succursales*) chapels which supplement them. The system of the seventeenth century drew a distinction between parish priests who were independent in their functions and chaplains who officiated only by the license of the bishop, revocable at any time. This system struck Napoleon when he was thinking of restoring the Church after the destruction wrought by the Revolution. The Concordat of 1801 laid down only the fundamental principles, especially regarding the bishops, who were permitted to name incumbents approved by the government to the parish churches. The " organic articles " of 1802 went further into detail, and dealt with the support of the churches. As the payment of parish priests was undertaken by the State, it was desirable to limit their number, and provision was made for the establishment of one in each district. But as these districts were far too large to be administered by one priest, as many others as were necessary were to be chosen for *succursales*, and supported by their pensions and the voluntary offerings of the congregations. Their appointment was to be made by the bishop, and revocable at his pleasure. Imperial decrees of May and December, 1804, rearranged the assignments and provided a stipend of five hundred francs apiece. The *desservants* made increasing claims to independence; but the bishops were not inclined to give up their powers, and Gregory XVI. sanctioned the existing arrangement until further order. Repeated controversies arose over the position of these priests, who were by far the larger number in France, Belgium, and the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine; and while still theoretically removable, they succeeded in establishing the rule in practise that they should not be displaced except for cause, after an investigation by diocesan officials. Historically, also, the name chaplain was early applied to priests who served private chapels, in castles and royal palaces. Bishops also had their private chaplains, who served partly as secretaries. The popes, too, have always had their own chaplains, who have as a rule acted as their confessors. By present use these latter are divided into three classes: honorary, ceremonial, and private. (O. MEJER.) ### In Military and Naval Service The clergymen employed in the army and navy of all Christian countries are called " chaplains," and are under different rules and regulations. Thus in the British army they are under a chaplain-general of the forces; are not attached to particular regiments or corps, but to garrisons and military stations at home and abroad. They are according to their length of service divided into four classes, corresponding to colonels, lieutenant-colonels, majors, and captains, respectively; and after twenty-five years' service are entitled to retire on a pension. They are not all from the Church of England or Ireland, but some come from the Presbyterian and Roman Catholic churches. In the United States chaplains are appointed by the president, and assigned or transferred by the secretary of war, but report monthly to the adjutant-general, especially as to the baptism, marriages, and funerals at which they have officiated. During the Civil War there was in the Northern army a chaplain to each regiment, but at its conclusion all were discharged. Later, thirty were engaged and sent to posts, generally on the frontier. To-day there are no regimental chaplains, but only chaplains attached to posts. Much depends upon the post commander whether the chaplain can be efficient or not. In 1907, Major-General Frederick D. Grant reports, there were fifty-three chaplains in the whole army, from different denominations and ranked as follows: Majors 4, Captains 41, First Lieutenants 8. He adds: " In general their duties are to have charge of religious instruction, visit the sick, baptize children, officiate at marriages and funerals, and by statute they have charge of post schools in the English branches." The number of chaplains in the United States navy on July 1st, 1907, was twenty-five, with rank as follows: Captains 4, Commanders 7; Lieutenant-Commanders 5, Lieutenants (junior grade) 2. Their duties are thus set forth in the regulations of 1905, communicated by the commandant of the New York Navy Yard. (1) The chaplain shall perform divine service and offer prayers on board of the ship to which he is attached, at such times as the captain may prescribe; and on board other ships to which chaplains are not attached, or at shore stations and naval hospitals, when so directed by the senior officer present. (2) He shall be permitted to conduct public worship according to the manner and forms of the church of which he is a minister. (3) He shall facilitate, so far as possible, the performance of divine service by clergymen of churches other than his own, who may be permitted by the captain to visit the ship for that purpose. (4) He may, with the sanction of the captain, form voluntary classes for religious instruction. (5) He shall visit the sick frequently, unless the condition of the sick renders such visits unadvisable. (6) Under the direction of the captain, he shall supervise the instruction of such persons in the navy as may need to be taught the elementary principles of reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography. He shall report in writing to the captain at the end of each quarter the character of instruction given, the number of hours of instruction, and the progress made by each person. He shall always report at quarters when on board. His duty in battle is to aid the wounded, and his station at quarters for battle and for inspection shall be as the captain may direct. Chaplains shall report annually to the secretary of the navy the official services performed by them. The pay of these army and navy chaplains varies according to their length of service and rank, and in navy according to whether they are at sea or on shore. In the French army and navy attendance upon the chaplains' services is voluntary, but in all other European countries it is compulsory. In the United States navy the penalty of disturbing a church service is three months' imprisonment. Chaplains are also attached to militia regiments in the United States. They are chosen by the regiments, generally on the strength of their outside reputation, so that it is a distinct compliment and recognition of ability and popularity to be asked. They preach an occasional sermon, and clad in a distinctive uniform appear on the parades of their regiments.
CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISION IN THE BIBLE CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISION IN THE BIBLE

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CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISION IN THE BIBLE. See BIBLE TEXT, III.
CHAPTER AND VERSE DIVISION IN THE BIBLE Chapter-Courts

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CHAPTER-COURTS *(Chorgerichte): * The name applied, in the canton of Bern after the Reformation, to the tribunals having charge of matrimonial causes and the execution of church discipline. As early as 1470, the town council of Bern had seriously attempted to take in hand the moral condition of the inhabitants, neglected by the Church. In the same spirit, the Reformation here was rather one of practise than of doctrine. Thus, after the issue of the first reforming decree, it was naturally one of the concerns of the Bernese authorities to replace the suppressed episcopal courts by a new tribunal which should represent the civil government but regard questions coming before it from a religious standpoint. On May 29, 1528, the new court began its work. It was composed of six members-- two from the greater and two from the lesser council, with two preachers. It met in the building belonging to the old chapter, whence it probably took its name. In September it set forth principles to govern matrimonial causes, and in November the other matters coming under its jurisdiction. These were offenses against the law of God which could not be punished as violations of express civil statutes-- such things as drunkenness, incontinence, usury, atheism, superstition, witchcraft, blasphemy, and gambling, which latter was strictly forbidden as unworthy of Christian people. An appeal had been intended to lie to the council, but this was abrogated in Jan., 1529. In March of this year the first formal regulations were put forth, evidently based on those adopted at Zurich in 1525. The punishments prescribed consisted of deprivation of honors and offices, imprisonment, banishment-- not often money fines, which became more usual later. The strictness of the judges caused no little murmuring at first, and the " Great Synod " of Jan., 1532, was obliged to promise that greater mildness should be shown. The attendance of the preachers was even for a time partially dispensed with, but in 1536 they were recalled, since so many questions came up in which their judgment, as expositors of God's word, was needed. In the same year Bern conquered Vaud and the other Savoyard lands to the southwest, and proceeded to introduce the Reformation on its own principles. The ministers of Vaud, especially Viret and Beza, wished to set up a system of strict church discipline on the Geneva model; but this did not agree with the Bernese view of the unity of the State, including the Church within itself, so that ultimately chapter-courts were set up in each church district of the conquered territory. The ministers, under Calvin's influence, stood out, obstinately for strictly ecclesiastical discipline, with excommunication for its principal weapon. Things finally came to an open breach, and the banishment of a number of the clergy. All this attracted greater attention to the system of chapter-courts; and greater severity than ever was shown against wanton dress, fortune-telling, gambling, and immoral dances and songs. The rules of the chapter-courts were enforced in the old local tribunals, which were gradually abolished (1561) in the interest of administrative unity; the same thing happened (1566) in certain cities, such as Brugg and Zofingen, where the magistrates had for a time dealt with matrimonial causes and general morality. Viret and his friends had, however, been right in a way. The chapter-courts were, after all, of the nature of civil government and police. As such, they had done a good deal for external morality and order; but they could do little for the promotion of vital piety; their connection with the Church was loose and external. The duty of examining and licensing candidates for church offices, which had been originally given to them, fell to another body very soon; the clergy managed their own discipline in their own assemblies; and in the end the chapter-courts had nothing but questions of marriage and paternity and all external *police des maeurs*. After 1704 appeals were granted to the town council or the Two Hundred; and in 1708 the number was changed to eight secular judges with two clerical assessors. They had now a formal code of their own, with purely secular penalties, which was revised or enlarged at need. They continued to exist (except in the period of the Helvetic Republic, 1798-1803) until the revision of the constitution in 1831. By the law of 1874 most of the duties of the chapter-courts were given to the " church-councils," which now regulate questions of morality in so far as the modern State permits. (E. BLOSCH.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. B. Hundeshagen, *Die Konflikte in der Bern. Landeskirche*, in C. Trechsel, *Beitrage*, Bern, 1841-1842; Frickert, *Die Kirchengehrauche in Bern*, Aarau,1846; Von Sturler in *Archiv des historischen Vereins von Bern*, 1862; E. Egli, *Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Zurcher Reformation*, Zurich, 1879.
CHARACTER Character

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CHARACTER: The composite of definite moral and personal traits which serves to distinguish an individual and to mark the type to which he belongs. Morality is essentially a matter of will, and thus of free agency. The will is, therefore, closely associated with character; but it exists, in the true sense of the word only in so far as it is free and accepts the new modification voluntarily, instead of possessing it by nature, or being constrained to it by external influences. The criterion of character, in Kantian phrase, is " not what nature makes of man, but what man makes of himself." Character must, therefore, differ essentially from the original disposition of man. The different forces and impulses of the mental life form the basis, means, and material for will and character.
CHRISTMAS Christmas

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CHRISTMAS: The supposed anniversary of the birth of Jesus Christ, occurring on Dec. 25.' No sufficient data, however, exist, for the determination of the month or the day of the event. Efforts to reach a fixed date for Zacharias's ministration and to combine this with the "sixth month" mentioned in connection with the annunciation to Mary (Luke i. 26) have given no assured result. Hippolytus seems to have been the first to fix upon Dec. 25. He had reached the conviction that Jesus's life from conception to crucifixion was precisely thirty-three years and that both events occurred on Mar. 25. By calculating nine months from the annunciation or conception he arrived at Dec. 25 as the day of Christ's birth. The uncertainty of all the data discredits the computation. There is no historical evidence that our Lord's birthday was celebrated during the apostolic or early postapostolic times. The uncertainty that existed at the beginning of the third century in the minds of Hippolytus and others—Hippolytus earlier favored Jan. 2, Clement of Alexandria *(Strom., i. * 21) " the 25th day of Pachon " ( =May 20), while others, according to Clement, fixed upon Apr. 18 or 19 and Mar. 28-proves that no Christmas festival had been established much before the middle of the century. Jan. 6 was earlier fixed upon as the date of the baptism or spiritual birth of Christ, and the feast of Epiphany (q.v.) was celebrated by the Basilidian Gnostics in the second century (cf. Clement of Alexandria, ut sup.) and by catholic Christians by about the beginning of the fourth century. The earliest record of the recognition of Dec. 25 as a church festival is in the Philocalian Calendar (copied 354 but representing Roman practise in 336; cf. Ruinart, *Acts Martyrum, p. * 617; *MPL, * xiii.; Lightfoot, *The Liberian Calendar, * in his *Clement of Rome, vol. i., * p. 246). In the East the celebration of Jan. 6 as the physical as well as the spiritual birthday of the Lord prevailed generally as early as the first half of the fourth century. Chrysostom (in 386) states that Earliest the celebration of the birth of Christ Traces of " according to the flesh " was not inaugurated at Antioch until ten years Festival. before that date. He intimates that this festival, approved by himself, was opposed by many. An Armenian writer of the eleventh century states that the Christmas festival, invented in Rome by a heretic, Artemon, was first celebrated in Constantinople in 373. In Egypt the Western birthday festival was opposed during the early years, of the fifth century, but was cele brated in Alexandria as early as 432. The Jeru salem church was celebrating birth and baptism on the same day (Jan. 6) about the middle of the fourth century, the former at Bethlehem, the latter at the Jordan, although the twenty-mile journey between involved great inconveniences (supposed letter of Bishop Cyril of Jerusalem to Bishop Julius of Rome, preserved in Combefia, *Historic hceresis * *morwthelitarum). The * Jerusalem bishop asks the Roman bishop to ascertain the real date of Christ's birth in order that, if possible, the practical diffi culty may be overcome. Julius is represented as sending to Cyril a calculation in favor of Dec. 25, based upon the supposition (derived from Josephus) that Zachariass vision took place at the Feast of Tabernacles. The Jerusalem church, however, persisted till 549 or later in celebrating birth and baptism on Jan. 6 (Cosmas Indicopleustes). The Christmas festival has never been adopted by the Armenians, the physical and spiritual birthdays being still celebrated conjointly on Jan. 8. The wide-spread conviction during the early centuries that the baptism of Jesus was the occasion of his spiritual birth, or his Relation adoption as Son of God and his exal to the talon to divine rank and power, Epiphany. tended to magnify the anniversary of his baptism and to cause comparative indifference as regards the precise date of his birth according to the flesh. In two Latin homilies, ascribed by some to Ambrose of Milan (4th cent.) and by others to Maximus of Turin (5th cent.), Jan. 6 is declared to be the birthday of the Lord Jesus, " whether he was born of the Virgin on that day or was born again in baptism." It is his " natal feast," his " nativity both of flesh and of *Spirit*." As thirty years before he " was given for through the Virgin," so on the same day he was " regenerated " and " sanctified " " through the mystery." The writer; or an interpolator, virtually contradicts the statement about Christ's regeneration by explaining that " Christ is baptized, not in order that he may be sanctified by the waters, but that he may himself sanctify *the * waters." The naive adoptionism that was so widely prevalent till the end of the second century in Syria, Asia Minor, Italy, northern Africa, and elsewhere, and for centuries later in Armenia, Spain, etc. , was gradually displaced by the formulation and general acceptance of a christology (based upon the prologue of John's Gospel and the Epistles of Paul)
2. THEOLOGICAL SPECULATIONS 2. Theological Speculations

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2. Theological Speculations: In the apostolic Fathers only simple practical, Biblical statements are found, with reminiscences of apostolic preaching for the purposes of edification. Ignatius of Antioch calls Christ God without qualification *(Ad Ephes., vii. *18; cf. *Ad Rom., *vi.). Polycarp calls him "the eternal Son of God " (Ad *Phil., ii. *8), and associates him in his last prayer with the Father and the Spirit *(Martyrium. Polycarpi, xiv.). *The theological speculation on the person of Christ began with Justin Martyr, and was carried on by Clement of Alexandria and Origen, in the East; by Irenæus, Hippolytus, and Tertullian, in the West.
DRAESEKE, JOHANN HEINRICH BERNHARD Draeseke, Johann Heinrich Bernhard

