Martyrdom at Smyrna.
1. At this time, [1132] when the greatest persecutions were exciting
Asia, Polycarp ended his life by martyrdom. But I consider it most
important that his death, a written account of which is still extant,
should be recorded in this history.
2. There is a letter, written in the name of the church over which he
himself presided, [1133] to the parishes in Pontus, [1134] which
relates the events that befell him, in the following words:
3. "The church of God which dwelleth in Philomelium, [1135] and to all
the parishes of the holy catholic Church [1136] in every place; mercy
and peace and love from God the Father be multiplied. We write [1137]
unto you, brethren, an account of what happened to those that suffered
martyrdom and to the blessed Polycarp, who put an end to the
persecution, having, as it were, sealed it by his martyrdom."
4. After these words, before giving the account of Polycarp, they
record the events which befell the rest of the martyrs, and describe
the great firmness which they exhibited in the midst of their pains.
For they say that the bystanders were struck with amazement when they
saw them lacerated with scourges even to the innermost veins and
arteries, so that the hidden inward parts of the body, both their
bowels and their members, were exposed to view; and then laid upon
sea-shells and certain pointed spits, and subjected to every species of
punishment and of torture, and finally thrown as food to wild beasts.
5. And they record that the most noble Germanicus [1138] especially
distinguished himself, overcoming by the grace of God the fear of
bodily death implanted by nature. When indeed the proconsul [1139]
wished to persuade him, and urged his youth, and besought him, as he
was very young and vigorous, to take compassion on himself, he did not
hesitate, but eagerly lured the beast toward himself, all but
compelling and irritating him, in order that he might the sooner be
freed from their unrighteous and lawless life.
6. After his glorious death the whole multitude, marveling at the
bravery of the God-beloved martyr and at the fortitude of the whole
race of Christians, began to cry out suddenly, "Away with the atheists;
[1140] let Polycarp be sought."
7. And when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a
certain Phrygian, Quintus [1141] by name, who was newly come from
Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten
with cowardice and gave up the attainment of salvation.
8. But the above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily and
without proper discretion, had rushed forward with others to the
tribunal, but when seized had furnished a clear proof to all, that it
is not right for such persons rashly and recklessly to expose
themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in connection with
them.
9. But the most admirable Polycarp, when he first heard of these
things, continued undisturbed, preserved a quiet and unshaken mind, and
determined to remain in the city. But being persuaded by his friends
who entreated and exhorted him to retire secretly, he went out to a
farm not far distant from the city and abode there with a few
companions, night and day doing nothing but wrestle with the Lord in
prayer, beseeching and imploring, and asking peace for the churches
throughout the whole world. For this was always his custom.
10. And three days before his arrest, while he was praying, he saw in a
vision at night the pillow under his head suddenly seized by fire and
consumed; and upon this awakening he immediately interpreted the vision
to those that were present, almost foretelling that which was about to
happen, and declaring plainly to those that were with him that it would
be necessary for him for Christ's sake to die by fire.
11. Then, as those who were seeking him pushed the search with vigor,
they say that he was again constrained by the solicitude and love of
the brethren to go to another farm. Thither his pursuers came after no
long time, and seized two of the servants there, and tortured one of
them for the purpose of learning from him Polycarp's hiding-place.
12. And coming late in the evening, they found him lying in an upper
room, whence he might have gone to another house, but he would not,
saying, "The will of God be done."
13. And when he learned that they were present, as the account says, he
went down and spoke to them with a very cheerful and gentle
countenance, so that those who did not already know the man thought
that they beheld a miracle when they observed his advanced age and the
gravity and firmness of his bearing, and they marveled that so much
effort should be made to capture a man like him.
14. But he did not hesitate, but immediately gave orders that a table
should be spread for them. Then he invited them to partake of a
bounteous meal, and asked of them one hour that he might pray
undisturbed. And when they had given permission, he stood up and
prayed, being full of the grace of the Lord, so that those who were
present and heard him praying were amazed, and many of them now
repented that such a venerable and godly old man was about to be put to
death.
