영
PAUL THE APOSTLE.
Probable Conjectures (f 2).
n. Epistles.
1. Preliminary Questions.
External Testimony (f 1).
Internal Evidence (f 2).
Character of Epistles as a Collection
(5 3).
Not an Argument in a Circle
(5 4).
Paul's Personality (f 5).
2. First Group.
I Thessalonians (f 1).
II Thessalonians (5 2).
8. Second Group; the " Quadrilateral"
General Characteristics; Repulse of
Judaistic Attack (f 1).
I Corinthians (f 2).
II Corinthians (f 3).
Galatians (f 4).
Romans (f 5).
Unity of Romans (| 6).
Criticism by Dutch School (| 7).
4. Third Group; Prison Epistlss.
Philippians (f 1).
The Pauline Styla (I 2).
Colossians (f 3).
Ephesians (5 4).
5. Pastoral Epjstles.
The Release from Frisco (| 1).
I Timothy (5 2).
n Timothy, Titus (| 3).
L Life. — 1. Ohronoloffy: The general course of
events in Paul's life may be gathered from the Acts
and from information which he himself gives in the
epistles (Gal. i. l&-ii. 1; II Cot. xii. 2; Rom. xv. 23;
Philemon 9) . Actual dates depend upon data which
do not afford a single indisputable conclusion, yet,
taken together, set definite limits to the field of
choice. The data and the events which they thus '
approximately determine are as follows: On Paul's
own testimony he escaped from Damascus in the
time of a certain '' Aretas the king " (II Cot. xi. 32),
who must be the Nabatsean Aretas IV. (see Aretas).
From inscriptions and coins it is gath-
^' ™*^* ered that the forty-eighth year of the
DamMous. ^^^ ^^ *^ Aretas IV. was 39 or 40
A.D. (cf. Gutschmid in J. Euting,
Nabaldische Inschriften, pp. 84-85, 87-88, Berlin,
1885). Manifestly no terminus a quo is furnished
herein, and a terminus ad quern only in the doubtful
case that the forty-eighth year of Aretas' reign was
the last. Nevertheless it is a common assumption
on this basis that the flight from Damascus took
place before 40 and the conversion (which occurred
three years before the flight; Gal. i. 17-18; Acts ix.
23-28) before 37 a.d. (see § 6, below).
The facts known which bear on the end of Aretas* reign
are (1) that his successor. Abias, ruled under Claudius (41-
54 A.D.); and (2) that Abias' successor, Malchus II. (called
III. by Qutsohmid) reigned c. 49-71 a.d. The " governor
[Qk. ethnarcMa\ under Aretas the king *' of II Cor. xi. 32, is
generally supposed to have been an official appointed by
Aietas over Damascus and contiguous territory, and hence
it is inferred that Damascus at the time of the flight belonged
to t^ realm of Aretas. Both suppositions are conjectural.
It is more probable that the ethnaroh of Aretas was a Bed-
ouin chieftain subject to the Nabatauui king, who with his
tribe invaded Damascene territory and lay in wait for Paul
before the city gate (of. T. Zahn, in NKZ, 1904, pp. 34 sqq.).
The expression " ^e city of the Damasoenes *' (II Cot. xi
32) seems to show that Damascus at this time did not be-
long to Aretas. The theory that Damascus was given to
the NabatflBans by Caligula (consequently after the death of
Tiberius, Mar., 37 a.d.) and was taken away iTova them by
Nero (consequently after Oct., 54 a.d.) has no other suppcHi
than the inconclusive fact that no inscriptions or coins are
known which show that Damascus belonged to the Roman
empire in the yeara 35-62 a.d. That it did not belong to
Aretas c. 35-37 a.d. seems a sound conclusion from the si-
l^ice of Josephus concerning such a relation inAnL Xviii.,
vi 3, and v. 3. [But see Nabatjbans IL, | 2.]
In Acts xi. 30, there is mentioQ of a joum^ of
Paul and Barnabas from Antioch to Jerusalem,
carrying contributions for the relief of the brethren
in Judea. The narrative is then interrupted by
an account of events in Jerusalem and
of a!^^ Palestine, including the death of Herod
zi 80. Agrippa I., and is resumed in Acts xii.
25, with the return of Paul and Barna-
bas to Antioch. From Joeephus it is gathered that
Agrippa died in 44 a.d. It was Passover time (Acts
xii. 3) ; hence the journey occurred about the Pass-
over of 44 A.D. It was probably after the Passover,
but not very long. From this datum the begin-
ning of the association of Paul and Barnabas
may be determined. They labored together in
Antioch ''a whole year" (Acts xi. 26); if at
the end of this year ^e journey took {daoe which
interrupted their work in Antioob, it was after the
Passover of 43 a.d. that Barnabas broii^t Paul
from Tarsus (Acta xi. 26-26); at any rate before
the end of 43 a.d.
899
Paul the Apostle
Joaephua iftys that Agjippt^ died thrae 3r«an after he b^
came long of aU Judea {War, U„ zL 6; ArU., XIX.. viii. 2);
ooDsequenUy at the earliest in Feb., 44 a.d., since he re-
ceived " his whole paternal kingdom ** from Claudius im*
mediately after the latter's accession (Jan. 24, 41 a.d.; War,
XL, xi. 5; AfU., XIX.* v. 1). Furthermore, he died at a
time of special festivitiee because of the emperor's " safety "
(Ant., XIX., viii. 2), which must refer to Claudius' safe re-
turn from Britain at the beginning of 44 a.d. Two or three
months were required for the news of the emperor's return
to reach Palestine and for the preparations for the festivi-
ties. Hence the year 44 a.d. is well attested as that of the
death of Agrippa, and the time of year indicated by Acts is
quite consistent with Josephus. The events recorded in
Acts zii. 1-19, can hardly have occurred while Paul and
Barnabas were in Jerusalem, since the two apostles do not
seem to have been involved in them; and if these events
and the death of Agrippa (Acts zii. 20-24) occurred i^ter
the journey, the natured place to relate them would be after
Acts xii. 25 (or before xv. 1). The date of the famine in
Palestine was probably 46-^48 a.d. But the determination
of the Antiochians to send relief to Judea was formed be-
cause of a prophecy foretelling " great dearUi throughout
all the world " before the event (Acts zi. 27-20). In 41-
43 A.D. there were harvest failures in different parts of the
empire, which may well have been regarded as the begin-
ning of the fulfilment of the prophecy (cf. T. Zahn, Einr
leUung, ii. 417, 633 sqq., Leipsic, 1900).
Seiigius Paulus, proconsul of Cyprus when Paul
and Barnabas visited the island as recorded in Acts
xiii. 4-13, is undoubtedly the proconsul Paulus of
a Greek inscription of Soloi (D. G. Hogarth, Devia
Cypria, p. 114, Oxford, 1889; cf. NKZ, 1904, pp.
192 sqq.) and the Lucius Sei^gius Paulus
3. First of CILf vi. 31, 545. He governed
Uiaaioziary CJyprus before 53 a.d., the date of the
Journey, inscription of Soloi, but was not the
proconsul of 52 or 51. If he was the
proconsul of 50, he would have been in office in the
spring of 51 a.d., and this date is the terminus ad
quern of the beginning of Paul's first missionary
journey. The inscription CIL, vi. 31, 545, is prob-
ably earlier than the proconsulship of Sergius Paulus,
since his name appears there in a subordinate posi-
tion which would not be likely if he had filled so
important an office before the inscription was writ-
ten; but since the date of this second inscription is
uncertain, no satisfactory ierminua a quo is furnished
herein.
In 52 A.D. Lucius Annius Bassus was proconsul of Cyprus
(C/G, 2632). His predecessor was Quhitus Julius (>ordus
(CIO, 2631). Gatti. the fint editor of CIL, vi. 31, 545, with
impropriety assumed that it was later than the censorship of
CHaudius (Apr., 47-Oct., 48 a.d.; cf. Pro^opographia, iii.
221, Berlin, 1898; Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyklopddie, iv.
1793).
Paul's first visit to Corinth was made at a time
when Aquila had lately come thither in consequence
of an edict of Claudius expelling all Jews from Rome
(Acts xviii. 1-2). The time of this edict can not be
4 First ^^^^y determined, but it was not
Visit issued during the first years of Claudius.
to Oorinth. ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^•^* Claudius granted to
the Jews in Alexandria, in Rome, and
in the empire the free exercise of their religion, with
admonitions not to abuse the privilege (Josephus,
Ant., XIX., V. 2-3; Dio Casdus, LX., vi. 6). Fail-
ure to heed this advice and tumultuous disturbances
of the peace ultimately brought about their expul-
lion from Rome (Suetonius, Claudius, xxv.). Dio
Casfldus doubtless had this later edict in mind when
he adds to the year 41 " he did not drive them out,''
and had he known that it was issued immediately
he would have mentioned it. The conclusion is
that Paul first went to Corinth between 45 and 54
A.D. He stayed there eighteen months, during
which time (or part of it) Gallio was proconsul ci
Achaia (Acts xviii. 11-12). Attempts to determine
the date of Gallio's proconsulship have failed (cf.
Ramsay in the Expositor, Mar., 1897, pp. 201 sqq.;
Sch(irerinZTFr,1898,p.41; H6nnicke,pp268qq.).
When Paul was arrested in Jerusalem (Acts xxi.
7 sqq.) Felix was procurator of Judea (Acts xxiii,
24); after two years he was succeeded by Porcius
Festus (Acts xxiv. 27). Holtzmaim, Blass, Har-
nack, and others have argued lately in favor of 54,
55, or 56 a.d. as the date of this change
5. Arrest in of officials. But so early a date is
Jemsalem. inconsistent with clear and unques-
tioned statements of the historians,
especially Josephus, who is the classic authority for
the history of Palestine from 50 to 70 a.d., and the
older opinion is to be preferred, placing the recaU
of Felix and the assumption of office by Festus
probably in 60, possibly in 59 or 61 a.d. Tlie arrest
occurred in 57, 58, or 59, probably in 58 a.d.