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DRAESEKE, drä'ze-ke, JOHANN HEINRICH BERNHARD: German preacher; b. at Brunswick Jan. 18, 1774; d. at Potsdam Dec. 8, 1849. He studied at the University of Helmstedt, where he was influenced by humanitarianism rather than by rationalism, and during this period wrote a drama which was produced at Dresden, while in his *Das Heilige auf der Bühne* (1817) he defended the representation of sacred subjects on the stage. At the age of twenty-one he was called as deacon to Mölln, being made preacher three years later, and being appointed pastor of Ratzeburg in 1804. There he published his *Predigten für denkende Verehrer Jesu* (5 vols., Lüneburg, 1804-12) and his catechetical *Glaube, Liebe und Hoffnung* (1813), while his patriotic sermons caused such excitement that he narrowly escaped arrest by French troops. In 1814 he was called to Bremen, and to this period belong his *Predigten über Deutschlands Wiedergeburt* (3 vols., Lüneburg, 1814); *Predigt-Entwürfe über freie Texte* (2 vols., Bremen, 1815); *Ueber die letzten Schicksale unseres Herrn* (2 vols., Lüneburg, 1816); *Ueber frei gewählte Abschnitte der heiligen Schrift* (4 vols., 1817-18); *Christus an das Geschlecht dieser Zeit* (1819); *Gemälde aus der heiligen Schrift* (4 vols., 1821-28); and *Vom Reich Gottes, Betrachtungen nach der heiligen Schrift* (3 vols., Bremen, 1830). The political tone of his sermons, however, caused many of them to be suppressed by the authorities. His addresses on the kingdom of God, on the other hand, attracted the attention of Frederick William III., and when Westermeier, bishop of Saxony, died in 1832, Dräseke was appointed to fill the vacancy. As bishop he gained wide popularity by his eloquence, impartiality, and geniality. Avoiding the extremes of rationalism, on the one hand, and Pietism, on the other, he was welcomed as a true Evangelical. The year 1840, however, brought an eventful change, when the assertion of a rationalistic pastor named Sintenis that prayer should not be offered to Christ forced Dräseke to take a decided stand. The government checked the episcopal protest, but the rationalistic attacks were pushed so far that Dräseke felt that his usefulness was at an end. In 1843 the king permitted him to resign, and he spent the remainder of his life in Potsdam. The only occasion on which he came again before the public was in 1845, when he signed the protest of Sydow, Jonas, and others against the *Evangelische Kirchenzeitung*. His *Nachgelassene Schriften* were edited by F. H. T. Dräseke (2 vols., Magdeburg, 1850-51). The earliest theological position of Dräseke was the humanism of Herder on a Pelagian basis, where Christianity was merely the highest product of the human race; but gradually he attained a more positive attitude, and a deeper insight into the depths of the soul. As a preacher he must be reckoned among the foremost of German pulpit-orators, rising from restriction to the higher cultivated classes to a more popular and intelligible style which attracted all types of men. (AUGUST THOLUCK.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: His life is in *ADB*, v. 373 sqq.
DWIGHT, TIMOTHY Dwight, Timothy

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**DWIGHT, TIMOTHY:** **1.** Eighth president of Yale College; b. at Northampton, Mass., May 14, 1752; d. at New Haven, Conn., Jan. 11, 1817. He was graduated at Yale in 1769 and was tutor 1771-1777. For more than a year he was chaplain in the army during the Revolutionary War. From 1783 to 1795 he was at the head of an academy in Greenfield, Conn., and from 1795 till his death president of Yale, where he exerted an influence decisive for many years in the history of the college. His sermons in the college chapel constituted a system of divinity, and were published under the title *Theology Explained and Defended* (5 vols., Middletown, Conn., 1818; often reprinted). The work teaches a moderate Calvinism with an avoidance of extreme statements and metaphysical refinements. Besides minor publications he also wrote *The Conquest of Canaan, a Poem in Eleven Books * (Hartford, 1785); *Greenfield Hill, a Poem in Seven Parts* (New York, 1794); and *Travels in New England and New York* (4 vols., New Haven, 1821-22). The last-named work is a storehouse of facts, shrewd observations, and quaint comments. President Dwight was the author of the familiar hymn "I love thy kingdom, Lord." F. H. FOSTER. BIBLIOGRAPHY: The leading *Memoir* is by his son, Sereno Edwards Dwight, in *Theology Explained, *New York, 1846. Consult also: J. Sparks, *Library of American Biography, vol. xiv., *Boston, 1855; W. B. Sprague. *Annals a/ the Amerimn Pulpit, ii. *152-185, New York, 1859; M. C. Tyler, *Three Men o/ Letters, pp. *89-127, ib. 1895. **2.** Twelfth president of Yale College, grandson of the preceding; b. at Norwich, Conn., Nov. 16, 1828. He was educated at Yale (B.A., 1849), the Yale Divinity School (1850-53), and the universities of Berlin and Bonn (1856-58). He was tutor in Greek at Yale from 1851 to 1855 and professor of New Testament Greek in the Divinity School from 1858 to 1886. In the latter year he was elected president, and held this position until 1899. He was a member of the American committee for the revision of the English version of the Bible and for several years was one of the editors of *The New Englander. * He has written *Thoughts of and for the Inner Life * (sermons; New York, 1899) and *Memories of Yale Life and Men* (1903), and prepared the American edition of Meyer's commentary on Romans (New York, 1884), several other Pauline Epistles and on the Epistle to the Hebrews (1885), and the Epistles of James, Peter, John, and Jude (1887), as well as of F. Godet's commentary on the Gospel of John (1886).
DYKES, JAMES OSWALD Dykes, James Oswald

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**DYKES, JAMES OSWALD:** English Presbyterian; b. at Port Glasgow (17 m. w.n.w. of Glasgow), Renfrewshire, Scotland, Aug. 14, 1835. He studied at the University of Edinburgh (M.A., 1854), New College, Edinburgh (1855-58), and the universities of Heidelberg (1856) and Erlangen (1857). He was minister of the Free Church of Scotland, East Kilbride, Lanarkshire, 1859-61 and assistant minister of Free St. George's, Edinburgh, 1861-65. He then resigned on account of ill health and spent three years without a charge in Melbourne, Australia, delivering occasional lectures and filling various temporary posts in the Presbyterian Church. After his return to England he was minister of Regent Square Church London, 1869-88, to 1907 principal and Barbour professor of theology in the College of the Presbyterian Church of England (Westminster College, Cambridge), since emeritus-principal. He was the chief author of the new creed adopted by the Presbyterian Church of England in 1890. He has written *On the Written Word * (London, 1868); *Beatitudes of the Kingdom* (1872); *Laws of the Kingdom* (1873); *Relations of the Kingdom* (1874); *From Jerusalem to Antioch : Sketches of the Primitive Church* (1874); *Abraham the Friend of God* (1877); *Daily Prayers for the Household* (1881); *Sermons* (1882); *Laws of the Ten Words* (1884); *The Gospel according to St. Paul: Studies in the Epistle to the Romans* (1888); and *Plain Words on Great Themes* (1892).
E E

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**E:** The symbol employed to designate the Elohistic (Ephraimitic) document which, according to the critical school, is one of the components of the Hexateuch (q.v.). See HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, II., 4.
EACHARD, JOHN Eachard, John

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**EACHARD, JOHN:** English clergyman and satirist; b. in Suffolk c. 1636; d. at Cambridge July 7, 1697. He studied at Catherine Hall, Cambridge, of which he became Master in 1675. He was created D.D., by royal mandamus in 1675 and was elected vice-chancellor of the university in 1679 and again in 1695. He published anonymously his famous essay, *The Grounds and Decisions of the Contempt of the Clergy and Religion, inquired into in a Letter to R. L. * (London, 1670), in which he attributed the failure of the clergy to their defective education. Other works from his pen are, *Some Observations upon the Answer to an Enquiry . . . in a second Letter to R. L. * (London, 1671), a sequel to the foregoing; *Mr. Hobbs' State of Nature . .* (London, 1672); and *Some Opinions of Mr. Hobbs* (1673). Eachard was master of a light bantering style that was particularly effective in satire, but he
EATON, ARTHUR WENTWORTH HAMILTON Eaton, Arthur Wentworth Hamilton

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EATON, ARTHUR WENTWORTH HAMILTON: Protestant Episcopalian; b. at Kentville, Nova Scotia, Dec. 10, 1849. He was educated at Harvard College (A.B., 1880), and was ordered deacon in 1884 and ordained priest in the following year. After being rector of St. Andrew's, Chestnut Hill, Mass. (1885-86), he spent two years in Europe, and since 1888 has been head of the department of English literature in the Cutler School, New York City. In theology he is a Broad-churchman of the Maurice and Phillips Brooks type. He has written *The Heart of the Creeds; Historical Religion in the Light of Modern Thought * (New York, 1888); *Acadian Legends and Lyrics * (1889); *The * *Church * *of * *England in Nova Scotia and the Tory Clergy of the Revolution * (1891); *Tales of a Garrison Town * (in collaboration with C. L. Betts; 1892); *Acadian Ballads * (New York, 1905); and *Poems * *of the Christian Year * (1905). He has also edited several works of English literature.
ECK, JOHANN Eck, Johann

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### ECK, JOHANN. Education. Teacher at Ingolstadt (§ 1). Disputations with Luther and Carlstadt (§ 2). Attacks on Luther and Melanchthon (§ 3). Papal Emissary and Inquisitor (§ 4). Zwingli and his Followers (§ 5). Peace Overtures (§ 6). ### 1. Education. Teacher at Ingolstadt. Johann Eck (properly Johann Maier or Mayr) the German Roman Catholic controversialist, was born at Eck (now Egg, near Memmingen, 43 m. s. of Augsburg), Swabia, Nov. 13, 1486; d. at Ingolstadt Feb. 13, 1543. At the age of twelve he entered the University of Heidelberg, which he left in the following year for Tübingen. After taking his master's degree in 1501, he began the study of theology under Johann Jakob Lempp, and studied the elements of Hebrew and political economy with Konrad Summenhart. He left Tübingen in 1501 on account of the plague and after a year at Cologne finally settled at Freiburg-im-Breisgau, at first as a student of theology and law and later as a successful teacher. In 1508 he entered the priesthood and two years later obtained his doctorate in theology. At Freiburg in 1506 he published his first work, *Ludicra logices exercitamenta * and also proved himself a brilliant and subtle orator, although obsessed by an untamable controversial spirit and unrestrained powers of invective. At odds with his colleagues, he was glad to accept a call to a theological chair at Ingolstadt in Nov., 1510, receiving at the same time the honors and income of a canon at Eichstadt. In 1512 he be came prochancellor at the university and from that time until his death he was in complete control of the destinies of Ingolstadt, on which he impressed the character of ultracatholicism which made it a bulwark of the ancient faith in Germany. His wide knowledge found expression in numerous writings. In the theological field he produced his *Chrysopassus * (Augsburg, 1514), in which he de veloped a Semi-Pelagian theory of predestination, while he obtained some fame as commentator on the *Summulae* of Peter of Spain and on Aristotle's *De caelo * and *De anima. * As a political economist he defended interest, despite the opposition of the bishop of Eichstadt. ### 2. Disputations with Luther and Carlstadt. As early as the spring of 1517 Eck had entered into friendly relations with Luther, who had regarded him as in harmony with his own views, but this illusion was short-lived. In his *Obelisci* Eck attacked Luther's theses, which had been sent him by Scheurl, and accused him of promoting the heresy of the Bohemian Brethren and of fostering anarchy within the Church. Luther replied in his *Asterisci adversxes obeliseos Eccii,* while Carlstadt defended Luther's views of indulgences and engaged in a violent controversy with Eck. A mutual desire for a public disputation led to a compact between Eck and Luther by which the former pledged himself to meet Carlstadt in debate at Erfurt or Leipsic, on condition that Luther abstain from all participation in the discussion. In Dec., 1518, Eck published the twelve theses which he was prepared to uphold against Carlstadt, but since they were aimed at Luther rather than at the ostensible opponent, Luther addressed an open letter to Carlstadt, in which he declared himself ready to meet Eck in debate. The disputation between Eck and Carlstadt began at Leipsic June 27, 1519. In the first four sessions Eck maintained the thesis that free will is the active agent in the creation of good works, but he was compelled by his opponent to modify his position so as to concede that the grace of God and free will work in harmony toward the common end. Carlstadt then proceeded to prove that good works are to be ascribed to the agency of God alone, whereupon Eck yielded so far as to admit that free will is passive in the beginning of conversion, although he maintained that in course of time it enters into its rights; so that while the entirety of good works originates in God, their accomplishment is not entirely the work of God. Despite the fact that Eck was thus virtually forced to abandon his position, he succeeded, through his good memory and his dialectic skill, in confusing the heavy-witted Carlstadt and carried off the nominal victory. He was far less successful against Luther, who, as Eck himself confessed, was his superior in memory, acumen, and learning. After a disputation lasting twenty-three days (July 4-27), Eck was greeted as victor by the theologians of the University of Leipsic, who overwhelmed him with honors and sent him away with gifts. The impression produced by Eck upon his auditors during that momentous time may be best learned from the account of the humanist Peter of Moselle, who described him as tall, stout, and squarely built. His voice was full and rolling, and of an admirable quality for an actor, or even for a public crier, while the sum total of his features would seem to argue the butcher or the professional soldier rather than the theologian. As far as his intellectual gifts were concerned, he had a wonderful memory, which, if supplemented by other talents in like proportion, would have made him a marvel, but he lacked swiftness of apprehension and deep insight, so that his masses of arguments and citations were indiscriminate, and he was filled with an inconceivable impudence though he had the cleverness to conceal it. ### 3. Attacks on Luther and Melancthon. Soon after his return to Ingolstadt,, Eck attempted to persuade Elector Frederick of Saxony to have Luther's works burned in public, and during the year 1519 he published no less than eight writings against the new movement. He failed, however, to obtain a condemnatory decision from the universities appointed to pronounce on the outcome of the Leipsic disputation. Erfurt returned the proceedings of the meeting to the Saxon duke without signifying its approval, while Paris, after repeated urging, gave an ambiguous decision limited to " the doctrine of Luther so far as investigated." Eck's only followers were the aged heretic-hunter Hoogstraten and Emser of Leipsic, together with the allied authorities of the universities of Cologne and Louvain. Luther returned Eck's assaults with more than equal vehemence and about this time Melanchthon wrote OEcolampadius that at Leipsic he had first become distinctly aware of the difference between true Christian theology and the scholasticism of the Aristotelian doctors. In his *Excusatio* (Wittenberg? 1519?) Eck, irritated all the more because early in the year he had induced Erasmus to caution the young theological student against precipitating himself into the religious conflict, retorted that Melanchthon knew nothing of theology. In his reply to the *Excusatio*, Melanchthon proved that he was thoroughly versed in theology, and Eck fared still worse in October of the same year, when he sought to aid Emser by a virulent tirade against Luther. Two biting satires, one by OEcolampadius and the other by Pirkheimer, stung him to a fury which would be satisfied with nothing less than the public burning of the entire literature in the market-place at Ingolstadt, an act from which he was restrained by his colleague Reuchlin. ### 4. Papal Emissary and Inquisitor. Eck was far more highly esteemed as the dauntless champion of the true faith at Rome than in Germany. In Jan., 1520, he visited Italy at the invitation of Leo X., to whom he presented his latest work *De primate Petri adversus Ludderum* (Ingolstadt, 1520) for which he was rewarded with the nomination to the office of papal prothonotary, although his efforts to urge the Curia to decisive action against Luther were unsuccessful for some time. On June 16, however, appeared the fateful bull *Exurge Domine, * in which forty-one propositions of Luther were condemned as heretical or erroneous. Entrusted with the publication of the bull in Germany, Eck returned home, only to find how rapidly Luther had gained favor. At Meissen, Brandenburg, and Merseburg he succeeded in giving the papal measure due official publicity, but at Leipsic he was the object of the ridicule of the student body and was compelled to flee by night to Freiberg, where he was again prevented from proclaiming the bull. At Erfurt the students tore the instrument down and threw it into the water, while in other places the papal decree was subjected to still greater insults. At Vienna its publication encountered grave difficulties, and Eck had good cause to set up a votive tablet to his patron saint upon his safe return to Ingolstadt, although even there only the authority of the papal mandate made the publication of the bull possible. This last humiliation was due, in great measure, to the fact that he had availed himself of the permission to pronounce the papal censure on prominent followers of the new movement besides Luther, and had thus made his office a means of personal revenge. Eck's letter to Charles V., written in Feb., 1521, seems to have had little effect upon the proceedings at the Diet of Worms. Wealth and power were included in the aspirations of Eck. He appropriated the revenues of his parish of Gunzburg, while he relegated its duties to a vicar. Twice he visited Rome as a diplomatic representative of the Bavarian court to obtain sanction for the establishment of a court of inquisition against the Lutheran teachings at Ingolstadt. The first of these journeys, late in the autumn of 1521, was fruitless on account of the death of Leo X., but his second journey in 1523 was successful. With great insight and courage he showed the Curia the true condition of affairs in Germany and pictured the general incapacity of the representatives of the Church in that country. Of the many heresy trials in which Eck was the prime mover during this period it is sufficient to mention here that of Leonhard Kaser, whose history was published by Luther. ### 5. Zwingli and his Followers. In addition to his inquisitorial duties, every year witnessed the publication of one or more writings against iconoclasm and in defense of the doctrines of the mass, purgatory, and auricular confession. His *Enchiridion locorum communium adversus Lutherum et alios hostes ecclesiae * (Landshut, 1525) went through forty-six editions before 1576. As its title indicates, it was directed primarily against Melanchthon's *Loci,* although it also concerned itself to some extent with the teachings of Zwingli. Eck offered to refute Zwingli's " heresies " in a public disputation (Aug. 13, 1524), and appeared at Baden, only 12 m. n.w. of Zurich, but in the hands of the bitterest partizans of the Roman Church, and from May 21 until June 18, 1526, the debate went on. Zwingli was not present, but supported his friends who were there by constant suggestions. The affair ended decidedly in favor of Eck, who induced the authorities to enter on a course of active persecution of Zwingli and his followers (see BADEN [IM AARGAU], CONFERENCE OF). The effect of his victory at Baden was dissipated, however, at the Disputation of Bern (Jan., 1528), where the propositions advanced by the Reformers were debated in the absence of Eck, and Bern, Basel, and other places were definitely won for the Reformation (see BERN, DISPUTATION OF). At the Diet of Augsburg Eck played the leading part among theologians on the Roman Catholic side. ### 6. Peace Overtures. While still at Ingolstadt Eck drafted for the use of the emperor a list of 404 heretical propositions from the writings of the Reformers, and collaborated with more than twenty Catholic theologians in writing the *confutatio pontificia, * in which the Catholic refutation of the Protestants was embodied. His efforts at peace, in which his readiness to meet the Reformers half-way shows him to have been sincere, failed, however, on account of the hatred and contempt with which he was regarded by the Protestant theologians. He renewed his efforts at Worms in Jan., 1541, and succeeded in impressing Melanchthon as being quite prepared to give his assent to the main principles of Protestantism. After the meeting at Regensburg in the spring and summer of the same year, on the other hand, he exerted himself to prevent any compromise between the two theologies. The last important phase of his activity was his conflict with Butzer, whom he attacked on account of the attitude assumed by the latter in his edition of the transactions of the Conference of Regensburg (q.v.). Special mention should be made, among Eck's many writings, of his German translation of the Bible (the New Testament a revision of H. Emser's rendering) which was first published at Ingolstadt in 1537. (C. ENDERS.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. Wiedemann, *Dr. Johann Eck, * Regensburg, 1885; J Greying, *J. Eck als junger Gelehrter, * Munster, 1908. The subject is treated in more or less detail in all works on the Church history of the period, in the accounts of the life of Luther, Melanchthon, Œcolampadius, Osiander, and Zwingli (see the literature under those articles). Consult particularly Schaff, *Christian Church*, vi. 188 sqq.; Moeller, *Christian Church*, vol. iii.; *Cambridge Modern History*, vol. ii., New York, 1904.
EDMUND, SAINT, OF CANTERBURY Edmund, Saint, of Canterbury