15. In addition to these things the narrative concerning him contains
the following account: "But when at length he had brought his prayer to
an end, after remembering all that had ever come into contact with him,
small and great, famous and obscure, and the whole catholic Church
throughout the world, the hour of departure being come, they put him
upon an ass and brought him to the city, it being a great Sabbath.
[1142] And he was met by Herod, [1143] the captain of police, [1144]
and by his father Nicetes, who took him into their carriage, and
sitting beside him endeavored to persuade him, saying, For what harm is
there in saying, Lord Cæsar, and sacrificing and saving your life?' He
at first did not answer; but when they persisted, he said, I am not
going to do what you advise me.'
16. And when they failed to persuade him, they uttered dreadful words,
and thrust him down with violence, so that as he descended from the
carriage he lacerated his shin. But without turning round, he went on
his way promptly and rapidly, as if nothing had happened to him, and
was taken to the stadium.
17. But there was such a tumult in the stadium that not many heard a
voice from heaven, which came to Polycarp as he was entering the place:
Be strong, Polycarp, and play the man.' [1145] And no one saw the
speaker, but many of our people heard the voice.
18. And when he was led forward, there was a great tumult, as they
heard that Polycarp was taken. Finally, when he came up, the proconsul
asked if he were Polycarp. And when he confessed that he was, he
endeavored to persuade him to deny, saying, Have regard for thine age,'
and other like things, which it is their custom to say: Swear by the
genius of Cæsar; [1146] repent and say, Away with the Atheists.'
19. But Polycarp, looking with dignified countenance upon the whole
crowd that was gathered in the stadium, waved his hand to them, and
groaned, and raising his eyes toward heaven, said, Away with the
Atheists.'
20. But when the magistrate pressed him, and said, Swear, and I will
release thee; revile Christ,' Polycarp said, Fourscore and six years
[1147] have I been serving him, and he hath done me no wrong; how then
can I blaspheme my king who saved me?'
21. "But when he again persisted, and said, Swear by the genius of
Cæsar,' Polycarp replied, If thou vainly supposest that I will swear by
the genius of Cæsar, as thou sayest, feigning to be ignorant who I am,
hear plainly: I am a Christian. But if thou desirest to learn the
doctrine of Christianity, assign a day and hear.'
22. The proconsul said, Persuade the people.' But Polycarp said, As for
thee, I thought thee worthy of an explanation; for we have been taught
to render to princes and authorities ordained by God the honor that is
due, [1148] so long as it does not injure us; [1149] but as for these,
I do not esteem them the proper persons to whom to make my defense.'
[1150]
23. But the proconsul said, I have wild beasts; I will throw thee to
them unless thou repent.' But he said, Call them; for repentance from
better to worse is a change we cannot make. But it is a noble thing to
turn from wickedness to righteousness.'
24. But he again said to him, If thou despisest the wild beasts, I will
cause thee to be consumed by fire, unless thou repent.' But Polycarp
said, Thou threatenest a fire which burneth for an hour, and after a
little is quenched; for thou knowest not the fire of the future
judgment and of the eternal punishment which is reserved for the
impious. But why dost thou delay? Do what thou wilt.'
25. Saying these and other words besides, he was filled with courage
and joy, and his face was suffused with grace, so that not only was he
not terrified and dismayed by the words that were spoken to him, but,
on the contrary, the proconsul was amazed, and sent his herald to
proclaim three times in the midst of the stadium: Polycarp hath
confessed that he is a Christian.'
26. And when this was proclaimed by the herald, the whole multitude,
both of Gentiles and of Jews, [1151] who dwelt in Smyrna, cried out
with ungovernable wrath and with a great shout, This is the teacher of
Asia, the father of the Christians, the overthrower of our gods, who
teacheth many not to sacrifice nor to worship.'
27. When they had said this, they cried out and asked the Asiarch
Philip [1152] to let a lion loose upon Polycarp. But he said that it
was not lawful for him, since he had closed the games. Then they
thought fit to cry out with one accord that Polycarp should be burned
alive.
28. For it was necessary that the vision should be fulfilled which had
been shown him concerning his pillow, when he saw it burning while he
was praying, and turned and said prophetically to the faithful that
were with him, I must needs be burned alive.'