The earlier date rests upon the chronicle of Eusebius — a
secondary authority. Eusebius, however, appears to have
thought that Felix held office from 51 or 52 to 56, Festus
from 56 to 61, and Albinus (the successor of Festus) from
61 to 64 A.D. Josephus (War, II., xii. 8; Ant., XX., vii. 1)
makes it plain that Felix was sent to Palestine toward the
end of the reign of Claudius — in his twelfth or thirteenth
year (53 a.d.), if an inference may be made from the con-
nection of the latter passage. The inference is supported
by the fact that Josephus places his account of Felix's pro-
curatorship (War, II., xiii. 2-7; Ant., XX., viii. &-«) after
the accession of Nero (War, II., xii. 8; Ant., XX., viii. 2).
Furthermore, Josephus says the emperor sent Felix after
Quadratus had removed Oimanus just before a Passover
(War, II.. xii. 6, 8). From Tacitus (Annalea, xii. 52-54) the
year when Cumanus was removed app^trs to have been
52 A.D. (see Feux akd Fbstds). The interval from the .
Passover of 52 a.d. to the close of navigation in the autumn
of the same year seems very short for all that is related by
Josephus (War, II., xii. 6-8; Ant., XX., vi. 2-vii. 1. ix. 5)
between the removal of Cumanus and the arrival of Felix
in Palestine; for this reason also the spring of 53 a.d. is the
more probable date for the latter event. When Paul first
appeared before Felix the latter had been in office " many
years " and he continued two years longer (Acts xxiv. 10,
27; cf . " already for a long time [jam pridem] governor of
Judea," Tacitus, Annalea, xii. 54). It is hard to reconcile
this with the term of only four or five years assigned by the
chronicle. The statement of Josephus (Ant., XX., viii. 9)
that Felix, after he had been replaced by Festus, escaped
punishment through the influence of his powerful brother,
Pallas, can be made to support the new chronology only by
assimiing that Josephus believed the recall of Felix, the
despatch of Festus. and the accusation of the Jews in Rome
all to have occurred before the downfall of Pallas (Feb., 56
A.D.). But this means that Josephus believed that FeUx
ruled only about three and one-half months under Nero
(from Oct. 13. 54, to Feb.. 55 a.d.), and yet he places the
greater part of Felix's procuratorahip under Nero. It means
also that the voyages of Felix, Festus, and the Jewish em-
bassy were all made in the winter months. It is inconsistent
with the account in Acts, which shows clearly that FeUx
was replaced by Festus, not in the winter, but in the sum-
mer (between Pentecost and September; Acts xx. 6, 16,
xxiv. 11. 27. xxv. 1. 6, 13, 14, 23, xxvii. 1, 9). And, lastly,
it makes Felix's term of office too short. The statement
about Pallas in Ant., XX., viii. 9, may be an error (so Bacon
in the Expontor, Feb.. 1898, p. 135; Zahn. Einleitung, IL
640); or, possibly, Pallas regained influence after Feb., 55
a.d. (cf. Schdrer, i. 578). There is independent evidence
that Felix ruled during the first years of Nero. (1) The
" Egyptian " of Acts xxi. 38 belongs to the reign of Nero
and the proouxatorahip of Felix (Josephus, War, U., ziiL
Paul the Apostle
400
5; Ant., XX.. viii. 0); he was anterior to Paurs arrait (Aeti
XXL. 38), after which Felix remained in office two full years
(Acta zziv. 27). (2) In his twenty-eixth year, that is, in
the spring or summer of 64 a.d., Joeephus went to Rome to
attempt the release of certain priests who had been sent
thither by Fdix for trial before the emperor (Lt/e, iii.; for
the date. lAfe, i.; Ant. xii., 1. xi. 3); it is incredible that
men were kept waiting for trial eight or even ten years, as
they must have been if Felix was recalled before the down-
faU of Pallas. Festus died in office, probably in the first
half of 62 A.D.. since Albinus appears to have reached Pales-
tine in September or October of that year (Joeephus. AtU.,
XX.. ix. 1-3; War, VI.. v. 3; the date is fixed, if. as is
probable, the feast of tabernacles mentioned in the latter
passage is the same as " the festival *' of AnL, XX., ix. 3).
His term of office was short (Joeephus, War, II.. xiv. 1; AnL,
XX.. viii. 9-11)— an additional reason for placing the re-
call of Felix later than 54 or 66 a.d. With due considera-
taoo of all the data, this event must be dated either in 69,
60. or 61 A.D. The year named last is least probable, be-
cause it makes Festus rule less than one year (summer of
61-firBt half of 62 a.d.) — an event which Joeephus would
hardly have suffered to pass unnoticed. Furthermore, the
clause with tdi atratoptdarchei in undoubtedly to be retained
in Acts xxviii. 16 (cf. Zahn, EinUUung, pp. 390-391), and
implies that when Paul arrived in Rome there was but one
pnetorian prefect, which was not the case after the death of
Bumis near the beginning of 62 a.d. If Festus assumed
office in the summer of 61. Paul must have reached Rome
after the middle of Mar., 6i2; and at this time both sucoes-
son of Bumis were in office. The year 60 is preferable to
59 since it makes the ** many years of Acts xxiv. 10. five
and one-half instead of four and one-half, and only on the
aasumpticm that the arrest took place in 68 a.d. can II Cor.
xii. 2 be made to fit in with the certain date of Acts xi. 25
(see S 2, above).
Assuming that the arrest took place at Pentecost
of 58 A.D., reckoning can be carried back to the
Apostolic Council at Jerusalem (q.v.) with consid-
erable certainty, partly by the help of statements
like Acts xviii. 11, xix. 8-10, xx. 3, 6, 31, and hints
in the epistles (I Cor. xvi. 8; II Cor.
^^n. ^- 1^' «• 2; etc.), partiy by esti-
mating the length of time required for
the events recorded and the time of year in which
they occurred. Thus it appears that the Apostolic
Council was held in the winter of 51-52, probably
at the beginning of 52 a.d. Reckoning backward
from this point and assuming that Gal. ii. 1-10,
corresponds to the events of Acts xv. 1-33, and that
the three years of Gal. i. 18 are not included in the
fourteen years of Gal. ii. 1. it appears that Paul was
converted seventeen years before the Apostolic
Council — that is, in the winter of 34-35, probably
near the beginning of 35 a.d. The " new chro-
nology," which puts the conversion in the year of
Jesus' death, fails to allow sufficient time for the
important events of Acts i.-viii. and is inconsistent
with the uniform representation of the conversion
as relatively late.
2. Period before Oonverslon: According to his
own statement, recorded in the Acts (xxii. 3; cf.
ix. 1 1, xxi. 39), Paul was bom in Tarsus. His Juda-
izing opponents, perhaps as early as the second
century. Inferred from this that his parents were
heathen (Epiphanius, Hcer., XXX., xvL 25). Mod-
em historians surmise that he was a Hellenist.
When he declares himself a " Hebrew of the He-
brews" (Phfl. iii. 5; cf. II Cor. xi. 22), he does not
contradict this, since what he has in mind is his
ability to speak the language of the Palestinian and
Syrian Jews (i.e., the current Aramaic). He was a
Pharisee, descended from a line of Pharisaic ances-
tors (Acts xxiii. 6, where the reading is the " son
of Pharisees," not " of a Pharisee "; cf. Phil. iii. 6;
GaL i. 13-14). Since the distinction of Pharisee
and Sadducee is not heard of in the diaspora, this
fact indicates that Paul's family maintained con-
nections with the mother-land, and he appears to
have had a married sister living in Jerusalem (Acts
xxiii. 17). He was educated in Jerusalem in the
school of Gamaliel the Elder, the grandson of Hillel
(Acts xxii. 3). He inherited Roman citizenship
from his father (Acts xxii. 28) and had also the rights
of a citizen of Tarsus (Acts xxL 39). Following
Jewish custom, his father doubtless gave him the
name of Saul when he was cireumciaed (PhiL iiL 5),
perhaps after the first king of Israel, as tiie family
belonged to the tribe of Benjamin (Rom. xL 1;
Phil. iii. 5). As son of a Roman citizen he necessi-
rOy had also a Roman name — doubtless prsnomen,
nomen, and cognomen. As the cognomen was the
usual designation (cf. Caesar, Cicero, etc.), it is not
strange that it alone (Paulus) has been preserved.
He was doubtless called Saul by Jews after as well
as before conversion, while as a Roman and mission-
aiy to the Gentiles he was always PauL The change
from Saul to Paul in Acts xiii. 9, is perhaps due to
a change in soiutses. Paul's personal i^pearanoe
seems to have been unimposing (Acts xiv. 12; IT
Cor. X. 10), perhaps a consequence of the bodily
affliction to which he refers in II Cor. xiL 7-10;
Gal. iv. 13-14 (cf. U Cor. iv. 7-18). Whatever this
affliction was — severe neurasthenia, malaria, eye-
trouble, or even epilep^ (cf. Zahn, EvnUitwng, L
122) — ^he seemed sometimes one smitten by God and
beset by an evU spirit He appears to have aged
early. He never married (I Cor. viL 7-8, ix. 5).
In his student days, doubtless, according to rab-
binic custom, he learned the trade by which he
supported himself later (I Thess. ii. 9; II Thees.
iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. &-8; II Cor. xL 7-12, xii.