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**EDMUND (EADMUND), SAINT, OF CANTERBURY (EDMUND RICH): ** Archbishop of Canterbury; b. at Abingdon (7 m. s. of Oxford), Berkshire, c. 1175; d. at Soisy-en-Brie (75 m. s.e. of Paris), France, Nov. 16, 1240 or 1242. He studied at the universities of Oxford and Paris and became a teacher about 1200, or a little earlier. For six years he lectured on mathematics and dialectics, apparently dividing his time between Oxford and Paris, and winning distinction for his part in introducing the study of Aristotle. Through the influence of a pious mother he had led from boyhood a life of singular self-denial and austerity; and it is not surprising to find him tiring of secular subjects and ready to go over to theology. Though for some time he resisted the change, he finally entered upon his new career between 1205 and 1210. He received ordination, took a doctorate in divinity, and soon won fame as a lecturer on theology and as an extemporaneous preacher. After expounding the "Lord's Law" for a number of years, Edmund became disgusted with scholasticism and gave up his chair at Oxford. Some time between 1219 and 1222 he was appointed treasurer of Salisbury Cathedral, and held this position for eleven years, during which time he also engaged in preaching. In 1227, at the bidding of Innocent III., he preached the sixth crusade through a large part of England. In 1233 came the news of his appointment, by Gregory IX., to the archbishopric of Canterbury. The chapter had already made three selections which the pope had declined to confirm, and Edmund's name had been proposed as a compromise by Gregory, perhaps on account of his work for the crusade, and he was consecrated Apr. 2, 1234. Before his consecration he allied himself with the national party, whose object was to make the kingdom independent, maintain the Great Charter and exclude foreigners from civil and ecclesiastical office, and in the name of his fellow bishops he admonished Henry III. at Westminster, Feb. 2, 1234, to take warning of his father, King John. A week after his consecration he again appeared before the king with the barons and bishops, this time threatening his sovereign with excommunication, if he refused to dismiss his councilors, particularly Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester. This threat was sufficient. The objectionable favorites were dismissed; and soon the archbishop was sent to Wales to negotiate peace with Prince Llewellyn. In 1237, in order to destroy the authority of Edmund, Henry induced the pope to send Cardinal Otto as legate to England. Through numerous disputes with bishops and monks, not to speak of the rupture with the king, and the excommunication of Simon de Montfort and his bride, Edmund had already made his position a difficult one. As the champion of the national Church against the claims of Rome he now found himself arrayed against the pope. In Dec., 1237, he set out for Rome, hoping to enlist the pope on the side of ecclesiastical reform. From this futile mission he returned to England in Aug., 1238, to find himself reduced to a cipher. If he excommunicated his monks, they appealed to Rome and paid no attention to his interdict. Finding himself foiled at every turn he finally submitted to the papal demands; and early in 1240, hoping to win his cause against his monks, he paid to the pope's agents one fifth of his revenue, which had been levied for the pope's war against Emperor Frederick II. Other English prelates followed his example. Then came the demand that 300 English benefices should be assigned to as many Romans. This attack upon the rights of the national Church was more than Edmund could endure. In the summer of 1240, broken in spirit, he retired to the abbey of Pontigny, France, which had been the refuge of his predecessors, St. Thomas and Stephen Langton. A few months later he died at the priory of Soisy. In less than a year after his death miracles were alleged to be wrought at his grave; and in 1247 he was canonized. Edmund is one of the most attractive figures of medieval history. His life was one of self-sacrifice and devotion to others. From boyhood he practised asceticism; and throughout his life he wore sackcloth next his skin, pressed against his body by metal plates. After snatching a few hours' sleep without removing his clothing, he usually spent the rest of the night in prayer and meditation. Besides his "Constitutions," issued in 1236 (printed in W. Lynwood's *Constitutiones Angliae*, Oxford, 1679), he wrote *Speculum ecclesiae* (London, 1521; Eng. transl., 1527; reprinted in M. de la Bigne's *Bibliotheca veterum patrum*, v., Paris, 1609). BIBLIOGRAPHY: A *Vita * by Bertrand of Pontigny, with *Epistolae variae * and other pertinent material is in E. Martene, *Thesaurus novus anecdotorum*, iii. 1775-1826, Paris, 1717; another, by his brother, Robert Rich of Pontigny, is in L. Surius, *Yitm sanetorum, Nov., vi. 388-378, * Paris, *1575 * and is also in W. Wallace, Life of *St. Edmund * of *Canterbury, * London, *1893. * Sources of knowledge are the works of Matthew of Paris, ed. H. R. Luard, no. *57 * of the *Rolls Series, vols. iii.-v.; Annales monastici, * ed. H. R. Luard, no. *38 * of *Rolls Series, 4 vols.; * Gervase of Canterbury, ed. W. Stubbs, no. *71 * of *Rolls Series, vol. ii. * MS. material is indicated in T. D. Hardy, *Descriptive Catalogue, * no. *26 * of *Rolls Series, iii. 87-98; * while documents of value are given in Haddan and Stubbs, *Councils, i. 483, 465. * Modern accounts, besides the work of Wallace ut sup., are: W. F. Hook, *Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury*, vol. iii., 12 vols., London, 1860-76; E. Jaspar, *Notice biographique sur S. Edmund, * Lille, *1872; * L. F. Masse, *The Life of S. Edmond of Canterbury, * London *1874· * ib. *1897; * F. de Paravicini, *Life of St. Edmund * of *Abingdon, * ib. *1898; W. * R. W. Stephens, The *English [Church 1066-1272, pp. 228-233, 277, * ib. *1901; DNB, xvi. 405-410.*
EISENMENGER, JOHANN ANDREAS Eisenmenger, Johann Andreas

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EISENMENGER, aiz'en-meng'er, JOHANN ANDREAS: German Orientalist; b. at Mannheim 1654; d. at Heidelberg Dec. 20, 1704. He studied at the Collegium sapientiae at Heidelberg, where his knowledge of Hebrew attracted the attention of Prince Karl Ludwig, who granted him a traveling stipend enabling him to visit England and Holland. The conversion of three Christians to Judaism while he was at Amsterdam made him decide to collect all available anti-Jewish data for a work which should prove a warning to Christians, and at the same time shame the Jews.
EPARCHY Eparchy

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EPARCHY: Originally the designation of a civil province in the Roman empire, composed of smaller communities, and forming in its turn a subdivision of the *dioikesis *(see BISHOPRIC). These divisions furnished a model for the ecclesiastical organization; the heads of the smaller communities became bishops, those of the eparchies metropolitans, with their sees in the capital cities, and those of the dioceses exarchs or patriarchs. In the later Greek and Russian Churches, the usage altered and the jurisdiction of an ordinary bishop was called an eparchy. (P. HINacaIUSt.)
EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE Ephesians, Epistle to the

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EPHESIANS, EPISTLE TO THE. See PAUL, THE APOSTLE.
EPHESUS Ephesus

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EPHESUS. See ASIA MINOR IN THE APOSTOLIC TIME, IV. For the Council of Ephesus, 431 (Third Ecumenical) see NESTORIUS; for the " Robber Synod " of 449, see EUTYCHIANISM, § 6.
EPHOD Ephod

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EPHOD: An implement used by the priests of the Hebrews to obtain oracles from God. In I Sam. xiv. the Urim and Thummim appear as an accessory of the ephod, especially if (as is probably the case) the Septuagint in verse 41 has the right reading: " Yahweh, thou God of Israel, wherefore answerest thou not thy servant this day? If the guilt be mine or my son Jonathan's, let Urim come forth; if it be the people's, let Thummim come forth." Clearly the Urim and Thummim were two holy lots which were in some close connection with the ephod, and were brought forth by the priest (who put his hand into the bag in which they were kept), or were made to leap out by violent shaking of the bag. From the two passages I Sam. xiv. 41, xxviii. 6 it is evident that in the time of Samuel, Saul, and David it was customary to inquire of God by means of the Urim and Thummim, or, which amounts to Varieties the same thing, by the ephod; and of Ephod. further, from I Sam. xiv. 3, 18 (R. V., margin), that it was a part of the high priest's duty to carry it with him. The form of the ephod does not appear from these passages. It is doubtless the same thing which appears in I Sam. xxi. 9, where the sword of Goliath is placed behind it (doubtless as a sacred trophy), in all probability as it hung upon the wall; but this last passage gives no warrant for concluding that it was an image of Yahweh. Besides this ephod which the high priest wore, there is mention of an ephod of linen worn by other priests (I Sam. xxii. 18), by Samuel (I Sam. ii. 18), and by David (II Sam. vi. 14). The ephod to which the Urim and Thummim belonged was therefore not of linen, but probably of some costlier stuff. An ephod which belonged to the high priest's equipment is described Ex. xxv. 7, xxviii. 4, etc.; but it can not be said that this is something entirely different from that which appears in the early accounts. Taken altogether, the references contained in the Old Testament do not permit a very lucid account to be given of the article. According to Ex. xxviii., the ephod was made of gold, blue, purple, and fine linen, joined with two shoulder pieces and a band. It was apparently an ornament for the breast and had a loose " pocket " *(lwshen, * a word which is not understood) in which were the Urim and Thummim. This High- pocket, a span square, was made fast Priestly to the ephod by rings of gold and Ephod. chains which were carried to rosettes on the shoulders, the rings being underneath the ephod. The " pocket " was adorned with three rows of precious stones, four in a row, on which were engraved the names of the twelve tribes. The ephod, which was rather of the nature of regalia than of ordinary clothing, was worn above an overcoat of blue (cf. I Sam. ii. 18-19). So far the ephod of the time of Samuel was like that described in the priest-code. But it is held that numerous signs indicate another kind of ephod. From Judges viii. 24 it is concluded that the ephod was sometimes an image of deity, since in this case it is stated that the thing became a snare to Gideon and to Israel. Those who support this view see confirmation in Judges xvii.-xviii.; I Sam. xxi. 10, and in the connection between ephod and teraphim in Hos. iii. 4. But this view is untenable. That the Ephod not teraphim were images is clear from as Image. I Sam. xix. 13, 16; but it does not follow from the " and " in Hos. iii. 4 that the ephod was also an image. What the two had in common was that both were used as oracles (Ezek. xxi. 21; Zech. x. 2). Judges xviii. 20 speaks against the similarity of ephod and image, and suits better the explanation that the former was something that could be hung about one. And the passage in which Gideon is said to have made an ephod is little more certain. So little is known of what was actually done in that case, what was bought with the 1,700 shekels, and what was the cost of labor, that no sure conclusion is possible. If the passages quoted do not show that the ephods of Gideon and Micah were images, on the other hand it can not be proved that they were not. Still, the ephod was something habitually worn as a duty by the priests, and this does not agree with the supposition that the article was a standing image, as is required by the hypothesis that the sword of Goliath was placed behind such an image.
ERASMUS Erasmus