29. These things were done with great speed,--more quickly than they
were said,--the crowds immediately collecting from the workshops and
baths timber and fagots, the Jews being especially zealous in the work,
as is their wont.
30. But when the pile was ready, taking off all his upper garments, and
loosing his girdle, he attempted also to remove his shoes, although he
had never before done this, because of the effort which each of the
faithful always made to touch his skin first; for he had been treated
with all honor on account of his virtuous life even before his gray
hairs came.
31. Forthwith then the materials prepared for the pile were placed
about him; and as they were also about to nail him to the stake, [1153]
he said, Leave me thus; for he who hath given me strength to endure the
fire, will also grant me strength to remain in the fire unmoved without
being secured by you with nails.' So they did not nail him, but bound
him.
32. And he, with his hands behind him, and bound like a noble ram taken
from a great flock, an acceptable burnt-offering unto God omnipotent,
said,
33. Father of thy beloved and blessed Son [1154] Jesus Christ, through
whom we have received the knowledge of thee, the God of angels and of
powers and of the whole creation and of the entire race of the
righteous who live in thy presence, I bless thee that thou hast deemed
me worthy of this day and hour, that I might receive a portion in the
number of the martyrs, in the cup of Christ, unto resurrection of
eternal life, [1155] both of soul and of body, in the immortality of
the Holy Spirit.
34. Among these may I be received before thee this day, in a rich and
acceptable sacrifice, as thou, the faithful and true God, hast
beforehand prepared and revealed, and hast fulfilled.
35. Wherefore I praise thee also for everything; I bless thee, I
glorify thee, through the eternal high priest, Jesus Christ, thy
beloved Son, through whom, with him, in the Holy Spirit, be glory unto
thee, both now and for the ages to come, Amen.'
36. When he had offered up his Amen and had finished his prayer, the
firemen lighted the fire and as a great flame blazed out, we, to whom
it was given to see, saw a wonder, and we were preserved that we might
relate what happened to the others.
37. For the fire presented the appearance of a vault, like the sail of
a vessel filled by the wind, and made a wall about the body of the
martyr, [1156] and it was in the midst not like flesh burning, but like
gold and silver refined in a furnace. For we perceived such a fragrant
odor, as of the fumes of frankincense or of some other precious spices.
38. So at length the lawless men, when they saw that the body could not
be consumed by the fire, commanded an executioner [1157] to approach
and pierce him with the sword.
39. And when he had done this there came forth a quantity of blood
[1158] so that it extinguished the fire; and the whole crowd marveled
that there should be such a difference between the unbelievers and the
elect, of whom this man also was one, the most wonderful teacher in our
times, apostolic and prophetic, who was bishop of the catholic Church
[1159] in Smyrna. For every word which came from his mouth was
accomplished and will be accomplished.
40. But the jealous and envious Evil One, the adversary of the race of
the righteous, when he saw the greatness of his martyrdom, and his
blameless life from the beginning, and when he saw him crowned with the
crown of immortality and bearing off an incontestable prize, took care
that not even his body should be taken away by us, although many
desired to do it and to have communion with his holy flesh.
41. Accordingly certain ones secretly suggested to Nicetes, the father
of Herod and brother of Alce, [1160] that he should plead with the
magistrate not to give up his body, lest,' it was said, they should
abandon the crucified One and begin to worship this man.' [1161] They
said these things at the suggestion and impulse of the Jews, who also
watched as we were about to take it from the fire, not knowing that we
shall never be able either to forsake Christ, who suffered for the
salvation of the whole world of those that are saved, or to worship any
other.
42. For we worship him who is the Son of God, but the martyrs, as
disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love as they deserve on account
of their matchless affection for their own king and teacher. May we
also be made partakers and fellow-disciples with them.
43. The centurion, therefore, when he saw the contentiousness exhibited
by the Jews, placed him in the midst and burned him, as was their
custom. And so we afterwards gathered up his bones, which were more
valuable than precious stones and more to be esteemed than gold, and
laid them in a suitable place.