14-18; Acts xviii. 3, xx. 34). The Greek skenopoiM
(Acts xviii. 3) means a " maker of tent-material ";
and Paul was a tanner rather than a weaver. The
older translators and oonmientatore knew well that
the tents of Corinth and Ephesus were made of
leather and uniformly classed Paul among the
woricers in leather. That the weaver's trade was
of ill repute in Jerusalem is decisive on this point
Paul won distinction in Gamaliel's school (Gal. i. 14);
and this, no doubt, led to his prominence in the exe-
cution of Stephen and brou^t him later the com-
mission to persecute the Nazarenes (Acts vii. 58,
viii. 1, 3, ix. 1-2, 14, xxii. 4-^, xxvi. 9-11). As
Christian, Paul looked back upon this time with
sorrow and regret (I Cor. xv. 8-9; Gal. L 13-14;
Phil. iii. fr-9; Eph. iii. 8; I Tim. i. 12-16) and ap-
preciated the contrast between his pharisaic and his
Christian piety and mode of thought; but he always
recognized a connection between the two. Like the
best of his people who rejected the Grospel, he was
actuated by an honest striving after ri^teousness,
a zeal for God, and an impulse to spread his own
conviction and knowledge. As a Christian he was
still a Pharisee (cf . Acts xxiii. 6) and a disciple of the
rabbis in life, in handling of Scripture, in seal for
proselytizing (cf. Matt, xxiii. 15), and also in faith
and hope. Passages like Phil. iiL 3-14; Gal. L
401
Paul the Apoflito
13-15, show that Paul was not ashamed of his
earlier pharisaic life.
8. OpnTeraion and Preparation for Miaeionary
Servloe: Paul's conversion was no gradual devel-
opment, but a sudden and violent rupture with all
his past thinking and activity; the light broke upon
him, not like the dawn of day, but as a lightning
flash, which revealed the glory of God shining in
the face of Christ (II Cor. iv. 6) and at the same time
illumined all other things and displayed his previous
striving in its true character (II Cor. v. 16 sqq.;
Phil. ii. 7-10). He cites his pharisaic training and
bias as proof that his faith and understanding of the
Gospel were not due to human agency, but were a
direct revelation of Christ (Gal. i. 11-16). He gives
no information in his writings concerning the out-
ward media and circumstances except that inunedi-
ately after the event he went to Arabia and Damascus
(Gal. i. 17). He saw a vision {optasia, Acts xxvi.
19), which resembled other visions in that the super-
sensuous was perceived by the senses; but both Paul
and the Acts (ix. 3-18, xxii. fr-16, xxvi. 9-20) dis-
tinguish it sharply from all later ^' revelations,"
" visions," and " trances " (Gal. ii. 2; I Cor. xii.
1-4; Acts xvi. 9, xviii. 9, xxii. 17-21, xxiii. 11,
xxvii. 23) as something unique. Paul believed that
he actually saw Jesus as the older disciples had seen
him after his resurrection (I Cor. xv. 8) and that
for this reason his apostolate, like theirs, rested on
personal intercourse with the Lord (I Cor. ix. 1).
He received the call to preach at this time (Acts ix.
15, xxii. 15, xxvi. 16-18); but nothing is said about
a command to begin at once or a mission exclusively
to the Gentiles (cf. the present, euangelizOmaif in-
stead of the future, etuingdialhnai, in Gal. L 16).
The latter was first committed to him three years
later (Acts xxii. 21), and he preached first to
the Jews in Damascus, Jerusalem, and Judea
(Acta ix. 20, 27, 29, xxvi. 20). After three
years in Damascus, during which Paul doubtless
received from the Christians in the city such in-
struction as he needed in the Gospel tradition, he
returned to Jerusalem (Acts ix. 23-28; Gal. i. 18).
Conditions there were more favorable than they
would have been earlier. Caiaphas, who had given
Paul his conmiission as persecutor (Acts ix. 1-2), had
been removed from office, and ViteUius had suc-
ceeded Pilate and established better government
(36 A.D.). Nevertheless, the renegade naturally
encountered hatred, and the coimsel of the Jerusa-
lem Christians and a divine command determined
him to leave Palestine and go to the home of his
boyhood (Acta ix. 29-30, xxii. 17-21; Gal. i. 21).
If Paul was converted in the beginning of 35 and
went to Antioch in the summer of 43 a.d. (see 1,
§§2, 6, above), he must have remained in Tarsus
more than five years. There is no reason to believe
that he traveled in Cilicia and Syria or that he
preached to the Gentiles in Tarsus. It was a time
of waiting and preparation for the future. He now
understood his mission to the Gentiles (Acts xxii.
21); and it was natural that he should devote him-
self to study preparatory to that woric. He was
oaUed from his retirement by Barnabas and resumed
active work in Antioch (Acts xi. 25-26). Accord-
ing to the chronology here followed, the experiences
Vm.— 26
described in II Cor. xii. 1-5 occurred in or before the
autumn of 43 a.d., and doubtless they contributed
to his decision to go to Antioch with Barnabas.
4. Paul the MleaJonary; It is impossible here
to follow Paul's far-reaching missionary journeys
or to depict his work, surpassing all previously
accomplished for the spread of Christianity, in detail;
no more will be attempted than a characterization
of the work. Paul's teaching in Antioch (Acts xi.
26, xiii. 3) from the summer of 43 to about the spring
of 50 A.D. was essentially missionary work. It
resulted even in the first year in so notable acces-
sions to the already flourishing congregation, espe-
cially of Greeks, that the Antiochians coined the
name '' Christians " in distinction from the synar
gogue (Acts xi. 19-26). If the visit of Peter to
Antioch, mentioned in Gal. ii. 11-14, is rightly
placed in this time (cf. NKZ, 1894, 435-448), it
shows that Paul already had the conception of the
Gospel and of the principles to be followed in a Gen-
tile congregation which he developed later in the
epistles. When he was sent out to preach by the
Antioch congregation (Acts xiii. 2-4) he felt himself
an apostle according to the original meaning and
current application of the word — one commissioned
by Christ to preach the Gospel to non-believers.
Barnabas accompanied him and worked with him
at this time, and he had other associates in this
journey and later ones. The methods and princi-
ples which Paul followed are seen in this first
missionary journey (Acts xiii. 4, xiv. 26). The
evangelists went rapidly from town to town and
district to district, avoiding the smaller places and
preaching only in the laige cities. In the larger
cities there were generally Jewish congregations
and synagogues, and many Gentiles who " feared
God " (Acts xiu. 16, 26, 42, 43) were in the habit
of attending the Sabbath services. Thus there was
opportunity to preach to both Jews and Gentiles; it
is a mistake to think that Paul from the very first
interpreted his mission to the Gentiles as exclusive
of the Jews. Another principle was the consistent
refusal of all material support. It was customary
for traveling preachers to accept the freely offered
gifts of those among whom they tarried, and Paul
recognized their right to receive (I Cor. ix. 4-18)
and emphasized the duty of the congregations to
support their permanent teachers (Gal. vi. 6; I Tim.
V. 17-18). But for himself he wished to avoid all
appearance that his preaching was a profit-bringing
business (I Cor. ix. 18; I Thess. ii. 3-12). Yet he
did not refuse contributions offered in a spirit like
his own to meet the expenses of journeys to spread
the Gospel, or to solicit for his personal needs
when, as in imprisonment, he could not work at his
trade (II Cor. xi. 8; Phil. i. 3-7, ii. 25-30, iv. 10-19).
In nothing is Paul's good sense more ap*^ arent than
in his readiness to invoke the aid of the jivil authori-
ties and to claim his legal rights as a Roman citizen
when attacked by the Jews or the heathen popu-
lace; and in noteworthy instances he found efficient
protection (Acts xvi. 36-39, xxii. 25-29, xxiii. 27,
XXV. 9-12, xxvi. 32). While petty officials some-
times showed a disposition to cuny popular favor,
it was Paul's good fortime that most of the higher
representatives of the Roman government with
Paul the Apostle
402
whom he had to deal were intelligent and well-mean-
ing men. His favorable judgment of the Roman
order (Rom. xiii. 1-7; I Tim. ii. 2) was fomided on
personal experience. Lastly, Paul's office as mis-
sionary and true apostle imposed the duty of organ-
izing ^e new congregations which he founded, and
of watching and guiding their development. The
duty carried with it the right to command (I Cor.
vii. 10-13, 17, xi. 17, 34, xiv. 37, xvi. 1; I Thess.
iv. 2, 11; II Thess. iii. 4-12) and demanded an
obedience which was not always accorded (II Cor.
ii. 9, X. 5-6; II Thess. iii. 14). But the relation
of the congregations to their founder was that be-
tween paternal authority and child-like reverence
(I Cor. iv. 14 sqq.), and Paul, in accordance with his
conviction that freedom is an inalienable character-
istic of (Christian morality, left no means imtried
to convince of the necessity and wisdom of his
opinions, recommendations^ and ordinances. His
command and skilful use of alignment, pathos, and
irony are evident in his epistles; the correspondence
with the unruly Church of Corinth, which is not
wholly preserved, gives the best picture of this
side of Paul's burdensome work, and shows also
how, thou^ absent, he cooperated in local church
discipline without imposing his opinion as the only
one valid (I Cor. v. 1^; II Cor. ii. 1-11, vii. 2-12).
6. Oonteatwlth Judaism: When the Gospel was
first offered to the Gentiles there were some in
the mother congregation at Jerusalem who found
it hard to accept such as fellow believers (Acts
xi. 2-3). Men of this type came to Antioch while
Paul and Barnabas were absent on the first mission-
ary journey and endangered the growth, if not the
very existence, of the Gentile congregation there
by teaching that circumcision and full observance
of the Mosaic law were essential to salvation (Acts
XV. 1). The Apostolic Council at Jerusalem (q.v.)
followed and repudiated the teaching of these
Judaizers (Acts xv. 2-29; Gal. ii. 1-10), but they
continued active. They visited the South Galatian
churches while Paul was on his way to Europe on
the second missionary journey and produced an
effect there which threw Paul, when he heard of it,
into the state of agitation and indignation in which
the epistle to the Galatians was written. It must
not be assumed that the Judaizers were insincere.