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### ERASMUS. Early Life (§ 1). Studies and Travels (§ 2). Basis of Literary Activity (§ 3). Various Works (§ 4). Attitude Toward the Reformation (§ 5). Relations with Luther (§ 6). Doctrine of the Eucharist (§ 7). Closing Years (§ 8). ### 1. Early Life. Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus, Dutch humanist and theologian, was born at Rotterdam, Holland, Oct. 27, probably 1466; d. at Basel, Switzerland, July 12, 1536. Information as to his family and early life comes from a few meager accounts written or suggested by himself at a somewhat advanced age and from many but vague references in his writings at all periods of his life. There seems good reason to believe that the tone of self-pity that pervades all these accounts was assumed for purposes at which one may guess, but as to which one can not be certain. He was doubtless born out of wedlock, well cared for by his parents till their early death, and then given the best education open to a young man of his day in a series of monastic or semimonastic schools. All this early education is made by him in the light of later experience to appear like one long conspiracy to force him into the monastic life, but there is no other evidence for this, and recent criticism has suggested ample motives for his desire to give his life-history this peculiar turn. Re was admitted to the priesthood and took the monastic vows at about the age of twenty-five, but there is no record that he ever exercised the priestly functions, and monasticism was one of the chief objects of his attack in his lifelong assault upon the evils of the Church. ### 2. Studies and Travels. Almost immediately after his consecration the way was opened to him for study at the University of Paris, then the chief seat of the later scholastic learning, but already beginning to feel the influence of the revived classic culture of Italy. From this time on Erasmus led the life of an independent scholar, independent of country, of academic ties, of religious allegiance, of everything that could interfere with the free development of his intellect and the freedom of his literary expression. The chief centers of his activity were Paris, Louvain, England, and Basel; yet it could never be said that he was identified with any one of these. His residences in England were fruitful in the making of lifelong friendships with the leaders of English thought in the stirring days of Henry VIII.-- John Colet, Thomas More, Thomas Linacre, and William Grocyn. He held at Cambridge an honorable position as Lady Margaret professor of divinity, and there seems to have been no reason except his unconquerable aversion to a routine life, why he should not have spent his days as an English professor. He was offered many positions of honor and profit in the academic world, but declined them all on one or another pretext, preferring the uncertain, but as it proved sufficient rewards of independent literary activity. In Italy he spent three years (1506-09), part of the time in connection with the publishing house of Aldus Manutius at Venice, but otherwise with far less active association with Italian scholars than might have been expected. The residence at Louvain exposed Erasmus to the petty criticism of men nearer to him in blood and political connections, but hostile to all the principles of literary and religious progress to which he was devoting his life. From this lack of sympathy, which he always represented as persecution, he sought refuge in the more congenial atmosphere of Basel, where under the shelter of Swiss hospitality he could express himself with freedom and where he was always surrounded by devoted friends. Here he was associated for many years with the great publisher Froben, and hither came the multitude of his admirers from all quarters of Europe. ### 3. Basis of Literary Activity. Erasmus's literary productivity began comparatively late in his life. It was not until he had made himself master of a telling Latin style that he undertook to express himself on all current subjects of literature and religion. His revolt against the forms of Church life did not proceed from any questionings as to the truth of the traditional doctrine, nor from any hostility to the organization of the Church itself. Rather, he felt called upon to use his learning in a purification of the doctrine and in a liberalizing of the institutions of Christianity. He began as a scholar, trying to free the methods of scholarship from the rigidity and formalism of medieval traditions; but he was not satisfied with this. He conceived of himself as, above all else, a preacher of righteousness. It was his lifelong conviction that what was needed to regenerate Europe was sound learning applied frankly and fearlessly to the administration of public affairs in Church and State. It is this conviction that gives unity and consistency to a life which at first eight seems to have been full of fatal contradictions. Erasmus was a marked individual, holding himself aloof from all entangling obligations; yet he was in a singularly true sense the center of the literary movement of his time. In his correspondence he put himself in touch with more than five hundred men of the highest importance in the world of politics and of thought, and his advice on all kinds of subjects was eagerly sought, if none too readily followed. ### 4. Various Works. Naturally, Erasmus has been most widely known for his critical and satirical writings, such as the "Praise of Folly" (Paris, 1509) and many of the *Colloquia*, which appeared at intervals from 1500 on. These appeal to a wider audience and deal with matters of wider human interest. Yet their author seems to have regarded them as the trifles of his intellectual product, the play of his leisure hours. His more serious writings begin early with the *Enchiridion Militis Christiani, * the "Manual (or Dagger) of the Christian Gentleman" (1503). In this little volume Erasmus outlines the views of the normal Christian life which he was to spend the rest of his days in elaborating. The key-note of it all is sincerity. The chief evil of the day, he says, is formalism, a respect for traditions, a regard for what other people think essential, but never a thought of what the true teaching of Christ may be. The remedy is for every man to ask himself at each point: what is the essential thing? and to do this without fear. Forms are not in themselves evil. It is only when they hide or quench the spirit that they are to be dreaded. In his examination of the special dangers of formalism, Erasmus pays his respects to monasticism, saint-worship, war, the spirit of class, the foibles of "society," in the fashion which was to make his later reputation as a satirist, but the main impression of the *Enchiridion* is distinctly that of a sermon. A companion piece to the *Enchiridion* is the *Institutio Principis Christiani* (Basel, 1516), written as advice to the young king Charles of Spain, later the emperor Charles V. Here Erasmus applies the same general principles of honor and sincerity to the special functions of the Prince, whom he represents throughout as the servant of the people. While in England Erasmus began the systematic examination of manuscripts of the New Testament to prepare for a new edition and Latin translation. This edition was published by Froben of Basel in 1516 and was the basis of most of the scientific study of the Bible during the Reformation period (see BIBLE TEXT, II., 2, § 1). It was the first attempt on the part of a competent and liberal-minded scholar to ascertain what the writers of the New Testament had actually said. Erasmus dedicated his work to Pope Leo X. as a patron of learning, to whom such an application of scholarship to religion must be welcome, and he justly regarded this work as his chief service to the cause of a sound Christianity. Immediately after he began the publication of his Paraphrases of the New Testament, a popular presentation of the contents of the several books. These, like all the writings of Erasmus, were in Latin, but they were at once translated into the common languages of the European peoples, a process which received the hearty approval of Erasmus himself. ### 5. Attitude Toward the Reformation. The outbreak of the Lutheran movement in the year following the publication of the New Testament brought the severest test of Erasmus's personal and scholarly character. It made the issue between European society and the Roman Church system so clear that no man could quite escape the summons to range himself on one side or the other of the great debate. Erasmus, at the height of his literary fame, was inevitably called upon to take sides, but partizanship in any issue which he was not at liberty himself to define was foreign equally to his nature and his habits. In all his criticism of clerical follies and abuses he had always carefully hedged himself about with protests that he was not attacking church institutions themselves and had no enmity toward the persons of churchmen. The world had laughed at his satire, but only a few obstinate reactionaries had seriously interfered with his activities. He had a right to believe that his work so far had commended itself to the best minds and also to the dominant powers in the religious world. There can be no doubt that Erasmus was in sympathy with the main points in the Lutheran criticism of the Church. For Luther personally he had and expressed the greatest respect, and Luther always spoke with admiration of his superior learning. Luther would have gone to great lengths in securing his cooperation in a work which seemed only the natural outcome of his own. When Erasmus hesitated or refused this seemed to the upright and downright Luther a mean avoidance of responsibility explicable only as cowardice or unsteadiness of purpose, and this has generally been the Protestant judgment of later days. On the other hand the Roman Catholic party was equally desirous of holding on to the services of a man who had so often declared his loyalty to the principles it was trying to maintain, and his half-heartedness in declaring himself now brought upon him naturally the suspicion of disloyalty from this side. Recent judgments of Erasmus, however, have shown how consistent with all his previous practise his attitude toward the Reformation really was. The evils he had combated were either those of form, such as had long been a subject of derision by all sensible men, or they were evils of a kind that could be cured only by a long and slow regeneration in the moral and spiritual life of Europe. Get rid of the absurdities, restore learning to its rights, insist upon a sound practical piety, and all these evils would disappear: this was the programme of the "Erasmian Reformation." No one could question its soundness or its desirability. Its fatal lack was that it failed to offer any tangible method of applying these principles to the existing church system. This kind of reform had been tried long enough, and men were impatient of further delay. When Erasmus was charged-- and very justly-- with having "laid the egg that Luther hatched" he half admitted the truth of the charge, but said he had expected quite another kind of a bird. ### 6. Relations with Luther. In their early correspondence Luther expressed in unmeasured terms his admiration for all Erasmus had done in the cause of a sound and reasonable Christianity, and exhorted with him now to put the seal upon his work by definitely casting in his lot with the Lutheran party. Erasmus replied with many expressions of regard, but declined to commit himself to any party attitude. His argument was that to do so would endanger his position as a leader in the movement for pure scholarship which be regarded as his real work in life. Only through that position as an independent scholar could he hope to influence the reform of religion. The constructive value of Luther's work was mainly in furnishing a new doctrinal basis for the hitherto scattered attempts at reform. In reviving the half forgotten principle of the Augustinian theology Luther had furnished the needed impulse to that personal interest in religion which is the essence of Protestantism. This was precisely what Erasmus could not approve. He dreaded any change in the doctrine of the Church and believed that there was room enough within existing formulas for the kind of reform he valued most. Twice in the course of the great discussion he allowed himself to enter the field of doctrinal controversy, a field foreign alike to his nature and his previous practise. One of the topics formally treated by him was the freedom of the will, the crucial point in the whole Augustinian system. In his *De libero arbitrio DiaTpiBn sive collatio* (1524), be analyzes with great cleverness and in perfect good temper the Lutheran exaggeration, as it seemed to him, of the obvious limitations upon human freedom. As his habit was, he lays down both sides of the argument and shows that each had its element of truth. His position was practically that which the Chinch had always taken in its dealing with the problem of sin: that Man was bound to sin, but that after all he had a right to the forgiving mercy of God, if only he would seek this through the means offered him by the Church itself. It was an easy-going Semi-Pelagianism, humane in its practise, but opening the way to those very laxities and perversions which Erasmus and the Reformers alike were combating. The "Diatribe," clever as it was, could not lead men to any definite action, and this was precisely its merit to the Erasmians and its offense to the Lutherans. ### 7. Doctrine of the Eucharist. As the popular response to the Lutheran summons become more marked and more widely spread, the social disorders which Erasmus dreaded began to appear. The Peasants' War, the Anabaptist disturbances in Germany and in the Low Countries (see ANABAPTISTS), iconoclasm and radicalism everywhere, seemed to confirm all his gloomy predictions. If this were to be the outcome of reform, he could only be thankful he had kept out of it. On the other hand, he was being ever more bitterly accused of having started the whole "tragedy." In Switzerland he was especially exposed to criticism through his association with men there who were more than suspected of extreme rationalistic doctrines. On this side the test question was naturally the doctrine of the sacraments, and the crux of this question was the observance of the Eucharist. Partly to clear himself of suspicion and partly in response to demands that he should write something in defense of Catholic doctrine, he published in 1530 a new edition of the orthodox treatise of Algerus against the heretic Berengar of Tours in the eleventh century. He added a dedication in which he affirms positively his belief in the reality of the body of Christ after consecration in the Eucharist, but admits that the precise form in which this mystery ought to be expressed is a matter on which very diverse opinions have been held by good men. Enough, however, for the mass of Christians that the Church prescribes the doctrine and the usages that embody it, while the refinements of speculation about it may safely be left to the philosophers. Here and there in many vehement utterances on this subject Erasmus lays down the principle, quite unworthy of his genius and his position of influence: that a man may properly have two opinions on religious subjects, one for himself and his intimate friends and another for the public. The anti-sacramentarians, headed by OEcolampadius of Basel, were, as Erasmus says, quoting him as holding views about the Eucharist quite similar to their own. He denies this with great heat, but in his denial betrays the fact that he had in private conversation gone just as far toward a rational view of the doctrine of the Eucharist as he could without a positive formulation in words. Naturally here, as in the case of free will, he could not command the approval of the Church he was trying to placate. ### 8. Closing Years. Thus, as the visible outcome of his reformatory activities Erasmus found himself at the close of his life at odds with both the great parties. His last years were embittered by controversies with men toward whom he was drawn by many ties of taste and sympathy. Notable among these was his passage at arms with Ulrich von Hutten (q.v.), a brilliant, but erratic genius, who had thrown himself with all his heart into the Lutheran cause and had declared that Erasmus, if he had a spark of honesty about him, would do the same. In his reply, *Spongia adversus aspergines Hutteni* (1523), he displays, better than almost anywhere else, his skill in twisting words and phrases to suit the purpose of the moment. He accuses Hutten of having misinterpreted his utterances about reform and reiterates his determination never to take sides in the division of parties. When the city of Basel was definitely and officially "reformed" in 1529, Erasmus gave up his residence there and settled in the imperial town of Freiburg-im-Breisgau. It would seem as if he found it easier to maintain his neutrality under Roman Catholic than under Protestant conditions. His literary activity continued with out much abatement, chiefly on the lines of religious and didactic composition. The most important work of this last period is the *Ecclesiastes * or "Gospel Preacher" (Basel, 1535), in which he brings out the function of preaching as the most important office of the Christian priest, an emphasis which shows how essentially Protestant his inner thought of Christianity was. The same impression comes from his little tract of 1533 on "Preparation for Death," in which the emphasis throughout is on the importance of a good life as the essential condition of a happy death. For unknown reasons Erasmus found himself drawn once more to the happiest of his homes, at Basel, and returned thither in 1535 after an absence of six years. Here, in the midst of the group of Protestant scholars who had long been his truest friends, and, so far as is known, without relations of any sort with the Roman Catholic Church, he died. So long as he lived he had never been called to account for his opinions by any official authority of the dominant Church. The attacks upon him were by private persons and his protectors had always been men of the highest standing. After his death, in the seal of the Roman Catholic reaction, his writings were honored with a distinguished place on the Index of prohibited books, and his name has generally had an evil sound in Roman Catholic ears. The extraordinary popularity of his books, however, has been shown in the immense number of editions and translations that have appeared from the sixteenth century until now, and in the undiminished interest excited by his elusive but fascinating personality. EPHRAIM EMERTON. [Ten columns of the catalogue of the library in the British Museum are taken up with the bare enumeration of the works translated, edited or annotated by Erasmus, and their subsequent reprints. It is a remarkable showing. The greatest names of the classical and patristic world are included, such as Ambrose, Aristotle, Augustine, Basil, Chrysostom, Cicero, and Jerome.] BIBLIOGRAPHY: The works were edited by Erasmus's friend Beatus Rhenanus, 9 vols., Basel, 1540, and by Le Clerc, 10 vole., Leyden, 1703-08. The best edition of the *Epistles is *by P. S. Allen, vol. i., Oxford, 1908, with which should be put *Briefe an Desiderius Erasmus, *ed. L. K. Enthoven, Strasburg, 1908; an Eng. travel. of the *Epistles . . , to his Fifty-first Year, Arranged in Order o/ Time, *by F. M. Nichols, appeared, 2 vole., London, 1901- *1904. Elie *Colloquies are in Eng. transl. by N. Bailey, ib. 1878; his *Praise of Folly, *with his *Letter to Sir Thomas * *More *and a *Life is *in a handy ed., ib. 1878; his *Enehiri * *dibn miZitie Chrietiani is *in Eng. tranal., ib. 1905, ef. *The Christian's Manual. Compiled from the Enchiridion*, by [ Page 167] Auden ni THE NEW 130HAFF-HERZOG goo Bttutoottsrtt:: W. Cave, *Script. ecd. historic fiteraria, * Dissertation ii., Oxford, 1743; J. M. Neale, *History o1 * *the Holy Eastern Church, *London, 1850; E. Legrsnd, *Bibliopraphie hedihniqice. *Psri& 1885: Ktvmbaeher. *Oe * *reAichte, pp. *858'-8b9·
EUDES, JEAN, AND THE EUDISTS Eudes, Jean, and the Eudists