44. There the Lord will permit us to come together as we are able, in
gladness and joy to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, [1162] for
the commemoration of those who have already fought and for the training
and preparation of those who shall hereafter do the same.
45. Such are the events that befell the blessed Polycarp, who suffered
martyrdom in Smyrna with the eleven [1163] from Philadelphia. This one
man is remembered more than the others by all, so that even by the
heathen he is talked about in every place."
46. Of such an end was the admirable and apostolic Polycarp deemed
worthy, as recorded by the brethren of the church of Smyrna in their
epistle which we have mentioned. In the same volume [1164] concerning
him are subjoined also other martyrdoms which took place in the same
city, Smyrna, about the same period of time with Polycarp's martyrdom.
Among them also Metrodorus, who appears to have been a proselyte of the
Marcionitic sect, suffered death by fire.
47. A celebrated martyr of those times was a certain man named Pionius.
Those who desire to know his several confessions, and the boldness of
his speech, and his apologies in behalf of the faith before the people
and the rulers, and his instructive addresses and, moreover, his
greetings to those who had yielded to temptation in the persecution,
and the words of encouragement which he addressed to the brethren who
came to visit him in prison, and the tortures which he endured in
addition, and besides these the sufferings and the nailings, and his
firmness on the pile, and his death after all the extraordinary trials,
[1165] --those we refer to that epistle which has been given in the
Martyrdoms of the Ancients, [1166] collected by us, and which contains
a very full account of him.
48. And there are also records extant of others that suffered martyrdom
in Pergamus, a city of Asia,--of Carpus and Papylus, and a woman named
Agathonice, who, after many and illustrious testimonies, gloriously
ended their lives. [1167]
__________________________________________________________________
[1131] Marcus Aurelius Verus. See below, p. 390, note.
[1132] Polycarp's martyrdom occurred in Smyrna, not during the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, as Eusebius says, but during the reign of Antoninus
Pius, between 154 and 156 (probably in 155). This has been proved by
Waddington in his Memoire sur la Chronologie de la vie du rheteur Ælius
Aristide (in Mem. de l'acad. des inscript. et belles lettres, Tom.
XXVI., part II., 1867, p. 232 sq.' see, also, his Fastes des provinces
Asiatiques, 1872, p. 219 sq.), and the date is now almost universally
accepted (for example, by Renan, Ewald, Hilgenfeld, Lightfoot, Harnack,
&c.). But the Chron. of Eusebius seems to put the martyrdom in the
seventh year of Marcus Aurelius (166-167 a.d.), and this is the date
given by Jerome and others, who based their chronology upon Eusebius,
and was commonly accepted until Waddington proved it false. Lightfoot,
however, shows that Eusebius did not mean to assign Polycarp's death to
the seventh year of Marcus Aurelius, but that he meant only to place it
in the reign of that emperor, and did not pretend to fix the year. How
he made the mistake of assigning it to the wrong emperor we do not
know, but knowing Eusebius' common confusion of the various emperors
that bore the name of Antonine, we are not surprised at his error at
this point. For the best and most recent discussion of this whole
subject, see Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 629 sq. Since Waddington
published his researches, Wieseler (in his Christenverfolgungen, 1878,
p. 34-87) and Keim (Aus dem Urchristenthum, 1878, p. 92-133) have
ventured to dispute his conclusions and to advocate the old date (167),
but their arguments are worthless, and have been completely refuted by
Lightfoot (ibid. p. 655 sq.).
[1133] I.e. the church of Smyrna. This letter (the greater part of
which Eusebius gives in this chapter) is still extant in four Greek
mss., and also in a poor Latin version which is preserved in numerous
mss. The letter has been published a number of times, most recently by
Zahn (in Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn's Patrum Ap. opera, II. p. 132.
sq.), and by Lightfoot (in his Apostolic Fathers, Part II.; St.
Ignatius and St. Polycarp, p. 947 sq). Lightfoot gives the Greek text
with full notes and an English translation, and to his edition the
reader is referred for fuller particulars on the whole subject.