They were Pharisees (Acts xv. 5) ; and they doubted
as little as any Pharisee (Matt, xxiii. 16; Rom. ii.
17-20) that it was the duty of the Jews to open to
all men the way of salvation revealed to them.
They preached Jesus in their way (II Cor. xi. 4) and
zealously. But they asserted that Gentiles, in
order to be Christians, must first become Jews.
Herein lay the ground of controversy between them
and Paul; and Paul entered the contest with a
strenuousness and carried it through with a fer-
tility of resource which won him the victory.
Appealing to his own experience and that of all
upright Christians of Je^^^sh origin (Gal. ii. 15-21;
Rom. vii. 1-6; cf. Acts xv. 7-11) and to the results
of his labors as divine commendation, he character-
ized the contention of the Judaizers as a misunder-
standing of the law and all pre-Christian history,
as a perversion of the Gospel, and as a mischievous
attack not merely on the Gentile Christians but
even on the true freedom of all Christians (GaL
ii. 4). None the lees he refrained from criticizing
Jewish Christians for observing the law and con-
formed to it himself. The first period of the con-
test was closed by the decision of the Apostolic
Council (in the winter of 51-52 a.d.) that, instead of
the uniformity demanded by the Judaizers, there
should be a Gentile Church and a Jewish Church.
Thenceforth Paul did not lack the ^proval and
support of the Jerusalem Church, or at least of its
leaders. But attempts, always emanating from
Palestine, continued to be made to undermine his
work and disparage him personally. Judaizers ap-
peared in Galatia, in Corinth, in Rome, and no
doubt elsewhere. Distorted reports about Paul
(cf. Acts xxi. 21) inflamed feeling against him, and
his adversaries were able to cite in their favor with
some apparent reason the example and teaching
of Jesus (cf. Matt. v. 17-19) and the practise of the
Jerusalem Church. He felt it of the highest impor-
tance to right himself in Palestine, so far as he could,
by visiting Jerusalem before he transferred his
activity to the West, and he went thither with a
large sum of money for the poor, cc^lected in the
congregations which he had foimded, and attended
by an imposing array of deputies from the Macedo-
nian, Asian, and Galatian churches (Acts xx. 4, xxL
29; II Cor. viii. 16-24). He evidently wished to
show that the Gentiles whom he had converted
regarded the original congregation with grateful
love and hoped to convince the non-believing Jews
that he was not devoid of empathy with his suffer-
ing people (cf. Acts xxiv. 17; Rom. xv. 31).
6. Paul's Gospel and Theology: Paul deemed
but one Gospel worthy of the name and called it
indifferently the Gospel (or testimony or word) of
God (Rom. i. 1; I Cor. ii. 1; I Thess. ii. 13; etc.),
and of Jesus or Christ or the Lord (Gal. i. 7; I Cor.
i. 6; Col. iii. 16; etc.). The genitive in each case
is subjective, indicating the originator. Paul's
Gospel was the " Gospel of God " because it was a
message sent by God into the worid and because
God spoke to men throu^ human preachers and
called them to salvation (Rom. viii. 30; II Cor. v.
19-20; Gal. i. 6; I Thess. iu 12-13); andit was also
the " Gospel of Christ " because Christ was the
first preacher of this Gospel (£!ph. ii. 17) and con-
tinues to offer salvation to men through his ambas-
sadors (II Cor. V. 20; Gal. iv. 14). AD apostles
truly ctdled preach this Gospel (Rom. i. 1-5; I Cor.
XV. 11), and wherever conversions result it is the
true Gospel which is preached (RcHn. vi. 17; Eph.
i. 13-16; Col. i. 7). When he speaks of a " go^
of the circumcision " and *^ of the uncircumcision "
(Gal. ii. 7-8), Paul means different forms of one and
the same Gospel — not different Gospels fw Jews
and Gentiles, but different methods of preaching.
The Gospel of the uncircimicision was specially
committeid to Paul, and because of this unique com-
mission and the far-reaching extent of his missionary
labors, he .is preeminently the apostle to the Gen-
tiles and the Gospel which he preaches is his Gospel
(Rom. ii. 16, xvi. 25; II Tim. ii. 8); though he does
not deny that others recognized the need of preaching
to the Gentiles and fulfilled the duty before him
(Eph. iii. 5-6). Paul had a theology distinctly
BEUGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Paul the Apostle
his own, not indeed elaborated into complete and
final systematic form, but nevertbeleaa a general
conceptjoa of the revelation of God In Christ, the
prepamtion for it, and its consequences resting on
coDsistent |.h inking and well grounded in lU main
principles. He was by training and knowledge Ilie
only theologian in the modern sense of the word
among the apoatles. But he waa not led to the
Cbristmu failij and life by study, but tore versa.
His theology was experiential knowledge inter-
preted by the light of the geneml evolution an he saw
it in the Old-Tcatament bistciry, in the appearance
of the historical Christ, in the religious antitheses
of bis time, and in the world of culture and civiliza-
tion. This is seen moat clearly in his doctrine of the
law, of sin, and of justification. It lias not always
been sufficiently recognized that Paul's teaching has
much in common with that of Jeaua and the Apos-
tolic Church. For example, his conception of tlie
righteousness (rf Gmi (Rom. i. 17, iii. 21-22, x. 3; 11
Cor, V. 21; Phil. iii. 9) is fully imderetood only when
the fact is properly appreciated that Jesus (Matt. vi.
33) and James (i. 20) spoke of a divine righteousness
contrasted with one merely apparent attainefl by
human woriis. As the great preacher to the Gen-
tiles, Paul remained in high honor and his epistles
were added to the Gospels as the foundation of the
New-Testament ooaon. His teaching was dominant
in the sub-apostolic Church and the entire pre-
reformatioQ Church. Marcion was the only one
who felt that Paul's doctrine was peculiar and tried
to distinguish it sharply from other Christian
thinking; and Marcion misunderstood Paul fun-
damentally.
7. FbqI the Martyr: Paul's epistles throw no
light on the events beginning with his arrest in
Jerusalem at Pentecost, 58 a.d., and ending with
his arrival in Rome nearly three years later (see
1, i 5, above), and what is known of this period is
1 stKtad '^^"^*** solely from the last eight
Faota chapters of the Acta. Mommsen (pp.
87 sqq.) has found the narrative trust-
worthy when tested by knowledge of Roimiii crimi-
nal law and procedure and has even pronounced it
a unique and valuable commentary on other sources.
Paul was attacked in the temple by a turbulent
crowd (iiwligal«d by the Jews "of Asia," Acts
xxi. 27) and was saved from summaiy mob ven-
geance by the intervention of the Roman chiliarch,
Lysias. To escape examination by scourging Paul
declared himself a Roman citizen, and Lysias then
accorded him speedy trial in presence of his accusers
and found no offense which called for death or im-
prisonment. The highest Jewish authority, how-
ever, preferred a capital charge against a Roman
citiaen, and in such a case the chiliarch had no
jurisdiction; so he sent Paul to the procurator,
Felix, at Cieaarea. Again the accused had prompt
trial (" after five days," Acta xxiv. 1) and no crime
was proved. Further investigation (Acts xxiv.
22-26) must have removed any doubts that Feli-t
may have had of Paul's innocence. But he delayed
to pronounce final judgment, which must have set the
prisoner at liberty, and Paul was still confined when
Felix was succeeded by Festue two years later.
The Jews made baste to press their charge before
Festus, whereupon Paul availed himself uf tbe right
to have bis cause beard in Rome by an appeal to
Ca?aar. Accordingly be was sent to Rome, being well
treated on the way (cf. tbe entire narrative. Acta
xvii. 1 sqq.), was put in chaige of the praetorian
prefect (at the time tbe excellent Afranius Burrus;
see 1, S 5, above), and was permitted to live for the
next two years in his own hired house, to receive
freely all who came to see him, and to preach with-
out hindrance. Here the narrative of the Acts
abruptly breaks off. The epistles to tbe Ephesians,
Colosaians, and Philemon, which were written from
confinement in Rome, confirm the account of the
Acts without adding anything of importance. They
name some of the devoted fellow workers who
gathered about Paul (Col. i. 1, 7, iv. 7, 10-12, 14;
Philemon 23-24; cf. Acta xxvii. 2) and show that
his desire to preach tbe Gospel in Rome, expressed
many years earlier (Rom, i. 9-16, xv. 22-29), was
being abundantly fulfilled (Eph. vi. 19-20; Col.
iv. 3; Philemon 10). Only in Philemon 22 ia there
a bint that a trial is approaching. When the epistle
to the Philippians was written Paul was also im-
prisoned in Rome, but conditions were different.
His case hod been taken up by the authorities
but was not yet decided. The impression had
gone forth that he was imprisoned solely be-
cause of bis Cliristion faith and missionary preach-
ing; others, both Paul's friends and some
(Judaizers] who were actuated by " envy and strife,"
were preaching more zealously than ever (Phil. i.
12-18). This seems to imply that Paul was not
allowed to preach himself, and also that the authori-
ties were not disposed to adjudge Christian preaching
criminal. Paul hopes to be acquitted (Phil. i. 10,
25, ii. 24). What the outcome was is nowhere told.