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EUDES, yQdz or (Fr.) Od, JEAN, AND THE EUDISTS: French Roman Catholic priest and the Congregation founded by him. Eudes was born at Mezerai, southern Normandy, Nov. 14, 1601; d. at Caen (149 m. w.n.w. of Paris) Aug. 19, 1680. He was educated at the Jesuit college in Caen and at the Oratory in Paris under Bérulle, where he was ordained priest in 1626. Eudes distinguished himself by his care of the sick during times of plague and as a missioner, and in 1639 became superior of the Congregation of the Oratory at Caen. Four years later, however, he left the Oratorians, and with five companions founded the Congregation of the Missionary Priests of Jesus and Mary, or Eudists, which substituted for monastic vows the vow of strict obedience and received the official sanction of the bishop of Bayeux, in 1644. The object of the Congregation was to provide a corps of educated secular priests for the special purpose of holding missions among the people, and during Eudes's administration of thirty-seven years as superior-general it spread throughout Normandy and a portion of Brittany, while seminaries were founded on the model of the mother house in Rouen, Evreux, Lisieux, Coutances, and Rennes. Under the immediate successor of Eudes, Blouet de Camilly, additional seminaries were established at Avranches, Dol, Senlis, and Paris, while under Guy de Fontaines (d. 1727) and Pierre Cousin (d. 1751) the Eudists, together with the Jesuits, strongly opposed Jansenism. Up to the outbreak of the Revolution the Eudists were one of the most respected and influential Congregations of Roman Catholic France, and possessed a college at Paris, in addition to twelve large and five small seminaries, while Father Hébert, the superior of the Paris house, was the confessor of Louis XVI. Despite the suppression of the Congregation during the Revolution, it was quietly revived in 1800 by Toussaint Blanchard in the seminary at Rennes, and was formally reorganized in 1826. It has consistently maintained its pronounced Ultramontanism, and since the middle of the nineteenth century has been active in foreign missions. Eudes himself not only founded the Congregation which bears his name, but also the Daughters of Our Lady of Charity of the Refuge, the prototype of the modern sisterhoods of the Good Shepherd, and was likewise active in spreading devotion to the hearts of Jesus and Mary, thus preparing the way for the later Congregations devoted to this purpose (see SACRED HEART OF JESUS, DEVOTION TO). Since 1874 the Eudists have earnestly striven to secure the canonization of their founder. (O. Zbe>i1.Eat.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. de Montaey, *Le Père Eudes et sea insti- * *tute, *Paris, 1889, Eng. transl., 2d ed., London, 1883; A. le 1brb, *Les Vertus du . . . Jean Eudes. *Paris, 1872; idem, *Les SaerBs Contra d . Jean Eudes, *ib. 1891; A. Pinae, *La V6mErabk Pdra Endue et we asuroru, *Paris, 1901; HelYo4 *Ordr,ee -aqua. viii. *1b9-188; Hembueher, *Order and Konprepationen, iii. *a84-86, 423. 4bo-4b1; xL, iv. 9¢r*988; Ot> *
EUSEBIUS Eusebius

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**EUSEBIUS,** yu-se'bi-us: Pope 309. His pontificate lasted only from Apr. 18 to Aug. 17, after which, in consequence of disturbances within the Church which led to acts of violence, he was banished by the tyrant Maxentius, who had been the sole ruler of Rome since Apr., 308, and had at first shown himself friendly to the Christians. The difficulty arose, as in the case of his predecessor Marcellus, out of his attitude toward the Lapsed (q.v.), which represented the milder standpoint. He died in exile in Sicily, and was buried in the cemetery of Calixtus, his successor Damasus placing an epitaph of eight hexameters over his tomb; the epithet " martyr " contained in them is not to be taken in the strict sense. (EDGAR HENNECKE.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: *Liber pontificalis*, ed. Duchesne, i. 167, Paris, 1886, ed. Mommsen, in *MGH, Gest. pont. Rom.*, i (1898), 45; *ASB*, Sept., vii. 286-271; F. X. Kraus, *Roma sotterranea*, pp. 181 sqq., Freiburg, 1879; J. B. Lightfoot, *Apostolic Fathers*, I., i. 297-299, London, 1890; Bower, *Popes*, i. 41: *KL*, iv. 997-999.
EUSEBIUS OF ALEXANDRIA Eusebius of Alexandria

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**EUSEBIUS OF ALEXANDRIA:** An author to whom are attributed certain extant homilies which enjoyed some renown in the Eastern Church in the sixth and seventh centuries. Their homiletical merit does not rise above mediocrity, and nothing is known of the author. At all events, he was not a patriarch of Alexandria, as is affirmed in as early biography (*MPG*, lxxxvi. 1, pp. 297-310), written by one Johannes, a notary, and stating that Euisebius was called by Cyril to be his successor in the episcopate. The discourses belong probably to the fifth or sixth century, and possibly originated in Alexandria. They deal with the life of the Lord and with questions of ecclesiastical life and practise, which they resolve in a monastic-ascetic way. Their literary character is not quite clear; while most of them are adapted for public delivery, not a few bear the character of ecclesiastical pronouncements. They are printed in *MPG,* lxxxvi. 1, pp. 287-482, 509-536, except four included among Chrysostom's works. The fragments preserved in the so-called *Sacra parallela* are to be found in K. Hall's *Fragmente vornicanischer Kirchenvater* (*T U*, new series, v. 2, Leipsic, 1899), pp. 314-332. A homily concerning the observance of Sunday is attributed by Zahn (see below) to Eusebius of Emesa. G. KRUGER. Bibliography: J. C. Thilo, *Ueber die Schriften des Eusebius von Alexandrien und des Eusebius von Emesa*, Halle, 1832; T. Zahn, in *ZKW*, v (1884). 516-534; G. Morin, *Sermo de dominicae observatione, Une ancienne adaptation latine d'un sermon attribue a Eusebe d' Alexandrie*, in *Revue Benedictine*, 1907, pp. 530 sqq.; Ceillier, *Auteurs sacres*, viii. 383-384; *DCB*, ii. 305-307.
EUSEBIUS OF ANGERS Eusebius of Angers

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**EUSEBIUS (BRUNO) OF ANGERS:** Bishop of Angers; d. Sept. 1, 1081. He is first met with as bishop of Angers at the synod of Reims in 1049, and for a long time had been an adherent of Berengar's doctrine of the Lord's Supper (see Berengar of Tours). As such he was regarded by Berengar himself and by his opponents Dietwin of Liege, Durand of Troarne, and Humbert. But when he recognized the strength of the opposition, he favored a compromise; at any rate he advised Berengar is 1054 to swear to the formula presented to him. Nevertheless Berengar considered him his friend many years later and requested him to silence a certain Galfrid Martini or to arrange a disputation. In his reply Eusebius not only regretted the whole controversy, but also stated that he would abide by the words of Holy Scripture, according to which the bread and wine after the consecration become the body and blood of the Lord; if one asks how this can take place the answer must be that it is not according to the order of nature but in accordance with the divine omnipotence; at any rate one must be careful not to give offense to the plain Christian. The epistle is a downright renunciation of Berengar in case he should still maintain his view. In favor of the supposition that Eusebius changed his opinion from deference to the count of Anjou, the decided opponent of Berengar and his doctrine, it can be adduced that he did not defend Berengar against the hostilities of the court, and that for a long time he sided with this violent prince. It is also possible that the fact impressed itself upon Eusebius that the religious consciousness of the time more and more opposed Berengar. Our knowledge, however, is too fragmentary to pass a very accurate sentence. S. M. DEUTSCH. Bibliography: G. E. Lessing, *Berengarius Turonensis* (*Werks*, ed. Lachmann-Maltsahn, viii. 331 sqq., 12 vols., Leipsic, 1853-57); H. Sudendorf, *Berengarius Turoneneis*, pp. 92 sqq. et passim, Gotha, 1850; L. Schwabe, *Studien sur Gushichte des sweiten Abendmahlstreits*, Leipsic, 1887: J. Schnitzer, *Berengar von Tours*, 75 sqq., Munich, 1890; idem in *Der Katholik, * 1892, 544 sqq.; Brocking, in *Deutsche Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft, * v (1891), 362 vi (1892), 232; *ZKG,* xii (1891), 169; Neander, *Christian Church*, iii. 508-517.
EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA Eusebius of Caesarea