[1134] Pontus was the northeast province of Asia Minor, bordering on
the Black Sea. What led Eusebius to suppose that this epistle was
addressed to the church in Pontus, we do not know. The letter is
addressed to the church in Philomalium, and that city was not Pontus
(according to Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 948). Valesius suggests that we
should read p?nta topon instead of Ponton, but the latter reading is
confirmed both by Rufinus and by the Syriac as well as by all the Greek
mss. I am inclined to think that Eusebius may have read hastily and
erroneously in the heading of the letter Ponton instead of p?nta topon,
and, not knowing that Philomelium was not in Pontus, never thought that
his reading was incorrect. Such careless mistakes are by no means
uncommon, even in these days, and, having once written Pontus, it is
easy enough to suppose that nothing would occur to call his attention
to his mistake, and of course no copyist would think of making a
correction.
[1135] Philomelium, according to Lightfoot (ibid. p. 947), was an
important city in Phrygia Paroreios, not far from Pisidian Antioch.
[1136] tes hagias katholikes ekklesias. The phrase "Catholic Church"
occurs first in Ignatius' Ep. ad Smyr., chap. 8, and there the word
"catholic" evidently has the common and early meaning, "universal" (see
Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 398 sqq.). In later usage (so in
Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and the Muratorian Fragment) it has
the meaning "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical
bodies. In the present epistle it occurs four times (§§3, 15, 39,
below, and in a passage not quoted in this chapter), and at least the
first three times with the later meaning, and consequently, in all
probability, it has the same meaning the fourth time also. (Lightfoot,
it is true, contends that it has the earlier meaning, "universal," in
the first, second and fourth cases; but in at least the first two that
sense of the word produces most decided tautology, and is therefore to
be rejected.) The occurrence of the word in the later sense has caused
some critics to deny the genuineness of the epistle; but its
genuineness is too well established to admit of doubt, and it must be
granted that it is by no means impossible that a word which was used at
the end of the second century (in Alexandra, in Rome, and in Carthage)
with a certain meaning may have been employed in the same sense a
generation earlier. On the other hand it is possible, as suggested by
some, that the word "Catholic" itself is an interpolation; for it is
just such a word that would most easily slip into a document, through
the inadvertency of copyists, at a later time, when the phrase
"Catholic Church" had become current. Lightfoot (ibid. p. 605 sq.)
maintains the genuineness of the word (taking it in its earlier sense)
in all but the third instance, where he substitutes hagias upon what
seem to me insufficient grounds.
[1137] egr?psamen, the epistolary aorist, referring, not to another
epistle, but to the one which follows, the writer putting himself in
thought in the position of those who are reading the letter. See
Lightfoot's note on Gal. vi. 11, in his Commentary on that epistle.
[1138] Of Germanicus we know only what is told us in this epistle
[1139] This proconsul was Statius Quadratus, as we are told in the
latter part of this epistle, in a passage which Eusebius does not
quote. Upon his dates, see the discussions of the date of Polycarp's
martyrdom mentioned in note 2, above.
[1140] Compare Justin Martyr's Apol. I. 6; Tertullian's Apol. 10, &c.;
and see chap. 7, note 20, above.
[1141] Of Quintus we know only what is told us in this epistle. It is
significant that he was a Phrygian, for the Phrygians were proverbially
excitable and fanatical, and it was among them that Montanism took its
rise. The conduct of Polycarp, who avoided death as long as he could
without dishonor, was in great contrast to this; and it is noticeable
that the Smyrnæans condemn Quintus' hasty and ill-considered action,
and that Eusebius echoes their judgment (see above, p. 8).
[1142] Sabb?tou meg?lou. "The great Sabbath" in the Christian Church,
at least from the time of Chrysostom on, was the Saturday between
Good-Friday and Easter. But so far as we know, there are no examples of
that use of the phrase earlier than Chrysostom's time. Lightfoot points
out that, in the present instance, it is not "The great Sabbath" (to
mega S?bbaton), but only "A great Sabbath"; and therefore, in the
present instance, any great Sabbath might be meant,--that is, any
Sabbath which coincided with a festival or other marked day in the
Jewish calendar. Lightfoot gives strong reasons for assuming that the
traditional day of Polycarp's death (Feb. 23) is correct, and that the
Sabbath referred to here was a great Sabbath because it coincided with
the Feast of Purim (see Lightfoot, ibid. I. p. 660 sqq. and 690 sqq.).