If, however, the pastoral epistles are genuine, Paul
was set free. For these lett«ia imply many facta
which can not be fitted into PaiJ's earlier life and
were, for the most part, contemporary with the let-
2 Frotetile **" "'^ happened shortly before they
Oonjeoturea. "^ "^'''*°- They mention a visit to
Crete(Tituei.^ 12), to Miletus. Tioas.
and probably to Corinth (If Tim. iv. 13. 20). to
Macedonia; and an intended visit to Epheaus ( I Tim.
i.-l, iii. 14); the intention tospend the winter at
Nicopolis in Epirus (Titus iii. 12). Furthermore,
when II Timothy was written Paul bad been for
some time in prison in Rome, but the conditions are
not those of Acts xxviii. 30-31 , or of the epistle to the
Philippians. A friend from Asio Minor bad foimd him
only after diligent seeking and others had forsaken
him (II Tim. i". 8-12, 15-18. ii. 9, iv. 10). There is
no more mention of preaching, and Paul is convinced
that his end is near (II Tiro. iv. 6-8, 18; iniv. 16-17
he says that at his " first answer," cf. Phil. i. 7. 16,
the Lord delivered him to the end that he and no
other should preach the Gospel to all the Gentiles).
If it was Paul who wrote all this, bis first trial
ended in acquittal, and then be not ordy revisited
the eastern congregations but preached Christ, as
he hod long desired to do (cf. Rom. xv, 24), in the
West. The facts mentioned in II Timothy can
hardly have been later inventions. Hence, even if
the epiAtle be not genuine, it testifies to an acquittal
and activity in the West. And this activity has
Paul the Apostle
404
independent support in Roman tradition of about
90 or 100 A.D. The First Epistle of Gement (v.)
says that Paul preached ** both in the East and
West) . . . taught righteousness to the whole world,
and came to the extreme limit of the West " before
he suffered martyrdom in Rome. According to
current usage " the extreme limit of the West "
means Spain or the Atlantic Ocean (cf . Zahn, Ein-
Miifi^, i. 441, 446-49). The same tradition appears
in the Gnostic Acts of Peter about 160 or 170 (ed.
R. A. Lipsius, Acta apostolanim apocrypha, i. 45-48,
51, 26, Leipsic, 1891), in the Muratorian Canon (q.v.;
line 38), and in many later writings. It can not be
based upon the pastoral epistles, since these speak
only of renewed activity in the East or in general
terms without specific designation of place, and say
nothing of the West. And so early as 95 a.d. and
in Rome, where the older members of the congre-
gation must have had personal knowledge of the
facts, it can hardly have been an inference from the
desire to visit Spain expressed in Rom. xv. 22 sqq.
The tradition of two imprisonments in Rome with
an interval of missionary work between them is
first connected with II Tim. iv. 16-17, by Eusebius
(Hist, ecd. ii. 22), and the Spanish journey with
Rom. XV. 24, 28, by Jerome, though not very defi-
nitely (on Isa. xi. ed. Vallarsius, iv. 164; Ps. Ixxxiii.,
Anecdota Maredsolana, iii., 1895, pp. 2, 80).
Against the historicity of the tradition there are
neither positive statements of great antiquity nor
hypotheses of convincing force. The abrupt ter-
mination of the Acts does not necessarily indicate
that Paul died at the end of the two years (Acts
xxviii. 30-31); on the contrary, if the imprisonment
terminated in a glorious martyrdom, the author
would hardly have omitted so fitting a conclusion of
his narrative. The sad words of Acts xx. 25 are
not conclusive (cf. the confident tone of Phil. i. 19,
25, ii. 24). The assumption that Paul suffered in
the persecution instituted by Nero after the burn-
ing of Rome is improbable (1) on chronological
grounds, because this persecution did not begin
before the autumn of 64 a.d., and from the end of
the two years (spring, 63 a.d.) to this time is too
long an interval; (2) according to tradition never
contradicted Paul was beheaded (Tertullian, Prce-
scriptio, XXX vi.; Acts of Paul, ed. Lipsius, ut sup.,
pp. 112 sqq.) ; taking into account Tacitus, Annales,
XV. 44, the hints in I Clement v., and Paul's Roman
citizenship, it is almost incredible that he (like
Peter, according to tradition equally old) can have
been crucified. The Roman tradition which makes
Peter and Paul both suffer on June 29 of the same
year can prove at the most only that Paul (like
Peter in all probability) suffered under Nero. But
this tradition first appears in the fourth century
and is a misunderstanding of a common festival of
Peter and Paul which originally commemorated a
translation of their relics on June 29, 258 (cf.
Zahn, Einleitung, i. 454 sqq.). Even Augustine
doubted this tradition because of another which
made both apostles die on the same day of the
year, but Paul in a later year than Peter. The
old Acts of Peter (ed. Lipsius, ut sup., pp. 46, 3,
8) place his work and martyrdom in Rome in the
same year which took Paul to Spain, therefore,
earlier than Paul's death; and iTenseus, fdlowing
a later tradition, set the death of Paul a full year
after that of Peter (ASB, June, v. 423). The older
witnesses — Clement, Dionjrsius of Gorinth, Irenseus,
Tertullian — and Eusebius in the chronicle (Arme-
nian text) display no exact chronological knowledge
and are at one only in that both apostles died about
the same time, and, so far as any indication is given
of the emperor, under Nero. (T. Zabn.)
XL Epistles. — 1. Preliminary C^uestioxLe: The
canon of the New Testament ascribes fourteen let-
ters to St. Paul. Of this number the epistle to the
Hebrews (see Hebrews, Epistle to the) may be
put aside. It can not possibly have been written
by the apostle. By eveiy test of style and thought
it belongs to some other writer. It can not be called
Pauline even in a secondary sense, as if it had issued
from a Pauline school deeply stamped by the mas-
ter's mind. The reference to Timothy in xiiL 23
indicates that it was written by a man who belonged
to the Pauline group. But in every way he was
his own master. After a long and thorough debate
it may be fairly said that the case against the Pauline
authorship is closed.
There remain thirteen letters passing under the
apostle's name. As regards all of them, the exter-
nal testimony is unanimous and continuous. Its
1 External ^^^® ^ heightened by the fact that
Testimony ^® testimony of the Church in the
' second and following centuries, when
it came to the epistle to the Hebrews, divided,
East and West being at odds. But upon the other
thirteen there was never a doubt. The second-
century fragment called the Muratorian Canon (q.v.)
ascribes them to Paul; and in all probability' it
publishes the mind of the leaders of the Church of
Rome. Marcion accepted all but the Pastorals.
It seems probable that he foimd the thirteen letters
at Rome assembled into a Pauline corpus. His
treatment of them is not historical but dogmatic.
Distinction must be made carefully between what
the external evidence can and can not do. It makes
no discriminations. The statistics of quotation
vaiy. Certain epistles are more widely used than
others. But this does not affect the testimony as
a whole, which speaks about eveiy member of the
group in the same tone and with the same emphasb,
and is conclusive regarding the Pauline literature
as a whole. It attests the existence of a man of
vast religious genius and executive efficiency.
But the external testimony has no value
when it faces the new issues in the field of
Biblical introduction. One of the assured re-
sults of recent Old-Testament and New-Tes-
tament work is a profound difference between
S Internal °^^®"^ methods of authorship and
Evidence. ^*®rary workmanship and the metiiods
that underlie the main body of Holy
Scripture. With us the author is a self-conscious
individual. His book is his own, no one else's.
He has property rights in it which the laws of copy-
right insure and safeguard. But antiquity as a
whole lacked this conception of authorship. The
literary man was very apt to be a member of a school
or gild. His writings or outgivings were not in any
sense his own property, but the prc^ierty of the
RELIGIOtra ENCYCLOPEDIA
Paul tha AvoBtla
commuoity to which he belonged. Their text waa
preserved by the comro unity, in the hands of which
it was in some degree piastic. PentateuchaJ criti-
cism, Isainnic criticism, Homeric criticism, the study
of Jewish aod Christiati apocalypses, the synoptic
problem, the Jobannine problem, contribute an
irreaiBtible volume of testimony to the fundamental
difference between ancient authorship and modem
authotdiip. When the external testimony to the
PaiUine epistles, dating from the second half of the
second eentuiy and the period following, is con-
fronted by the results of this discovery, it becomes
silent. When someLhing has been learned about
the literary methods of the apostolic age, surprise
does not follow when a New-Te«tament scholar
affirms or suggests that one or another Pauline
epistle has been worked over or, to use the modem
term, edited by a member of the Pauline gild or
school, a. group of men deeply infused with the
apostle's spirit, who had caught, consciously or
unconsciously, the secret of his style. Nor is one
surprised when scholars assert that this or that epis-
tle was written outright by one of Paul's disciples.
When such questions arise, resort is not had to
the external evidence to settle them. Internal
evidence alone con help. Students are in the some
case as tlie student of Plato or Aristotle when the
genuineness of a given dialogue or treatise is ques-
tioned, and have to meet the question as students
of Philo meet the long-vexed question regarding the
genuineness of the essay on the Therapeutic. Or,
once more, investigators are on the same ground as
the art-critjc who has to deal nith questions touch-
ing the genuitieness of certain paintings issuing
from the artistic school or family of Rubens. The
internal testimony alone can help. They must
study the letters as a whole, hnd out the deeper, the
incommunicable quahlies of mind and spirit, and
by them test the matter in hand.