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### EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA I: Life. Becomes Prominent in the Arian Controversy (§ 1). II. Works. Works on Biblical Text Criticism The "Chronicle" (§ 2). The "Church History" (§ 3). Minor Historical Works (§ 4). Apologetic and Dogmatic Works (§ 5). Exegetical and Miscellaneous Works (§ 6). III. Estimate of Eusebius His Doctrine (§ 1). His Excellencies and Limitations (§ 2). Eusebius of Casearea (often called *Eusebius Pamphili*, "Eusebius [the friend of] Pamphilus "; see PAMPHILUS), bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, the father of church history, was born about 275 or 280, place unknown; d. at Caesarea (?), at the latest 340, most probably May 30, 339. ### I. Life Little is known of his youth. He be came acquainted with the presbyter Dorotheus in Antioch and probably received exegetical instruction from him. In 296 he was in Palestine and saw Constantine who visited the country with Diocletian. He was in Caesarea when Agapius was bishop and made the acquaintance of Pamphilus, who became his intimate friend. With him he pursued studies which seem to have related chiefly to the preparation of a correct text of the Bible, with the aid of Origen's Hexapla, and commentaries collected by Pamphilus. In 307 Pamphilus was thrown into prison, but Eusebius continued his intercourse and studies. The fruit of their common labors was an apology for Origen in which Pamphilus and Eusebius collaborated, which was finished by Eusebius after the death of Pamphilus and sent to the martyrs in the mines of Phaeno in Egypt. (see below, IL, § 5). After the death of Pamphilus, Eusebius seems to have gone to Tyre and later to Egypt, where apparently he first suffered persecution. The charge that he purchased his liberty by sacrificing to the gods is unfounded. **1. Becomes Prominent in the Arian Controversy** Eusebius is next heard of as bishop of Caesarea. He succeeded Agapius, whose time of office is not known, but Eusebius must have become bishop soon after 313. Nothing is known about the first years of his official activity, but with the beginning of the Arian controversies he becomes prominent. Arius appealed to him as his protector, and from a letter of Eusebius to Alexander it is evident that he aided the exiled presbyter (see ARIUS). When the Council of Nicaea met in 325, Eusebius was prominent in its transactions. He was not naturally a leader or a deep thinker, but as a very learned man and well trained in history, at the same time a famous author who enjoyed the special favor of the emperor, he came to the front among the 300 members of the council. The confession which he proposed became the basis of the Nicene formula (see Nicaea, COUNCIL OF). Eusebius was variously implicated in the further development of the Arian controversies, as, for instance, in the dispute with Eustathius of Antioch (q.v.). Eustathius combated the continually growing influence of Origen and his allegorizing exegesis, seeing in his theology the roots of Arianism. Eusebius, on the other hand, was an admirer of Origen, and employed the same principles in his exegesis. Eustathius reproached Eusebius for deviating from the Nicene faith, and was charged in turn with Sabellianism. Eustathius was accused, condemned and deposed at a synod in Antioch. The people of Antioch, always prone to disturbances, rebelled against this action, while the anti-Eustathians proposed Eusebius as the new bishop, but he declined. After Eustathius had been removed, the Eusebians proceeded against Athanasius, a much more dangerous opponent. In 334 he was summoned before a synod in Caesarea; he did not attend, however, distrusting his opponents. In the following year he was again summoned before a synod in Tyre at which Eusebius presided. Athanasius, divining the result, went to Constantinople to bring his cause before the emperor. The emperor called the bishops to his court, among them Eusebius. Athanasius was condemned and exiled at the end of 335. At the same synod, another opponent was successfully attacked. Marcellus of Ancyra (q.v.) had long opposed the Eusebians, and had only lately protested against the reinstitution of Arius. He was accused of Sabellianism and deposed in the beginning of 336. Constantine died the next year and Eusebius did not long survive him. ### II. Works Of the extensive literary activity of Eusebius, a relatively large portion has been preserved. Although posterity suspected him of Arianism, Eusebius had made himself indispensable by his method of authorship; his comprehensive and careful excerpts from original sources saved his successors the painstaking labor of research. Hence much has been preserved which otherwise would have been destroyed. The literary productions of Eusebius reflect on the whole the course of his life. At first he occupied himself with works on Biblical criticism, under the influence of Pamphilus and probably of Dorotheus of the School of Antioch. Afterward the persecutions under Diocletian and Galerius directed his attention to the martyrs of his own time and the past. And this led him to the history of the whole Church and finally to the history of the world, which to him was only a preparation for ecclesiastical history. Then followed the time of the Arian controversies, and dogmatic questions came into the foreground. Christianity at last found recognition by the State; and this brought new problems-- apologies of a different sort had to be prepared. Lastly, Eusebius, the court theologian, wrote eulogies in praise of the first "Christian" emperor. To all this activity must be added numerous writings of a miscellaneous nature, addresses, letters, and the like, and exegetical works which include both commentaries and treatises on Biblical archeology and extend over the whole of his life. **1. Works on Biblical Text Criticism** Pamphilus and Eusebius occupied themselves with the text criticism of the Old Testament (Septuagint) and especially of the New Testament. An edition of the Septuagint seems to have been already prepared by Origen, which, according to Jerome, was revised and circulated by Eusebius and Pamphilus. For an easier survey of the material of the four Evangelists, Eusebius divided his edition of the New Testament into paragraphs and provided it with a synoptical table so that it might be easier to find the pericopes which belong together (see BIBLE TEXT, II., § 4). **2. The "Chronicle"** The two greatest historical works of Eusebius are his "Chronicle" and his "Church History." The former (Gk. *Pantodape historia*, "Universal History ") is divided into two parts. The first part (Gk. *Chronographia*, "Annals") purports to give an epitome of universal history from the sources, arranged according to nations. The second part (Gk. *Chronikoi kanones*, "Chronological Canons") attempts to furnish a synchronism of the historical material in parallel columns. The work as a whole has been lost in the original, but it may be reconstructed from later chronographists of the Byzantine school who made excerpts from the work with untiring diligence, especially Georgius Syncellus. The tables of the second part have been completely preserved in a Latin translation by Jerome, and both parts are still extant in an Armenian translation, but these translations do not possess great value on account of numerous interpolations. The "Chronicle" as preserved extends to the year 325. It was written before the " Church History." **3. The "Church History"** In his "Church History," Eusebius attempted according to his own declaration (I., i. 1) to present the history of the Church from the apostles to his own time, with special regard to the following points: (1) the successions of bishops in the principal sees; (2) the history of Christian teachers; (3) the history of heresies; (4) the history of the Jews; (5) the relations to the heathen; (6) the martyrdoms (L, i. 1-3). He grouped his material according to the reigns of the emperors, presenting it as he found it in his sources. The contents are as follows: After a detailed introduction, which treats of Jesus Christ (book i.), comes the history of the apostolic time to the capture of Jerusalem (book ii.); then the following time to Trajan (book iii.); books iv. and v. treat of the second century; book vi. of the time from Severus to Decius; book vii. extends to the outbreak of the persecution under Diocletian; book viii. treats of this persecution; book ix. brings the history to the victory over Maxentius in the West and over Maximinus in the East; book x. relates the reestablishment of the churches and the rebellion and conquest of Licinius. In its present form the work was brought to a conclusion before the death of Crispus (July, 326), and, since book x. is dedicated to Paulinus of Tyre who died before 325, at the end of 323 or in 324. This work required the most comprehensive preparatory studies, and it must have occupied him for years. His collection of martyrdoms of the older period (see below, § 4) may have been one of these preparatory studies. The authenticity of Eusebius's "Church History" is beyond dispute. Every new discovery shows anew the conscientious, careful and intelligent use of the libraries of Caesarea and Jerusalem. **4. Minor Historical Works** Before he compiled his church history, Eusebius edited a collection of martyrdoms of the earlier period and a biography of Pamphilus. The martyrology has not survived as a whole, but it has been preserved almost completely in parts. It contained (1) an epistle of the congregation of Smyrna concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp; (2) the martyrdom of Pionius; (3) the martyrdoms of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathonike; (4) the martyrdoms in the congregations of Vienne and Lyons; (5) the martyrdom of Apollonius. Of the life of Pamphilus only a fragment survives. A work on the martyrs of Palestine in the time of Diocletian was composed after 311; numerous fragments are scattered in legendaries which still have to be collected. The life of Constantine was compiled after the death of the emperor and the election of his sons at Augusti (337). It is more a rhetorical eulogy on the emperor than a history, but is of great value on account of numerous documents incorporated in it. **5. Apologetic and Dogmatic Works** To the class of apologetic and dogmatic works belong: (1) the "Apology for Origen," the first five books of which, according to the definite statement of Photius, were written by Pamphilus in prison, with the assistance of Eusebius. Eusebius added the sixth book after the death of Pamphilus. We possess only a translation of the first book, made by Rufinus; (2) a treatise against Hierocles (a Roman governor and Neoplatonic philosopher), in which Eusebius combated the former's glorification of Apollonius of Tyana in a work entitled "A Truth-loving Discourse " (Gk. *Philalethes logos*); (3) and (4) the two prominent and closely connected works commonly known by the Latin titles *Praeparatio evangelica * and *Demonstratio evangelica, * the first attempts to prove the excellence of Christianity over every pagan religion and philosophy. The *Praeparatio* consists of fifteen books which have been completely preserved. Eusebius considered it an introduction to Christianity for heathen. The *Demonstratio * comprised originally twenty books of which ten have been completely preserved and a fragment of the fifteenth. Here Eusebius treats of the person of Jesus Christ. The work was probably finished before 311; (5) another work which originated in the time of the persecution, entitled "Prophetic Extracts" (*Eklogai prophetikai*). It discusses in four books the Messianic texts of Holy Scripture; (6) the treatise "On Divine Manifestation" *(Peri theophaneias), * dating from a much later time. It treats of the incarnation of the Divine Logos, and its contents are in many cases identical with the *Demonstratio evangelica. * Only fragments are preserved; (7) the polemical treatise "Against Marcellus," dating from about 337; (8) a supplement to the last-named work, entitled "On the Theology of the Church," in which he defended the Nicene doctrine of the Logos against the party of Athanasius. A number of writings, belonging in this category, have been entirely lost. **6. Exegetical and Miscellaneous Works.** Of the exegetical works of Eusebius nothing has been preserved in its original form. The so-called commentaries are based upon late manuscripts copied from fragments of catenae. A more comprehensive work of an exegetical nature, preserved only in fragments, is entitled "On the Differences of the Gospels" and was written for the purpose of harmonizing the contradictions in the reports of the different Evangelists. It was also for exegetical purposes that Eusebius wrote his treatises on Biblical archeology, viz.: (1) a work on the Greek equivalents of Hebrew Gentilic nouns; (2) a description of old Judea with an account of the lots of the ten tribes; (3) a plan of Jerusalem and the temple of Solomon. These three treatises have been lost. A work entitled " On the Names of Places in the Holy Scriptures," an alphabetical list of place names, is still in existence. Further mention is to be made of addresses and sermons some of which have been preserved, e.g., a sermon on the consecration of the church in Tyre, and an address on the thirtieth anniversary of the reign of Constantine (336). Of the letters of Eusebius only a few fragments are extant. ### III. Estimate of Eusebius **1. His Doctrine.** From a dogmatic point of view, Eusebius stands entirely upon the shoulders of Origen. Like Origen, he started from the fundamental thought of the absolute sovereignty (*monarchia*) of God. God is the cause of all beings. But he is not merely a cause; in him everything good is included, from him all life originates, and he is the source of all virtue. He is the highest God to whom Christ is subject as the second God. God sent Christ into the world that it may partake of the blessings included in the essence of God. Christ is the only really good creature, he possesses the image of God and is a ray of the eternal light; but the figure of the ray is so limited by Eusebius that he expressly emphasizes the self-existence of Jesus. Eusebius was intent upon emphasizing the difference of the persona of the Trinity and maintaining the subordination of Jesus to God (he never calls him *theos*) because in all contrary attempts he suspected polytheism or Sabellianism. Jesus is a creature of God whose generation, it is true, took place before time. Jesus is in his activity the organ of God, the creator of life, the principle of every revelation of God, who in his absoluteness is enthroned above all the world. This divine Logos assumed a human body without being altered thereby in any way in his being. The relation of the Holy Spirit within the Trinity Eusebius explained similarly to that of the Son to the Father. No point of this doctrine is original with Eusebius, all is traceable to his teacher Origen. The lack of originality in his thinking shows itself in the fact that he never presented his thoughts in a system. He lacked a leading idea. **2. His Excellencies and Limitations** The limitations of Eusebius are closely connected with his gifts. His time justly considered him its most learned man. A list of the sources he used for his church history would show what an amount of work had to be done to elaborate and sift the mass of material. But the learning of Eusebius can not be measured with that of Origen. Origen was a productive spirit, Eusebius a compiler. Eusebius, however, distinguished himself by his carefulness. A man like Eusebius was not without weight in the time when barbarian nations began to invade the Church in large masses. In the time which followed nobody excelled him in learning. Church historians were able to copy him, but they could not supply his place. As a writer he can not be highly estimated. His style is without grace and brilliancy, his phraseology often monotonous, and his rhetoric cumbrous. (ERWIN PREUSCHEN.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The earlier works on Eusebius are noted in Fabricius-Harles, *Bibliotheca Græca, vii. * 335 sqq., Hamburg, 1801; Harnack, *Litteratur, i. * 551-588 (cf. II, i. 70 sqq.) contains a full account of the separate writings, with some mention of editions; important prolegomena are contained in *NPNF, * 2d ear., vol, i. Of his works the only relatively complete edition is *MPG, xix.-xxiv, * (omits the writings which exist only in Syriac, the Topics sad many important fragments); the edition by G. Dindorf, 4 vols.. Leipsic, 1507-71 is practically a selection. Of the " History " the *editio princeps * was by Robert Stephen, Paris, 1544, and contained the *Præparatio * and the *Demonstratio, as * well as the *Vita Constantini; * an edition was issued with a Lat. transl. by H. Valesius, Paris, 1659; one of the best is by F. A. Heinichen, Leipsic, 1827-28, 2d ed., 3 vole., 1888-70, the latter containing the *Vita Constantini, Panegyricus, * and the *Oratio ad aanctoram uetam * of Constantine; E. Burton issued an edition, 2 vols., Oxford, 1838, 1845, reprinted by W. Bright, 1872, 1881 (the last a handy edition). The Migne ad. is a reprint of the text of 8chwegler, Tiibingen, 1852. The beat is the ed. still is progress under the care of a commission of the Prussian Academy, Berlin, 1902 eqq. The " History" in Syriac was edited from the M38. of W. Wright, with a collation of the Armenian version by Dr. A. Marx, Cambridge, 1898. The " History " has been translated into nearly all the European languages. The version which has been moat current is English is by C. F. Cruse, Philadelphia, 1833, often reprinted in the United States and Great Britain, and is in Bohn's *Ecclesiastical Library. * This is superseded by A. C. McGiffert in *NPNF, * 2d ser., vol. i (accompanied by full prolegomena and notes so copious that they make the volume a complete history of the Ante-Nicene period. The same volume contains the Vita *Constantini * and *Panegyricus * translated with prolegomena by E. C. Richardson). of the *Chronicoa * the one edition of note is 3choene's, Berlin. 1875 (with valuable prolegomena); it was published in the Armenian version by Mai and Zohrab Milan, 1818; the Lat. version of Jerome was issued by J. J. Sbaliger, Leyden, 1806, and the Bodleian MS. was published in collotypebyJ. K. Fotheringham, Oxford, 1905; J. B. Aucher published it in Armenian, Greek and Latin, Venice, 1818; T. Gaiaford edited the *Præparatio * in Gk, with a Lat. version, 4 vols., Oxford, 1843, and the *Demonelratio, * also in Gk. and Lat., ib. 1852; the *O,somaeticon * was edited by F. Larsow and G. Parthey, Berlin, 1882, and by P. de Lagarde, Gottingen, 1870. An Eng tranal. of the *Pra,yaratio * is by E. H. Gifford, 2 vole., Oxford, 1903, and of the *Theophania or Divine Manifestation of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, * fromtheSyriac, by S. Lee, Cambridge, 1843. The " Life " by Jerome is in *De vir. ill., lxxxi. * Consult W. Cave, *Lives of the . . Fathers of * the *Church, * ed. H. Cary, ii. 95-144, Oxford, 1840. The editions of the " History " generally contain a life and discussions of the literary and other activities of Eusebius (especially valuable is A. C. McGiffert in *NPNF, * ut sup.), and the Church Histories devote considerable space to the subject (e.g. Schaff, *Christian Church, iii. * 871-879). *DCAB, * ii. 308-348 is the fullest of the encyclopedia articles (cf. *KL, * iv. 1001-07); indispensable is the article by E. Schwartz in the Pauly-Wissowa, *heal-Encykloptidie der dassischen Adtertunasvrissenachajl, * Stuttgart, 1893 sqq. On special phases of the subject consult: C. G. Haenell. *De Eusebio Caaareenai, * Göttingen, 1843; J. H. Newman, *Ariana o/ * the 4th *Century, * London, 1871· V. Hely, *Euaebe de Ceaaree, * Paris, 1877; A. von Gutaehmid, *Untersuchungen über die syrische Epitome des eusebianischen Canones, * Stuttgart, 1886; A. Halmel, *Die Entstehung der Kirchengeschichte des Eusebius, * Essen, 1898; W. Lefroy, *Lectures on Eccl. Hint., * London, 1896.
EUSEBIUS OF DORYLAEUM Eusebius of Dorylaeum

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**EUSEBIUS OF DORYLAEUM.** See Eutychianism, § 2.
EUSEBIUS OF EMESA Eusebius of Emesa

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**EUSEBIUS OF EMESA:** Bishop of Emesa; d. about 360. He came of a noble family of Edessa. Having received his first instruction at Edessa, he went to Palestine, where Eusebius of Caesarea and Patrophilus of Scythopolis became his teachers. But he soon turned from their allegorical elucidation of Scripture to the exegetical principles of the school of Antioch. From Antioch he went to Alexandria, where he sought to provide the philosophical foundation for his knowledge. He returned to Antioch prior to 340, having already won such a name for himself as exegete and orator that in 341 the Synod of Antioch designated him successor to the deposed Athanasius. Eusebius, however, shrank from the difficulties of this position, and he was made bishop of the small city of Emesa in Phenicia, where be spent the rest of his life. At first the Emesans took offense at his extensive learning, which embraced magic and astrology, and for a short time he was compelled to flee to Laodicea. His biography was written by his friend George of Laodicea. Only a brief extract from this work has been preserved (Socrates, *Hist. eccl.,* ii. 9; Sozomen, *Hist. eccl.*, iii. 6). Jerome (*De vir. ill.*, xci.) mentions writings of Eusebius against Jews, pagans, and Novatians, besides ten books of commentaries on the Epistle to the Galatians and homilies on the Gospels. Theodoret (*Haer.*, I., xxv. 26) mentions polemical works against Marcionites and Manicheans; and Philoxenus of Mabug (Assemani, *Bibliotheca Orientalis*, ii. 28) certain discourses and a work on faith, which is possibly the source of the dogmatic fragments preserved in Theodoret's *Eranistes (Dial.,* iii.). Further, some exegetical fragments survive in catenae (*MPG*, lxxxvi. 1, pp. 545-562), and a fragment from a Lenten sermon (W. Wright, *Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum*, ii. 837, London, 1871. Thilo *(Ueber die Schriften des Eusebius von Alexandrien und des Eusebius von Emisa, * Halle, 1832, pp. 64, 79), showed that the first two Latin homilies of those published by Sirmond *(Opuscula XIV. Eusebii Pamphili*, Paris, 1643) under the name of Eusebius of Caesarea, directed against Marcellus of Ancyra, are probably by Eusebius of Emesa. On the other hand, the Latin homilies attributed to Eusebius by Gagnaius (Paris, 1547) and Fremy in 1554 (cf. *Bibliotheca maxima patrum*, 28 vols., Lyons, 1677-1707, vol. vi. 618-622) are works of Western (Gallican) authors. Meager as the extant fragments of Eusebius are, they attest him to be a writer of no mean ability, and Jerome *(l.c.) *depreciates him unjustly. He was one of the most influential leaders of the great theologians of Antioch, not only in his manner of exposition, but also in his Christology. He was averse to dogmatic disputations, and saw in verbal strife the main reason for ecclesiastical ruptures. In his tendency to maintain the older incompleteness of dogma against the progress of doctrinal definition he felt himself allied with semi-Arianism whose leaders included most of his friends and teachers. G. KRUGER. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Fabricius-Harles, *Bibliotheca Graeca*, vii. 412 sqq., Hamburg, 1801; Ceillier, *Auteurs sacres*, iv. 318-319; *DCB*, ii. 358-359. **EUSEBIUS OF LAODICEA:** Bishop of Laodicea in Syria in the third century; d. there before 268. He was originally a deacon in Alexandria, where he distinguished himself during the Valerian persecution by his piety, his care for the captives, and his burial of the dead. A few years later in the Roman siege of Brucchium, a quarter of Alexandria, he and Anatolius secured permission for all non-combatants to withdraw under safe-conduct, and shortly afterward (263?) both went to Syria to take part in the controversy involving Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch. There he was appointed bishop of Laodicea, succeeding Socrates, but died before the synod which finally condemned Paul, which was held in 268 (?). Jerome's Chronicle, however, states that Eusebius was famous as a teacher about 274, and that he was succeeded by Anatolius in 279. (EDGAR HENNEKE.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The early source is Eusebius, *Hist. eccl.*, vii. 11, 32, *NPNF,* 2 ser., vol. i. Consult: Tillemont, *Memoires*, iv. 304; M. Le Quien, *Oriens christianus*, ii. 792, Paris, 1740; J. M. Neale, *Patriarchate of Alexandria,* i. 77, London, 1847; *DCB*, ii. 359.
EUSEBIUS OF NICOMEDIA AND CONSTANTINOPLE Eusebius of Nicomedia and Constantinople