[1143] Of Herod and Nicetes we know only what is told us in this
epistle. The latter was not an uncommon name in Smyrna, as we learn
from inscriptions (see Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 958).
[1144] eirenarchos (see Lightfoot, ibid. p. 955).
[1145] Compare Joshua i. 6, 7, 9, and Deut. i. 7, 23.
[1146] ten Kaisaros tuchen. This oath was invented under Julius Cæsar,
and continued under his successors. The oath was repudiated by the
Christians, who regarded the "genius" of the emperor as a false God,
and therefore the taking of the oath a species of idolatry. It was
consequently employed very commonly by the magistrates as a test in
times of persecution (cf. Tertullian, Apol. 32; Origen, Contra Cels.
VIII. 65, and many other passages).
[1147] See above, chap. 14, note 5. Whether the eighty-six years are to
be reckoned from Polycarp's birth, or from the time of his conversion
or baptism, we cannot tell. At the same time, inasmuch as he speaks of
serving Christ, for eighty-six years, not God, I am inclined to think
that he is reckoning from the time of his conversion or baptism, which
may well be if we suppose him to have been baptized in early boyhood.
[1148] See Rom. xiii. 1 sq., 1 Pet. ii. 13 sq.
[1149] timen...ten me bl?ptousan hemas. Compare Pseudo-Ignatius, ad
Antioch. 11, and Mart. Ignat. Rom. 6 (in both of which are found the
words en hois akindunos he hupotage).
[1150] The proconsul made quite a concession here. He would have been
glad to have Polycarp quiet the multitude if he could. Polycarp was not
reckless and foolish in refusing to make the attempt, for he knew it
would fail, and he preferred to retain his dignity and not compromise
himself by appearing to ask for mercy.
[1151] The Jews appear very frequently as leading spirits in the
persecution of Christians. The persecution under Nero was doubtless due
to their instigation (see Bk. II. chap. 25, note 4). Compare also
Tertullian, Scorp. 10, and Eusebius, H. E. V. 16. That the Jews were
numerous in Smyrna has been shown by Lightfoot, ibid. p. 966.
[1152] "The Asiarch was the head of the Commune Asiæ, the confederation
of the principal cities of the Roman province of Asia. As such, he was
the chief priest' of Asia, and president of the games" (Lightfoot,
ibid. p. 967; on p. 987 ff. of the same volume, Lightfoot discusses the
Asiarchate at considerable length). The Asiarch Philip mentioned here
was a Trallian, as we learn from a statement toward the close of the
epistle, which Eusebius does not quote; Lightfoot identifies him with a
person named in various Trallian Inscriptions.
[1153] The Greek reads simply proseloun auton.
[1154] paidos not huiou. pais commonly conveys the meaning of servant
rather than son, although in this passage it is evidently used in the
latter sense. Its use in connection with Christ was in later times
dropped as Arianistic in its tendency.
[1155] Compare John v. 29.
[1156] It is not necessary to dispute the truthfulness of the report in
this and the next sentences on the ground that the events recorded are
miraculous in their nature, and therefore cannot have happened. Natural
causes may easily have produced some such phenomena as the writers
describe, and which they of course regarded as miraculous. Lightfoot
refers to a number of similar cases, Vol. I. p. 598 ff. Compare also
Harnack in the Zeitschrift für Kirchengesch. II. p. 291 ff.
[1157] Komphektora. It was the common business of the Confectores to
dispatch such wild beasts as had not been killed outright during the
combat in the arena. See Lightfoot, p. 974.
[1158] Before the words "a quantity of blood" are found in all the
Greek mss. of the epistle the words peristera kai, "a dove and." It
seems probable that these words did not belong to the original text,
but that they were, as many critics believe, an unintentional
corruption of some other phrase, or that they were, as Lightfoot
thinks, a deliberate interpolation by a late editor (see Lightfoot, II.
974 ff. and I. 627 ff.). No argument, therefore, against the honesty of
Eusebius can be drawn from his omission of the words.