The first impression made on the reader by this
body of letters is that their presence within the
Holy Scriptures is an extraordinary tact without
close parallel. The Catholic Epistles
re not in the strictest sense tetters,
they are more like homilies; they lack
^^^^ the twofold personal element, (he
personal outgivings of an individual
writer, an'l the personal presence before llie writer's
mental vision of definite individuals and specilic
localities. But tlie Pauline epistles for the most
part are real letters, rich in personal feeling and
color, and ^med at concrete and specific human
groups. A recent group of scholars, the so-cidled
Dutch school, has assailed the opinion common to
both tradition and criticism regarding the Pauline
authorship of the Corinthian and GiJatian and
Roman letters. Even though the matter in
question were for the moment conceded, wonder at
the part played by the Pauline letters in the canon
of Holy Scriptures would not be lessened. They
would still remain, both in form and in spirit, true
letters. The only possible parallel in the contents
and structure of sacred books is the pronouncements
of Mohammed in the Koran, and even this is remote.
Mohammed's outgivings are consciously delivered
as divine oracles ; they are oracular both in form
3. Character
of EpliUea
&■ B. Oolleo-
and conlant. The Pauline letters, on the contrary,
are true letters, drawn out by special occesiona,
colored by definite situations. They are a unique
element in the Christian Bible. The evidential
value of this impression is heightened by the
way in which the letters were preserved and
after«-ard passed into a systematic collection. No
matter who wrote them, the reason why the
people to whom they were addressed kept them with
such care was the belief that they bad been written
by the Apostle Paul. His name gave them their
standing. They came into the collection from
widely separated congregations. In one case (Phil-
emon) a family treasured a private letter and after-
ward contributed it to the Church. As the Pauhne
congregations were drawn into close relations «ith
each other, the letters were copied and exchanged.
Finally they were assembled, possibly in the first
instance at Rome. Whoever wrote them, Paul's
name preserved them. Therefore the very exist-
ence of such ft body of letters, no matter how judg-
ments regarding individual letters may fall out, is
irresistible testimony to an immense and construct-
ive personality, whose work and word were insep-
arable from the existence and well-being of the
Catholic Church,
The questions of introduction pertaining to the
Pauline letters can not be separated from the apos-
tle's Ufe, He did not write easily. Possibly his
habit of using a scribe or secretniy (Oal. vi. II;
Rom, xvi, 22) was due to the fact that, shrinldng
from writing, he sought to ease the burden. While
it would be an over-statement to say tliat his letters
were wnmg from him, there is a truth in il. He
had not the writer's initiative, but was driven into
literary expression by imperious need. His letters
were instruments of government whereby he kept
in his hand the reins of control and direction over
the churches he had founded. The way in which
they dovetail into his work is an essential part of
the evidence in their favor.
It may appear that this is argument in a circle,
making use of the letters to know the man, and then
using the man, his work, and his mind, to autben*
ticale one or another letter. The Book of Acta
can not give material help. Even
4. Not an though it be assumed that the Paul
Argument of Acts and the Paul of the epistles are
In a CUfole. not two Pauls, but one and the self-
same Paul, with such difTerencee aa
the time and place of writing and the mood of the
writer rendered necessary, yet Acts, it is certain,
knew nothing or little of the apostle's inner life,
and its author seems to have made small use of the
apostle's letters. Indeed, there are points where he
writes as if he had not known or, knowing, had
forgotten the letters. His story is intensely dru-
matic. and has both the virtue and the limitation
of that kind of history. The Book of Acts gives
the framework of Paul's life, but it does not help
when one is confronted by the introductions! prob-
lems of our time, which can be solved only by the
letters themselves. Consequently we seem to be
moving in a circle. But the case is not so bad as
it seems. In the first place, the problem here is
not that of the genuineness of all the letters; the
Fanl the Apoatle
THE NEW SCHAFF.HERZCX5
406
letters are used as a whole to determine the Pau-
line cast of thought and turns of style, in order
to test certain letters which have been brought into
serious question whether Paul can have written
them or no. In the second place, the procedure is
identical with the method used to determine the
genuineness of certain dialogues of Plato or treatises
of Aristotle. The Platonic corpus or the Aristotelian
corpus gives the standard or canon by which the
student judges the dialogues or treatises in question.
The present situation is similar, since the process
is that of testing one or another alleged part in the
iight of the whole.
The facts in the apostle's life that deeply concern
the student of the Pauline epistles are these: (1) He
was bom in Tarsus, of a distinguished and wealthy
family. His father had possessed himself of Roman
citizenship. (2) He went up to Jeru-
TrMaf^SiL^ ^®™ ^ complete his education. He
studied under Gamaliel (Acts xxii. 3).
This would indicate that through his teacher he was
open to liberal Judaism and so to Hellenism. But
Acts ix. 1-2 and Gal i. 14 also indicate that he was
a sealous Jew of the Pharisaic type. Probably,
like some other men of genius, he did not clearly
know himself, and so was drawn both ways. (3) He
was an ardent persecutor of Christianity (Acts viii.
1, ix. 1-^; I CJor. xv. 9). (4) He was converted in
an altogether extraordinary way. No great man
ever underwent so violent and sudden a change. It
is a striking testimony to his strength of will that
his religious experience did not drive him into the
ranks of the religiously insane. (5) The mental
consequences of his conversion were twofold. The
death of Jesus had struck at the heart of Jewish
Messianism. Paul had shared the violent antipathy
to it. His conversion, by the law of recoil, carried
the death of the Messiah down to the roots of his
being (I Ck>r. ii. 2). The popular Messianism, so far
as he was concerned, went into bankruptcy (II Cor.
v. 16). The other result was that the institutes
of Judaism and Rabbinism became either adiaphora
or worse (Gal. iv. 9). The practical motives, though
unacknowledged, may have been as strong as the
religious and nationalistic motive. Saul was a
brilliant candidate for the honors of the rabbinate.
But the new prophetism, which was the soul of the
society of Jesus (cf. Peter's sermon in Acts ii.)
threatened the entire rabbinical establishment with
ruin. The magnificent corporation of scholars
and lawyers and exegetes, with all the vested inter-
ests both religious and social which they represented,
was brought in peril. Saul the persecutor belonged
to the school of Ezra, and Ezra's program was
separatism. The prohibition of mixed marriages,
the prohibition of table fellowship, these are the
significant milestones in the advance of Ezra's
policy. In Paul's time the program of Ezra had
practically triumphed. Pharisaism was substan-
tially synonjrmous with vital Judaism. The Macca-
bean war had brought the Pharisaic party and plat-
form into the clear light of day. Another great
war, the war with Rome, would soon demonstrate
that the heirs of Ezra held the power of the keys in
Israel. This, then, was the total result of Paul's
conversion. The program of Ejzra became un-
timely, the institutes of Pharisaic Judaism were
thrown on the scrap-heap. The other prime factor
in Paul's mental development was his experience
as a missionary. As a missionaiy to his own people,
he was for the most part a failure. He was too
radical in his views. His failure here may have been
a part of the reason for his assent to the decision
(Gal. ii. 9) dividing the missionary field. Shut up
to the Gentile world, by a splendid stretch of the
imagination he took the whde empire for his
province (Rom. xv. 19, 24). He discovered the
meaning and value of his Roman citisenship.
The empire as a divinely ordained institution
dawned upon him (Rom. xiii 1-6). Thus the two
parts of the world he was to deal with in his thought
were shaped and placed beside each other. His
mind played between and over two historical mag-
nitudes, the Empire and Israel. Finally, he was of
an acutely sensitive temperament, ^s nervous
system was finely organized; and possibly his
" thorn " or " stake " in the flesh (II Cor. xiL 7;
see I., 2, sup.) was some nervous disease. He re-
ceived quick and deep impressions, which he or-
ganized, not after the method of tlie phOoeopher
or the S3rstematic theologian, but under the spur
of necessity and the pressure of occasions.
2. First Ghronp: 'Die eaiiiest Pauline letters we
possess were to the church at Thessalonica. Whether
the apostle wrote earlier letters which have been
lost is, possibly, an unanswerable question, though
the fact that in I Thess. there is an order of thought,
1 I Th ^^ arrangement of material that per-
■alonians. ®^ through all the Pauline letters
save Galatians, I Timothy, and Titus
may seem to suggest an experienced hand. But so
far as data go, I Theesalonians is the earliest Pauline
letter. It was written from Corinth or its neighbor-
hood (I Thess. iii. 1-6), in the course of the second
missionary journey and not very long after the apos-
tle had left Athens. Critical opinion regarding the
letter has on the whole been very favorable. The
fundamental characteristics of I ThessaJoniana are
(1) A lively and insistent monotheism. Paul was
the first great Jew since the exile to visit the poly-
theist in his own home. Jewish orthodoxy became
in him a prophetic passion for the divine unity.
(2) An intense and lively belief in the parousia.
Altogether, I Theesalonians gives an insight into the
apostle's mind which seems to bring him fairiy close
to the primitive Christian type of belief and emo-
tion. This is interestingly illustrated by two spe-
cific positions. First, the belief in the resurrection
of Christ is here inseparable from the belief in the
second coming: the masterhood of Christ is ex-
pressed in terms of the divine control over history.
But later on, as in Rom. i. 4, the resurrection is taken
as the installation of Christ in his divine sonship.
Secondly, the trilogy of I Corinthians xiii. 13 (faith,
hope, love) here appears in its first edition, fsith,
love, hope (I Thess. i. 3). The absence of the char-
acteristic Pauline doctrines from the letter has been
made much of by those who deny its genuineness.
But this is due to an alliance between subjective
Protestantism and critical methods. Protestant-
ism, taking justification by faith to be an article on
which the CSiuroh standa or falbi has frequeotljr
Paul tba ApoRla
csiried it out of its historical and constructive cod-
tMrt. For Paul the supreme end whs the religious
equality of Jew and Geutile (I Thess. ii. 15). This
is his great and controlling theme. Everything else
IB meajis to this end. And, conudcring the nature
of his thought and realizing that he was not a 17a-
tematic thinker but ralJier one who found himself
only under serious preBBure, the contrast between
I Thessalonians and the letters to the Golatians and
Romans argues for I Thessalonians, not againat it.