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**EUSEBIUS OF NICOMEDIA AND CONSTANTINOPLE:** Bishop of Berytus, in Phenicia, then of Nicomedia, where the imperial court resided, and finally of Constantinople (as early as 338), where he died 341. Distantly related to the imperial house, he not only owed his removal from an insignificant to the most splendid episcopal see to his influence at court, but the great power he wielded in the Church was derived from that source. With the exception of a short period of eclipse, he enjoyed the complete confidence both of Constantine and Constantius; and it was he who baptized the former May, 337. Like Arius, he was a pupil of Lucian of Antioch, and it is probable that he held the same views as Arius from the very beginning. He afterward modified his ideas somewhat, or perhaps he only yielded to the pressure of circumstances; but he was, if not the teacher, at all events the leader and organizer, of the Arian party. At the Council of Nimes, (325) he signed the Confession, but only after a long and desperate opposition. His defense of Arias excited the wrath of the emperor, and a few months after the council he was sent into exile. After the lapse of three years, he succeeded in regaining the imperial favor; and after his return (in 329) he brought the whole machinery of the state government into action in order to impose his views upon the Church. See ARIANISM. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources (contradictory and impossible of reconciliation) are: Athanasius "Against the Arians" and " Apology," both in Eng transl. in *NPNF*, 2 ser., vol. iv.; Socrates, *Hist. eccl., * books i.-ii., and Sosomen, *Hist. eccl., * books i.-ii., both in *NPNF*, 2 ser., vol. ii.; Theodoret, *Hist. eccl.*, i. 4-9, in *NPNF*, 2 ser., vol. iii. Consult: W Bright, *Hist of the Church*, 311-451, Oxford, 1860; idem *Orations of St. Athanasius, . . with Account of his Life, * London, 1873; J. H. Newman, *Arians of the 4th Cent., * ib. 1876; *DCB*, ii. 360-367 (detailed).
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI Eusebius Pamphili

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**EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI.** See EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA.
EUSEBIUS OF SAMOSATA Eusebius of Samosata

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**EUSEBIUS OF SAMOSATA:** Bishop of Samosata; d. at Doliche, in Syria, June 22, 380. He took part in the synodical deliberations at Antioch in the winter of 360-361, and appears among the Homoean and Homoeousian bishops who in 363, at a synod held under Meletius of Antioch, accepted the formula *homoousios. * He seems to have been a member of the right wing of the Eastern opposition party, in substantial agreement with Meletius (q.v.), like whom he became, after 363, a representative of neo-Nicene orthodoxy. He was in close relations with Basil, whose elevation to the see of Caesarea he did much to further, to whom in later conflicts and in his relations with the West he was a faithful friend up to the time of his banishment in 374. He was sent first to Cappadocia and then to Thrace, where he lived through the Gothic war, his return being made possible by the death of Valens. He was at the synod held in Sept., 379, nine months after Basil's death. According to Theodoret he was killed at Douche, whither he had gone to attend the consecration of Bishop Marie, by a stone thrown by an Arian woman, on which ground he was honored as a martyr. Some other details of his life, as given by Theodoret, are obviously legendary. But this may safely be said to his credit-- that he is one of the few bishops of the fourth century of whom nothing but good is known. (F. LOOFS.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: The "Letters" of Gregory Nazianzen and of Basil, in *NPNF*, 2d ser., vols. vii.-viii; Theodoret, *Hist. eccl.*, ii. 27-28, iv. 12, v. 4. Consult: *ASB,* June iv. 235-242; V. Ernst, in *ZKG*, xvi (1896), 626-664; F. Loofs, *Eustathius von Sebaste und die Chronologie der Basilius-Briefe* Halle, 1898; *DCB* ii. 369-372.
EUSEBIUS OF THESSALONICA Eusebius of Thessalonica

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**EUSEBIUS OF THESSALONICA:** Bishop of Thessalonica c. 600. He wrote a polemic work in ten books against one Andrew, a monk belonging to the Aphthartodocetae. That the Eusebius to whom Photius (*Bibliotheca*, codex clxii.) ascribes the work was Eusebius of Thessalonica is clearly shown by one of a number of letters which Gregory the Great wrote to this Eusebius (*Epist.*, xi. 55 [74]). G. KRUGER. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Ceillier, *Auteurs sacres*, xi. 527; *DCB,* 373-374.
EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI Eusebius of Vercelli

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**EUSEBIUS OF VERCELLI:** Bishop of Vercelli, one of the most determined opponents of Arianism in the reign of Constantius; d. 370. He was a Sardinian by birth; but what the traditional *Vita * relates as to his parents, his baptism by Pope Eusebius, his ordination by Pope Marcus, and his consecration by Pope Julius I. is either false or untrustworthy. All known is that he was a reader in Rome, and sent from that position to be bishop of a city entirely strange to him, probably some time before 354. He was the first bishop of Vercelli, besides which Novara, Ivrea and Tortona seem to have been under his jurisdiction. Practically nothing is known of his administration before 354, unless Tillemont's conclusion from the words of Ambrose (*Epist.*, lxiii.) may be accepted, that the erection of a quasi-monastic house in Vercelli, in which Eusebius lived with his clergy, belongs to that period. This, at least, Ambrose says definitely, that Eusebius was the first in the West to combine the life of city clergy with monastic discipline. After the Synod of Arles (353), Liberius of Rome desired to gee the weak concession of his legates repaired by another synod, and Eusebius was a member of the embassy, headed by Lucifer of Cagliari, which approached the emperor with a petition to that effect. The new synod was held in Milan, probably in the spring of 355. Eusebius at first remained away; and when he appeared, in company of the Roman legates, the synod had practically reached its conclusion. Eusebiug, required to assent to the condemnation of Athanasius, asked for 'a discussion of the faith of the council, declaring himself willing to agree to any action which should be prefaced by an acceptance of the Nicene decrees. Dionysius of Milan was about to subscribe such a document when Valens snatched the pen and paper from his hand and withdrew with his party to the palace. The outcome of the proceedings for Eusebius was his banishment, first to Scythopolis in Palestine, then to Cappadocia, and finally to the neighborhood of Alexandria. After Julian's accession he took part in the Alexandrian synod of 362, and then went as a special envoy to the church of Antioch, where he was unable to prevent a schism, as Lucifer had already consecrated Paulinus. Not long after, he returned to Italy, where, with Hilary of Poitiers, he took a decided stand against the few Arians found in the West, especially Auxentius, the bishop of Milan. The legend which attributes his death to stoning at the hands of the Arians, although his epitaph calls him a martyr, is untrustworthy. (F. LOOFS.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: The three " Letters " of Eusebius are in Gallandi, *Bibliotheca,* v. 78, and in *MPL*, xii. Sources for a biography are: Jerome, *De vir. ill.*, xcvi.; Socrates, *Hist. eccl.*, iii. 5-6, 9, and Sozomen, *Hist. eccl.*, iv. 9, v. 13 (both in *NPNF, * 2 ser., vol. ii.). F. Ughelli, *Italia sacra*, iv. 747-748, Venice, 1719; Tillemont, *Memoires*, vii. 529-563, 771-780, Venice, 1732; *DCB*, ii. 374-375; *KL, * iv. 1013-15.
EUSTACHIUS, SAINT Eustachius, Saint

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**EUSTACHIUS,** yu-ste'ki-us (EUSTATHIUS), SAINT: According to a late tradition, a Roman martyr who, with his family, was put to death in 118. Before his baptism he was called Placidus, and he is said to have been converted by a vision as he was hunting in the forest, of a cross between the antlers of the stag he was pursuing, while a voice cried to him: "Why persecutest thou me?" After being exposed in vain to the lions in the amphitheater, Eustachius and his family are said to have been burned to death in an oven shaped like a stag. In the Western Church the martyrdom of Eustachius had been commemorated on Sept. 20 since the early Middle Ages, while the Greek Church appoints Nov. 20 for this feast. A basilica of St. Eustachius existed in Rome in the eighth century and apparently even in the time of Gregory the Great, and relics of the saint were taken thence to various places, including St. Denis and Paris. Eustachius is the patron saint of Madrid, and he is also one of the fourteen "helpers in need" (q.v.), being the special protector of pious hunters. (O. ZOCKLER.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: *ASB*, Sept., vi. 106-137; *Analecta Bollandiana*, iii. 66-112, Paris, 1884; Nicephorus Callistus, *Hist. eccl.*, iii. 29; M. Armellini, *Le Chiese di Roma*, pp. 234-238, Rome, 1887; F. Gregorovius, *Geschichte Roms*, iii. 578-583, Stuttgart, 1895-96. Eng. transl., iii. 553-556, iv. 420, 458, London, 1895-98; *DCB*, ii. 380-381.
EUSTASIUS Eustasius

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**EUSTASIUS,** yu-ste'shi-us. Second abbot of Luxeuil; d. 629. He was of noble family, nephew
EXORCISM Exorcism

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EXORCISM: The expulsion of evil spirits by conjuration or magical or religious exercises; see DEMONIAC, §§ 4-6; also BENEDICTION; DIVINATION; SACRAMENTALS. This article is confined to exorcism in connection with the rite of baptism. It is easy to understand how the primitive Church came to use the rite of exorcism on its catechumens; it is also obvious that in so doing it departed from the Scriptural standpoint. Resting its practise on the healing of demoniacs by Christ, it undertook to heal by exorcism a large number of morbid conditions, which it considered of diabolical origin. It had a class of officials set apart for this function, though not originally by any form of ordination; according to the Apostolic Constitutions (viii. *26) * they possessed a " gift of healing," and their work was thus the exercise of a gift rather than of an office. Their method of treatment included prayer and laying on of hands. In the third century this sort of exorcism was applied to catechumens coming from paganism, on the theory that the pagan world was the realm of evil spirits, and that those who came into the Church from it must thus be delivered from the power of evil. In thus deserting the original ground of exorcism, as an influence brought to bear in order to cure a morbid condition of the psychico-physical organism, for an attack upon the ethical power of the kingdom of darkness over souls, the practise entered upon a career which led toward fantastic magic. Satan was commanded to come forth from the catechumens; and the thought that the winning of each new convert from paganism to Christianity was a manifestation of the victory of Christ over the prince of this world finds dramatic expression in these exorcisms. The first certain evidence of the employment of exorcism in the case of catechumens is offered by Cyprian in *256; * it is found here in use both in the Catholic Church and among heretics, so that it is evidently no new thing. Another mention of it, possibly somewhat older, is found in the *Canones Hippolyti * It is doubtful whether Tertullian knew of the practise, or whether the Clementine Homilies (iii. 73) intend to refer to it in the description of the daily laying on of hands during the preparation for baptism. At the Carthaginian council of *256 * in which it is first clearly mentioned, certain bishops requested that it, together with baptism, should be employed at the reception of heretics into the Church; the reason given, that " heretics are worse than pagans," shows how definitely exorcism was still connected with the thought of paganism. In the same context it is interesting that an early Greek form for the reception of a convert from Judaism contains a renunciation, but no exorcism (Assemani, *Codex * liturgicus, I. 105 eqq.). When exorcism was thus once brought into connection with baptism, it was applied to the baptism of infants in the same unreflecting way as were the other ceremonies originally belonging to adult baptism. As in the service for infant baptism the various liturgical acts of the catechumen's preparation were combined into a continuous function, the various exorcisms which found a place in that were here also included. At the outset came the exsufflatio, a thrice-repeated breathing in the face of the child, with the words " Depart from him, thou unclean spirit, and give place to the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete"; after the giving of salt, there was a long exorcism, three times repeated, each time with a different command to the devil to depart from the child. This remained substantially the same until the end of the Middle Ages. The *Rituale Romanum * of *1614 * condensed it considerably, retaining only the exsufflatio at the beginning with the last of the three exorcisms and its introduction Luther saw no objection to the exorcism in the baptismal office, which he retained in his own of 1523, abbreviating it, indeed, but not on any theological ground. In that of 1526 it was further abbreviated, and the exsufflatio omitted but relics of the Roman function passed from this into the majority of the Lutheran service-books, to excite bitter controversy later within the Lutheran ranks, and to be the subject of reproach on the part of the Calvinists. When not forced by such attacks to defend the practise, the Lutheran theologians freely admitted that it was a non-essential, and at the Cassel Conference of 1661 expressed their willingness to change it to a prayer for deliverance from the power of Satan. In the rationalistic period at the end of the eighteenth century, it finally disappeared from one service-book after another, and now, since its general abandonment by the Lutherans, the ceremony has no place in the rites of any Protestant Church. (G. KAwER.nu.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, *Oripines. III. iv., X. ii 8; C. * Gerber, *Historic der Kirchen-Carernonien in Saehsen, * Leipeio, 1732; J. M. Krafft, *Historic room ExorcKanw, * Hamburg, 1750; G. T. Strobel, in *Miscetlanegn, iv. * 173 eqq., Puremberg, 1781; F. H&9ing, *Doe Sakramenl der Taute, * i. 378 eqq.. Erlangen, 1848: J. Mayer, *Gcerhichtc den KatecAumenWa, * Kempten, 1888; F. Probst, *Bakramente and 3akrornen 18 eqq., 128 eqq., Ttibingen, 1872; G. von Zeseehwitz, *Katechetik. i. * 288 eqq., 340 eqq., Leipsio, 1872; w. E. Addis and T. Arnold, *Catholic Dictionary, * p. 382, London, 1903; L. Duchesne, *Christian Worship, its Origin and Evolution, pp. * 298, 299, 303, 317, 322, ib. 1904; C. H. H. Wright and C. Neil, A *Protestant Dictionary, p. * 215, i b. 1904. *
FAITH Faith