[1159] See above, note 6. That the word katholikes is used here in the
later sense of "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical
bodies, can be questioned by no one. Lightfoot, however, reads at this
point hagias instead of katholikes in his edition of the epistle. It is
true that he has some ms. support, but the mss. and versions of
Eusebius are unanimous in favor of the latter word, and Lightfoot's
grounds for making the change seem to be quite insufficient. If any
change is to be made, the word should be dropped out entirely, as
suggested by the note already referred to.
[1160] All, or nearly all, the mss. of Eusebius read D?lkes, and that
reading is adopted by Stephanus, Valesius (in his text), Schwegler,
Laemmer, Heinichen, and Crusè. On the other hand, the mss. of the
epistle itself all support the form Alkes (or 'Alkes, Elkeis, as it
appears respectively in two mss.), and Lightfoot accepts this
unhesitatingly as the original form of the word, and it is adopted by
many editors of Eusebius (Valesius, in his notes, Stroth, Zimmermann,
Burton, and Closs). Dalce is an otherwise unknown name, while Alce,
though rare, is a good Greek name, and is once connected with Smyrna in
an inscription. Moreover, we learn from Ignatius, ad Smyr. 13, and ad
Polyc. VIII., that Alce was a well-known Christian in Smyrna at the
time Ignatius wrote his epistles. The use of the name at this point
shows that its possessor was or had been a prominent character in the
church of Smyrna, and the identification of the two seems to me beyond
all reasonable doubt (see, also, Lightfoot, I. 353; II. 325 and 978).
That Eusebius, however, wrote Alce is not so certain. In fact, in view
of the external testimony, it might be regarded as quite as likely that
he, by a mistake, wrote Dalce, as that some copyist afterwards
committed the error. Still, the name Alce must have been to Eusebius,
with his remarkable memory, familiar from Ignatius' epistles, and hence
his mistaking it for another word seems a little strange. But whether
Eusebius himself wrote Dalce or Alce, believing the latter to be the
correct form, the form which he should have written, I have ventured to
adopt it in my translation.
[1161] This shows that the martyrs were highly venerated even at this
early date, as was indeed most natural, and as is acknowledged by the
writers themselves just below. But it does not show that the Christians
already worshiped or venerated their relics as they did in later
centuries. The heathen, in their own paganism, might easily conclude
from the Christians' tender care of and reverence for the martyrs'
relics that they also worshiped them.
[1162] This is, so far as I am aware, the earliest notice of the annual
celebration of the day of a martyr's death, a practice which early
became so common in the Church. The next reference to the custom is in
Tertullian's de Corona, 3 (cf. also Scorp. 15). So natural a practice,
however, and one which was soon afterward universal, need not surprise
us at this early date (see Ducange, Natalis, and Bingham, Ant. XIII. 9.
5, XX. 7. 2).
[1163] The majority of the mss. read dodeka tou en Smurne
marturesantos, which, however, is quite ungrammatical as it stands in
the sentence, and cannot be accepted. Heinichen reads dodeka ton en
k.t.l., changing the genitive of the majority of the mss. to an
accusative, but like them, as also like Rufinus, making twelve martyrs
besides Polycarp. But the mss. of the epistle itself read dodekatos en
Sm. marturesas, thus making only eleven martyrs in addition to
Polycarp, and it cannot be doubted that this idiomatic Greek
construction is the original. In view of that fact, I am constrained to
read with Valesius, Schwegler, and Zahn (in his note on this passage in
his edition of the epistle), dodekaton en Sm. marturesanta, translating
literally, "suffered martyrdom with those from Philadelphia, the
twelfth"; or, as I have rendered it freely in the text, "suffered
martyrdom with the eleven from Philadelphia." It is, of course,
possible that Eusebius himself substituted the dodeka for the
dodekatos, but the variations and inconsistencies in the mss. at this
point make it more probable that the change crept in later, and that
Eusebius agreed with his original in making Polycarp the twelfth
martyr, not the thirteenth. Of these eleven only Germanicus is
mentioned in this epistle, and who the others were we do not know. They
cannot have been persons of prominence, or Polycarp's martyrdom would
not so completely have overshadowed theirs.