Paul's relation to Judaism is the controlling element
in his life. But his mind was not academic; he did
not seek to anticipate the issuea of history, hut he
met them us they advanced against him. The Jews
of Thesftalonica who subjected the Christians to
humiliating social persecution were classed in Paul's
mind with the Jews of the Holy Land who treated
Palestinian Christians in the same way (I Thess.
ii. 14-16). He did not dream that he would have
to fight for his life as a Christian and an apostle,
and that, too, on his own missionary field, and that
his assailants would be fellow Christiana who found
their backing in Palestine.
II Thessalonians makes a different ahowing. Ever
since critical atudy of this epistle began there has
been a growing body of opinion which either denies
the Pauline author^ip altogether or concludes that
the text of a genuine Pauline letter has Buffered
change. A comparison of It Thessalonians with
I Thessalonians quickly reveals the reasona for the
a □ Th ■ '''^^'*'"^s '° t''® standing of the two
■•Ionian^." '^"*"- ''^ II Theasaloni ana lacks the
lii-ely monotheism which ia so charac-
teristic ot I Thessalonians. Yet the former, if
genuine, must have been written shortly after I
Thessalonians, and the same characteriatics would
be expected. In defense it ia alleged that II Thes-
salonians was called out by the demoralizing and
disintegniting effects of a one-sided belief in the
porousia. Naturally the letter devotca itself wholly
to that one point. (3) The letter is notably lacking
in the personal element, by which is meant Paul's in-
tense self-consciousnesa constantly breaking out into
lively expression, and hia vivid impressions of con-
crete situations and definite individuals. He was a
bom pa£tor, and saw men not as treea walking. His
idealism was not abstract but deeply concrete. The
letter cont^ns just one personal touch (iii. 6-12),
and affords no impression of the congr^ation at
Tbeesalonica; it is practically in the class of He-
brews and I John — a homily rather than a letter.
(3) The warning against forged letters (ii. 2, Lii.
17) is a difficulty. The congregation at Thessa-
lonicu was scarcely a year old, and it is difficult to
see the possibility, much more the necessity, of such
a warning, at so early a date, though it might have
been in place later. (4) The climax of difficulty is
reached in the little apocalypse, as it is often called
(ii. 3-12). There are two elements here. One ia
the conception of the Roman empire as a divine
power holding down the Satanic forces and tend-
encies of history, and preventing their breaking out
into God-defying anarchism. It is an audacious
departure from the beaten track of Jewish and Jew-
ish-Christian apocalyptic, which in every known
case takes the raw material for the problem of evil
from the heathen world-powers. It needed the bold-
ness of genius and a unique experience to break away
from the fixed tradition. All this bespeaks Paul aa
author (compare hia view of the Roman state in
Rom. xiii. 1-7). But the second element in the
passage in question raises a serious difficulty. Or-
thodox Judaism, persecuting Christianity (ef.
I Thesa. ii. 14-16), is depicted aa giving birUi to a
monstrous power, the personification of lawlessness,
that sets itself up in the Temple of Jerusalem as a
deity, to be adored in the place of the true God.
Could Paul, even in the white heat of argument and
debate, have made such a diagnosis ? And ia there A
wide gulf between this view and Romans ix.-jd.,
where Paul hopes that all Israel may be saved 7 The
conservative defenders of IT Thessalonians take
things easily here: they say that tile apostle out-
grew this emotion. But the little apocalypse, taken
in its context, clearly implies explicit thinking and
more or leas systematic l«aclung (verse 5), some-
thing more deeply rooted than a passing impression,
a conviction as clearly thought through aa Paul'a
view of the Roman state. Making all allowances for
modem aveislon to New-Testament eschatology,
the question arises, could Paul have shaped this con-
ception of Judaism ? The style of the letter is thor-
oughly Pauline. The passage in iii. 6-10 is charao-
teristically Pauline in feeling. The view of the Ro-
man state aa a divine power hohling evil in cheek
suggests a date either before the Neronian persecu-
tion or long after it. May it not be that this is a
genuine Pauline letter worked over by a gentile
Paulinlst, who incorporated In his picture the image
set up by Daniel and the project ot Caligula to set
up a gigantic statue of himself In the temple at
Jerusalem ?
a. 8«coad Groap; the " anadrilateral " : TIm
second group of letters, I and II Corinthians, Gala-
tians, Romans, is commonly called the " quadri-
lateral." The name was given by Christian apri-
ogetea to those letters after Ferdinand Christian
Baur, sweeping the other Pauline letters off the
board, took these four as the only indubitably Pau-
line documents. They are widely separated from
I Thessalonians both in thought and in feeling. In
I Thessalonians the apostle's mind was in dose con-
tact with the heathen world. Thia is the controlling
mental relationship, by which the letter is shaped
and colored. But in the ao-called quadrilateral the
apostle is engaged in a hand-to-hand fight with the
Judaizing tendency in Christianity. The shape and
color of thought differ correspondingly.
Jewish Christianity, during the first period of its
existence, and under St. Peter's leadership, had been
Jewish tsithout thinking about it. But in its second
period, under the leadership of James,
1, Oeneral [^ ^g^ Jewish conacioualy and by in-
Ud™^^" tention. IW program was the convex
Praise of' ^''"' "^ Israel. Its method involved
JuiUiatlo conformity to Judaism in everything
AUaok. that did not undo the diatinctive tenet
ofChristlanity, thecon vie tion that Jesus
was the Messiah, At the Apostolic council aooncor-
dat had been reached, which could not, however, in
the nature of things, long endure, since it involved the
existence of two distinct churches, each retaining its
Paul the Apostle
408
separate character until the parousia should solve
all problems. But history had something to say on
this subject. At Antioch table fellowship between
Jewish and Gentile Christians became the order of
the day. But James of Jerusalem was right in feel-
ing that this was a breach of the concordat. It in-
volved the existence of a single church to which the
distinctive tenets of Judaism were adiaphora. It
completely imdid the program of Ezra. Hence the
men who came from James opposed the idea of
table fellowship (Gal. ii. 12). Here began the first
precipitation of the great issue. Jewish Christianity,
honestly believing that the Pauline policy involved
the ruin of its plan for the conversion of Israel, set
istelf to undo Paul's work. It threw the concordat
(Gal. ii. 7-9) to the winds. Invading Paul's own
field, it assailed his standing as an apostle and sought
to undermine the edifice of Catholic Christianity
which he was building. This attack identified Paul's
person with the Crospel he was preaching, and con-
sequently joined forces with his temperamental
tendency to self-consciousness. He could not sepa-
rate his defense of his apostohc dignity from the
defense of Catholic Christianity. Ranke has finely
said of Alexander the Great that his life was one of
the rare cases in which universal history became
identical with a biography. Paul's life is a similar
case. Paul's person and the supreme issue in the
field of religion were identified and could not be
separated. Hence to an extraordinary degree he
was driven to clear self-knowledge and to a deep
study of the necessary foimdations for his great
theme and work, the religious equality of Jew and
Gentile. The theme of I Thessalonians still remains
the supreme thought. But its implications now for
the first time come into the light of broad day.
The letters to the Corinthian, Galatian, and Ro-
man churches, then, constitute a group by them-
selves. As regards their sequence, they are so closely
related that no arrangement can be conclusive. But
the logical internal arrangement seems to be (1) The
Corinthian letters, (2) Galatians, (3) Romans. And
so long as no solid external argument can be brought
against it, this may be accepted as a good working
hypothesis. The group differs widely from I Thes-
salonians. Paul, as a prince of missionaries, gave
his whole attention to the work in hand. In the
Thessalonian letters he was in quickening contact
with heathenism. In the quadrilateral he is at close
quarters with Judaizing Christianity, fighting for
his life and honor. So the mental situation is fun-
damentally different; and the apostle's thought
changes accordingly.
I Corinthians was written near the end of Paul's
stay in Ephesus, and was occasioned by party di-
visions in the Corinthian church. The congregation
had grown rapidly. At the same time it was close
to a large colony of Jews (Acts xviii.) who were in
constant connection with Jerusalem.
'thl&ne " ^^^ were all the elements of trouble.
As to the number of parties that ajv
peared in the congregation, whether three or four,
the discussion still continues. The writer of this
article believes that there were four, and that the
'* Christian party " was made up of those who
banked upon the connection with the mother-church
8. H Oorin-
thians.
of Christendom, the congregation of Jerusalem.
They appealed to that visible and tactual genealogy
of religious ideas which is so potent with the aver-
age man, and also seem to have made much of
eschatologic visions and of the glossolalia (see
Speaking with Tongues), two related phenomena
that were characteristic of Jerusalemitic Quistian-
ity. I Corinthians is not so much a letter as epis-
tolary jottings. Various questions of morals and
discipline are taken up, without regard to their con-
nection with each other. None the less, the letter
has a real imity of its own, a deep emotional unity
underlying its fragmentary details. The theme oi
chaps, i.-iv. is the imity of the local congregation.
That theme returns in chaps, viii.-z., connecting
itself with the discussion of the Lord's Supper in xi.
17-34; and in chaps, xii.-xv., the discussion of the
charismata, it gets complete control of the writer's
mind. It is to be noted that in xiii. 13 the trilogy
assumes its second and final shape — ^faith, hope,
love. The reason is that the supreme task of the
new religion is now clearly in view. It developed
the average man to the limit of his spiritual and
moral powers but kept him within the congregation,
made him an individual free from individualism.
II Corinthians was written from Macedonia.