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### FAITH. I. The New Testament Conception The Background (§ 1). The Teaching of Jesus (§ 2). Paul (§ 3). II. The Doctrine in Theology. Before the Reformation (§ 1). The Reformation and Modern Theology (§ 2). Faith in Systematic Theology (§ 3). ### I. The New Testament Conception ### 1. The Background. Like every New Testament conception, the idea of faith goes to the Old Testament for the key to its meaning. It was born when the political fortunes of Israel entered on their decline. The division of the kingdom and the increasing helplessness of a small state lying across the highway between Mesopotamia and Egypt conditioned its growth and character. It dealt with the future of the nation (Isa. vii. 9, viii. 17, xxvi. 1 sqq., xxviii. 16). As secular conditions grew less favorable, the mind of the representative Israelite, the prophet, stayed itself more and more on the living God, the base and spring of the nation's existence. Thus the idea of faith is inseparable from the development of prophetic monotheism. It is bound up with the unity and holiness of God and with the divine dominance over nature and history. Faith is man's part in the self-revelation of God, the method of which is vitally connected with its matter. God reveals himself through the experience and history of the chosen nation, and faith is man's assent to God's self-revelation in and through the nation's experience. By means of faith, the divine control over nature and history in the interest of a distant but authoritative moral end is vitally apprehended so as to constitute the very pith and marrow of man's moral nature. It is an act of trust, a bias and bent of the working will in man's breast, a mood in which he waits steadfastly and joyously for God's assertion of his right of way in history (Isa. xxxviii. 16; Hab. iii. 17-19). In prophetism a supreme conception is only half blocked out. The essential quality of faith is disclosed, but its scope and method are not clearly apprehended. Judaism did much to supplement the work of later prophetism (Jeremiah and Ezekiel). The subjective side of life was developed. The nation ceased to be the exclusive unit of thought and emotion, and the individual came, in some degree, to his rights. In apocalyptics (the Book of Daniel, etc.) the divine control of history is wrought up into a splendid imaginative presentation that has vast power of appeal to the common consciousness. All this helped to enrich the conception of faith. But with the gain came a heavy loss. The apocalyptist weakened the connection between the moral ideal and the forces of history, so that the moral end becomes more or less detached from the moral process. ### 2. The Teaching of Jesus. It was the Savior who restored the sound connection between prophecy and history. The staple of his thought was the messianic idea, the national hope of Israel. But by fulfilling the ideal of the suffering servant of the Lord he tran scended Judaism. Of the two methods which his age proposed to him, the violence of the zealot and the dualistic pessimism of the apocalyptist (IV Esdras), he chose neither. He realized the kingdom of God in character, the character of man built upon the character, that is to say, the fatherhood of God. The kingdom of God is in the heart and under the eye of those who have eyes to see (Luke xvii. 21). The law of its realization is the law of service (Mark x. 45). The thought of force is expelled from the idea of God and the conception of man (Matt. xxvi. 52). The Savior carried the messianic idea out of politics (Matt. xxii. 21), but without weakening the hold of the moralizing will in God and man upon history. Saving faith, with Jesus as with the prophets, means an entire confidence in the divine control of nature and history. But by laying the foundations of eschatology in character, the Savior fulfilled the logic of prophetism and achieved spiritual and moral universalism without the loss of social vigor and organizing power (Sermon on the Mount; John xiii.-xvii.). The work of Christ was summed up in the founding of a church or community devoted to his person and committed to his views and claims. This community was a new type. Its dominant mental quality was the open vision of the kingdom of God manifesting itself in ecstatic forms (the glossolalia, and I Cor. ii. 9 sqq.; *see Ecstasy*), not capable of translation into terms of the common good (I Cor. xiv. 20-25). But its fundamental quality was constructive prophecy (I Cor. xiv. 12), the ethical interpretation of contemporary society and history (" signs of the times ") in their bearing on the well-being and destiny of the Christian communities. The creed of these communities was the belief in the triumph of the crucified Savior (Acts ii.-vii.), expressing itself in the impassioned conviction of his resurrection and second coming. This faith was the cleansing element in life (Acts xv. 9), freeing the heart of the believer from fears regarding the inability or unwillingness of God to keep the promises made to the fathers (Acts iii. 20), and inspiring a joyous confidence in the end of the Christian's personal and social existence, which gave to the imitation of Jesus a saving and redemptive aspect (St. Stephen's dying prayer). This community is a messianic community. Dedication to the eternal, the common good, is the essence of its life *(hapanta* *koina,* Acts ii. 44, iv. 32). The entire commuity is pledged to belief in the reality and imminence or God's sway *(parousia). * And faith in its essence is this practical Old Testament conviction, made radiant and all-controlling by the life of Christ. It is this stage of the New Testament development of faith that is represented by the Epistle of James and the First Epistle of Peter. ### 3. Paul. It was the work of Paul to go to the root of the great conception first shaped by the Hebrew prophets. He did this, not by outgrowing the primitive Christian eschatology (for Christianity is fundamentally eschatologic), but by applying the work and mind of Christ to the ultimate problem, the problem of character as personality. His conversion flushed his emotions with the feeling of the divine creativeness (I Cor. xv. 8; Eph. iii. 8). His work as missionary to the Gentiles deepened this experience. It was given to him to build congregations of Christians from the ground (I Cor. i. 28 sqq.; Rom. iv. 17-18). The creative character of God manifested in Christ became the starting-point of his thinking. When the Judaizing Christians denied his standing as an apostle and sought to stamp his work with their own views, he was driven to a fundamental analysis of the prophetic term faith, and to turn its creative and critical force against the Pharisaic conception of religious merit (*erga nomou*). How is true character or personality *(dikaiosune)* possible? Of course the Pauline conception of righteousness differs from the conception entertained by the Hebrew prophets; four centuries of Judaism have intervened; the subjective mood is far stronger; the individual is the center of gravity. Yet the apostle continued to think along prophetic lines. He differed broadly from the monastical individual of a later age. While the salvation of the individual is his conscious aim, he thinks about the individual's blessings in terms of the common good (I Cor. ii. 9-10, xiii.). The point in question is God's ability and willingness to keep his promise of a heavenly commonwealth (Rom. iii. 4; II Cor. i. 20). To be saved by Christ is to have been brought into quickening relation with the supreme hope (Rom. viii. 24). The two great ethical terms righteousness and right, which with the separation of Church from State become more or less separated and specialized, must be brought together in thought if we are to interpret aright the words of Rom. i. I6-17. Paul's monotheism is best contrasted with Aristotle's. To use more or less inaccurate terms, Paul's conception is an " ethical monotheism," while Aristotle's is metaphysical. That is to say, Aristotle's final statement is in terms of pure reason, whilo Paul's is in terms of common and social wellbeing. It is in the unity between Jew and Gentile that for him the mystery of things centers (mysWion, Rom. xi. 25 sqq.; Eph. ii. 11-iii. 19). The religious and social unity of the Mediterranean world was his supreme object. As with Isaiah, so, on a different level, with Paul, the creative and vitalizing unity of God invading history through Christ is the all-controlling thought. God can efficiently manifest himself only in terms of human unity (Ram. iii. 27 sqq.; I Cor. i.-iv.; Phil. i. 27ii. 11). A saving faith is, necessarily, a creatively social faith (the two editions of the trilogy: I These. i. 3, and I Cor. rill. 13). Faith in Christ pledges the redeemed man to the realization of the kingdom of God (Gal. v. 6). In the Epistle to the Hebrews the Hellenistic or metaphysical element enters, coming from Alexandrine Judaism and its reflective view of revelation. But the Hellenic element is controlled and directed by the prophetic element. Faith is defined (xi. 1) as that state of the heart and that bias of will in men which gives substance to things hoped for and secures a solid conviction regarding the reality of things unseen. Here as elsewhere, faith is inseparable from the kingdom of God. The things hoped for are the messianic blessings promised by God through the prophets. Faith in Christ gives them a body, imparts to the conscience moral certitude touching the end and issues of history. Owing to the blending of the philosophical and prophetic elements in this definition the Church catholic adopted it as its working conception. The different shades of meaning in New Testament writers serve to bring out more clearly the decisive agreement. Faith is the saving assent of the heart to Christ's proclamation of the supreme moral order described as the kingdom of God. The creedal conception of faith grows out of this conception, under the historical conditions of a later period in the Church. But, owing to those conditions, the creedal conception is not wholly true to the New Testament emphasis on the kingdom of God. Faith, in the New Testament sense, is man's perception of the spiritual and moral order of experience and life offered to man by God in Christ. But it is more than a perception. It is the supreme form of will-power in man. By faith he perceives, and in faith he wills and, under God, ordains the moral equality and the moral end of human history. Through the believer's self-surrender to the divine plan for the nation and the race, God gives him a righteousness that has vitalizing and unifying power among the complications of life, and at the same time, gives to society the promise of justice and right. Without this organizing power, faith shrivels to the individual's confidence in his personal salvation. HENRY S. NASH. ### II. The Doctrine in Theology ### 1. Before the Reformation Faith, in the language of religion, is that personal attitude by which divine revelation is subjectively appropriated. With Paul it was the all-sufficient ground of righteousness and justification (Rom. iv. 22 sqq.)--a view which was soon obscured in the Christian Church. With the Apostolic Fathers the connection of faith with the attitude of love was more a postulate than an inherent necessity (I Clement x. 7, xii. 1; Shepherd of Herman, Sim. VIII. ix. 1). Moralistic and intellectualistic thoughts of foreign origin penetrated Christianity and as early an Clement of Alexandria faith was supplanted by love as condition of salvation and by gnosis as the knowledge of revelation, and became nothing more than a rudimentary step in the development of the Christian. For Augustine, too, faith means only the "beginning of religion." To believe means *cum assenaione cogitare* ( *De praedestinatione sanctorum,* v.) and assent is obedience to the law of a formal authority which primarily is Scripture, but then also the Church. Faith is decisive for the reception of salvation only in so far as it is active through love. The consummating effect of grace is therefore the inspiration of love *(inspiratio dilectionis).* Similar thoughts were advanced by Anselm of Canterbury, and Peter Lombard first coined the expressions *fides informis* (=mere faith) and *fides formats* (=faith connected with love). Thomas Aquinas defines faith on the basis of Augustine's formula ( *cum assensione cogitare*) as an act of the intellect which is impelled to assent by the will. Although in the last instance related to the first cause or deity, faith has reference principally to the Church; it is a faith of authority. ### 2. The Reformation and Modern Theology. The Reformation gave back to faith its immediate relation to the revelation of salvation and understood it again in the Pauline sense as the personal apprehension of divine grace in Christ. Luther describes faith as a living trust of the heart. The *assensus*, according to him, is an assenting impulse of the will which originates in the impression of the truth of the divine word upon the conscience and heart. God's revelation, which awakens faith, sets all spiritual powers of man into motion, and the assent to his Word and knowledge of his grace are born only with the trust in salvation. Love can not be separated from faith. Melanchthon taught the same views, but in the later form of his Loci distinguished between *notitia, assensus, fiducia,* and prepared the way for the mechanical view of the later orthodox school which regarded *notitia* and *assensus* as preliminary steps of *fiducia.* Johann Gerhard advanced this view. According to it, a rational knowledge of divine revelation is necessary before we can inwardly assent to it. David Hollaz drew the consistent conclusion that such an abstract con viction of the truth of Scripture can be only a faith of authority. In modern theology Schleiermacher's conception of religion as an original inner experience, distinguished from knowledge and action, has exercised a decisive influence upon the treatment of the conception of faith, by the establishment of a psychological scheme; but owing to his insufficient appreciation of historical revelation, his doctrine of faith bears the traits of a general religion rather than of the Christian faith of salvation. R. Rothe prepared the way for a more definite grasp of Christian faith by emphasizing more strongly the historical and yet at the same time supranatural element of revelation. A. Ritschl defined faith as trust *(fiducia) * in the revelation of God in Christ and demanded rightly that the faith of providence should be understood as the realization of the Christian faith of atonement; but his connection of justification with the existence of the community of believers led him to the conclusion that the reception of the forgiveness of sins forms rather the presupposition than the content of individual faith. In general it may be said that there exists in modern Protestant theology an agreement on the following points: (1) Faith does not originate from logical processes, but from an immediate inner experience. (2) It is not a human achievement and not the acknowledgment of a human authority, but an effect of God through his revelation. (3) The *assensus* in the sense of conviction of faith and knowledge of faith can not be separated from *fiducia*. (4) Trust in salvation presupposes an awakened knowledge of sin and the desire for salvation. (5) The new moral life of the Christian has as its basis the forgiveness of sins, which has been received in faith. ### 3. Faith in Systematic Theology. The conception of faith is usually treated in systematic theology both in a general way as the principle of Christian knowledge, and more specifically, in the doctrine of salvation, as the medium of the appropriation of salvation. In the former case it refers to revelation in general and is treated in its relation to knowledge; in the latter case it refers to the salutary gift of the forgiveness of sins and is treated in its relation to repentance and works. Since Christian revelation culminates in redemp tion, only the faith of salvation is the truly Christian faith of revelation. In redemption God reveals himself as holy love which saves the sinner; the faith of the Christian bears there fore the character of a grateful trust in God who effects his salvation in Christ. This trust has its basis and support in the revelation of salvation which is appropriated by the believer. Faith may therefore be traced back to two primary elements, to an activity of God, in which he realizes his holy love through redemption, and to an experience of man in which he recognizes and seizes the revelation of salvation as his own possession. Because trust of salvation is based upon historical revelation, it includes a certain representation of God and his activity which develops into knowledge of faith; but because this revelation can be understood only by him who seizes it in trust, knowledge of faith can not exist without experience of faith. Objec tions might be raised against the statement that faith rests upon an inner experience because in this way its objective basis in God's revelation might be obscured; but the origin of faith must be traced back to the effect of God and not to man's own decision. The fundamental act of God which awakens Christian faith is to be found in the send ing forth of Christ and in his work of redemption. The deciding motive of faith is Christ as he is rep resented in the testimony of his first disciples. Although faith is a spontaneous and original experience which can not be derived from anything else, a definite psychic disposition may be spoken of without which faith of salvation does not originate; namely, knowledge of sin and its misery. Christ as the redeemer can be seized with real trust only by him who desires to become free from sin. Therefore it is pertinent that the reformatory doctrine of salvation places repentance before faith.
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