[1164] graphe. These other accounts were not given in the epistle of
the Smyrnæans, but were doubtless appended to that epistle in the ms.
which Eusebius used. The accounts referred to are not found in any of
our mss. of the epistle, but there is published in Ruinart's Acta
Martyrum Sincera, p. 188 sq., a narrative in Latin of the martyrdom of
a certain Pionius and of a certain Marcionist Metrodorus, as well as of
others, which appears to be substantially the same as the document
which Eusebius knew in the original Greek, and which he refers to here.
The account bears all the marks of genuineness, and may be regarded as
trustworthy, at least in the main points. But Eusebius has fallen into
a serious chronological blunder in making these other martyrs
contemporaries of Polycarp. We learn from a notice in the document
given by Ruinart that Pionius, Metrodorus, and the others were put to
death during the persecution of Decius, in 250 a.d., and this date is
confirmed by external evidence. The document which Eusebius used may
not have contained the distinct chronological notice which is now found
in it, or Eusebius may have overlooked it, and finding the narrative
given in his ms. in close connection with the account of Polycarp's
martyrdom, he may have jumped hastily to the conclusion that both
accounts relate to the same period of time. Or, as Lightfoot suggests,
in the heading of the document there may have stood the words he aute
periodos tou chronou (a peculiar phrase, which Eusebius repeats)
indicating (as the words might indicate) that the events took place at
the same season of the year, while Eusebius interpreted them to mean
the same period of time. Upon these Acts, and upon Metrodorus and
Pionius, see Lightfoot, I. p. 622 sqq. The Life of Polycarp, which
purports to have been written by Pionius, is manifestly spurious and
entirely untrustworthy, and belongs to the latter part of the fourth
century. The true Pionius, therefore, who suffered under Decius, and
the Pseudo-Pionius who wrote that Life are to be sharply distinguished
(see Lightfoot, I. p. 626 sqq.).
[1165] This is an excellent summary of Pionius' sufferings, as recorded
in the extant Acts referred to in the previous note.
[1166] This is the Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, which is no longer
extant, but which is referred to by Eusebius more than once in his
History. For particulars in regard to it, see above, p. 30 sq.
[1167] A detailed account of the martyrdoms of Carpus, Papylus, and
Agathonice is extant in numerous mss., and has been published more than
once. It has, however, long been recognized as spurious and entirely
untrustworthy. But in 1881 Aubè published in the Revue Archæologique
(Dec., p. 348 sq.) a shorter form of the Acts of these martyrs, which
he had discovered in a Greek ms. in the Paris Library. There is no
reason to doubt that these Acts are genuine and, in the main, quite
trustworthy. The longer Acts assign the death of these martyrs to the
reign of Decius, and they have always been regarded as suffering during
that persecution. Aubè, in publishing his newly discovered document,
still accepted the old date; but Zahn, upon the basis of the document
which he had also seen, remarked in his Tatian's Diatessaron (p. 279)
that Eusebius was correct in assigning these martyrdoms to the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, and Lightfoot (I. p. 625) stated his belief that they
are to be assigned either to that reign or to the reign of Septimius
Severus. In 1888 Harnack (Texte und Unters. III. 4) published a new
edition of the Acts from the same ms. which Aubè had used, accompanying
the text with valuable notes and with a careful discussion of the age
of the document. He has proved beyond all doubt that these martyrs were
put to death during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and that the shorter
document which we have contains a genuine account related by an
eye-witness. These are evidently the Acts which Eusebius had before
him. In the spurious account Carpus is called a bishop, and Papylus a
deacon. But in the shorter account they are simply Christians, and
Papylus informs the judge that he is a citizen of Thyatira. Eusebius
apparently did not include the account of these martyrs in his
collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, and Harnack concludes from that that
he found in it something that did not please him, viz. the fanaticism
of Agathonice, who rashly and needlessly rushes to martyrdom, and the
approval of her conduct expressed by the author of the Acts. We are
reminded of the conduct of the Phrygian Quintus mentioned in the
epistle of the Smyrnæans but in that epistle such conduct is condemned.
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