Paul had planned to go direct from Ephesus to Cor-
inth. He had changed his mind, and his detractors
at Corinth took this, as they took all
his actions, in the most ungenerous
way. Paul, they said, was a variable
person (i. 15-18), not a man of his word. The way
in which Paul works out his defense (i. 1^23) rep-
resents the rich body of Christology in the episUe.
It is a pastor's theology, intimate with specific needs
and concrete situations. Perhaps more clearly than
any other letter, this illustrates the apostle's habit
of mind. It has been strongly urged that it is really
two distinct letters stitched together by the Pauline
editor, chaps, x.-xiii. constituting a letter by them-
selves (" four-chapter letter "). A good deal can
be said for this thesis. It is difficult to keep from
feeling the abrupt change from the self-possession
and the joy of chape, i.-ix. to the intense personal
passion and mental strain of the chapters in ques-
tion. But it is, perhaps, an excessive capitalization
of this certainty to cut the four chapters out, for
Paul did not cast his letters at one pouring (cf.
the two letters constituting Philippians). Yet these
four chapters are a distinct literary unit, so close to
Galatians in emotional color that the student of in-
troduction may well study them together. In the
body of II Corinthians the divexgence of Christian-
ity from Mosaism is the main question. In these
chapters that issue becomes identified with Paul's
person. Opening with the characteristic " I my-
self " (cf. Rom. vii, 25) and possibly with the
" C])hrist party " in plain view, the apostle, with noble
shame, brags his opponents down, seeking to silence
these ^' make-believe apostles ** (xi. 13), the arro-
gant Judaizing Christians from Jerusalem.
The Galatian letter may have been written either
from Macedonia or Achaia. In any case, it is dose
to II Ck)rinthians x.-xiii. in thought and emotion.
Paul received from members of his spiritual
household news of a serious crisis among the
RELIGIOXIS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Paol tha ApoltU
4. Otla..
churches of South Galatin; they were backaliding
into Jewiah Christianity (i. G). The native relig-
1 of that region delighted in sen'
sational rituaJ (Cyhele, the Great
Mother, etc.)- Paul had won hia con-
rertd by the contagion of an irreaistible personality
(iv. 15) rather than through the formation of soUd
conviction in their mindx. Hin splendid idcnlism
wan beyond them. Now came Judaizing Chris-
tianity, with ita rigid ritualism and iia doctrine
o( tactual apostolic auceeasion. It was near enough
to thai land to find them at home, yet sufEciently
above their level to impress them. Hence the
crias. The Judaisera declared that Paul waa
a. second-hand authority, deriving all that waa
good in hia views from the originul apostles (i. I,
ii. ft-7). They seem to have gone further than
the Judaiiere at Corinth (v, 2-12) and to have
insisted on the neccsaity of circumcision. Paul's
defense included three elements: (1) By care-
ful biographical chronology (i. 15-ii. 1) he proves
his independence of the original apoatles; (2) bis
carriage in the apostolic council and in the contro-
versy at Antioch manifested tuH ability t« withstand
the " original apostles " to their face; (3) the con-
version of his followers lo Judaiting Christianity is
in truth a perversion. Judaism with its law ia not
the final reUgion. Its leviljcal institutes are out-
grown rudiments of religion (iv. 0), The true func-
tion of the law is not to rival Christianity, but like
a loyal household servant (iii. 24-25} to guide men
to Christ, who has established a splendid religious
and social unity {ill. 28) that recognizes no differ-
ence between Jew and Hellene, between free man
and slave, between male and female.
The Roman letter is the logical climax of the
quadrilateral, the most niaasive and coherent of the
epistles. This fact is explained by the apoatle'a
mood at the time of writing. He wrote from Achaia
at the end of the second tour. He had carrieci
through the first part of his magnificent missionary
5 BAm&n pl'U' (Kof- 3tv. 19). Ix>oking through
■ and beyond Rome his imagination
takes fire at the thought of attacking the western
part ot the empire (Sptun, etc.). He is going up to
Jerusalem, knowing that the possibility of serious
peril awaits him there. But he carries in his hand
the great offertory collected by hie churches in Gala-
tia, Macedonia, and Achaia (I Cor. xvi. 1 8[[i|.;
n Cor. ix.; Rom. xv. 28-27). The letter expresses
his sympathy for the Christians at Jerusalem. He
also had great hope that it might prove a peace-
offering. The opposition in his own field has been
for the time being put down. Writing to Rome, the
imperial city, the supreme missionaiy opportunity
(i. 13), and standing on the ground mode good in
the Corinthian and Oalatian letters, he clears his
mind. Down to a, recent date the genuineness of
Romans passed as certain and final in all schools of
criticism, Baur and the Tilbingen school valued it
as a stronghold of apostolic feeling and verity. But
the group of scholars constituting the so-called
" Dutch school " have boldly assailed this appar-
ently impregnable position. A conaderable part of
the w^hl of their attack is drawn from the alleged
lack of unity in the letter (cf. Van Manen on Ro-
mans, EB, iv. 4127^6). But their treatment of the
epistle suggests that Uterary analysis and literary
combination, modelled after the established stand-
ards of Old-Testament criticism, have outgrown pa^
tient and deep exegesis. The letter has a truly
massive unity. In the salutation (i. 1-7) the apos-
tle asserts lus right to the fiJI apostolate- It is
grounded in the creative call of God. In i. 14 he
claims the entire Gentile world as hia province.
The Gospel has power to bestow divine righteous-
ness, final religious staniUng, and perfect charac-
ter on Jew and Gentile alike (I. 10-17). Both Jew
and Gentile, apart from the Gospel, are totally mi-
able to attain the divine ideal of personal and social
righteousness. As for the Jew. the glory of his life
under the law is that it brings him to deeper self-
knowledge, to clearer consciousness of sin than the
Gentile has been capable of (i. 18-iii. 20). God has
set up in history the person and death of Christ as
the atoning-place where man enters into the real
and full presence of the divine. Through sheer
mercy and grace, independent of inherited or ac-
quired merit, God gives final staiiding to conscious-
ness. So is human pride barred out and human
unity made possible (iii. 21','3fl). Abraham's life is
the classic life of the spirit. As a spiritual adven-
turer he made no fortune. He made his fortune aa
God's friend, building a perfect trust on that crea-
tive word and power of God which, even while Paul
writes, is taking social and religious nothings (iv.
17), and building them into divine society (iv.).
The ground of religious certitude can be found no-
where save in God's mercy and Christ's work (v.).
The Antinomian is put to flight. The Pauline Gos-
pel does not give rein to desire and lust, but reveals
the power of the creative divine spirit to break the
power of lust and desire (vi.-vii.). The confidence
of the redeemed comes next. Fear is overcome. The
holy and creative spirit lifts the human spirit to
God. The divine choice takes the soul out of the
world into the fellowship of the Savior (viii,). From
the peon of redemption the apostle passes to the
puin of contemplating his nation's unbelief. But in
the end Israel shall be converted. The supreme
mystery, the unity of Jew and Gentile, the imity
of humanity, will express and realise the unity of
God (ix.-xi.). The ethics of Paulinism then emerges.
The imity of the local congregation is the supreme
aim. Moral maxims, in oppearance loosely stnmg
together, find here a deep emotional connection.
The mystery ot human uiuty must be embodied in
the local congregation (xii.-xv.).
But while the genuineness of Romans is very
strongly attested, there are weighty reasons for
thinidng that the letter in ita present form is
not a self-consistent unity. The letter ends
with a doxology, in itself a fact that excites
suspicion. The suspicion is strength-
6. TTnlty of ened when it appears that the
KomanB. doxology is placed by some manu-
scripts at the end of chap. xiv. Beng-
el's explanation, that the makers of the Greek
lectionary put the doxology here because xv.-xvi.
was not good toaterial for public reading, does not
satisfy. The suspicion arises that some accident
befell the latter part of the epistle, analogous to the
Paul the Apostle
410
misfortune that befell the ending of the second Gos-
pel. The doxology has the internal marks of a
genuine Pauline fragment, possibly used by Paul in
preaching, kept in the memory of some hearer, and
incorporated by the editor into a disordered text.
The Phoebe letter in chap. xvi. also presents grave
difficulties. It is filled with intimate greetings.
Priscilla and Aquila have been appealed to, their
knowledge of the Roman congregation being put in
evidence. But friendships as intimate as these can
not be borrowed nor imported. How then came so
many of Paul's intimate friends to be in Rome?
Renan's hypothesis that there is here a fragment of
a letter to Ephesus makes too laige a forced loan.
The likeliest supposition is that the Phoebe letter
is a separate literary imit. It was probably written
by Paul after his release from the first imprison-
ment (see 4, S 1, below). The Pauline editor, as-
sembling his materials, incorporated this along with
the doxology. There is no solid reason for doubting
the Roman address of the letter. The documentary
evidence for the omission of " in Rome " in i. 7 is
not considerable. That fact in itself may not be
completely decisive. The history of the New Tes-
tament text is inseparable from the history of the
Church. When once the great congregation of
Rome had appropriated the letter, any other ad-
dress would have slight chance to survive. But the
variant is not hard to explain. Other churches soon
appropriated the letter, and some copies of it, with
the Roman address omitted, might easily have got
into circulation; xv. 28 can not be applied to any
church but Rome: nor can i. 8-14, without strain,
be applied to any other situation.
The most significant turn in the study of the Pau-
line epistles since Baur's day is indicated by the
group of scholars somewhat loosely called the Dutch
school. Baur and the Tubingen school left the
quadrilateral standing, apparently im-
7. Orltiolsm pregnable and unassailable. But these
by Dutch scholars make the assault with vigor
Sohool. and conviction (cf. especially Van
Manen, in EBj s.v. Paul and Romans).
These scholars do not snatch their conclusions out
of the air. They seem to build on good foimda-
tions. From the Old Testament they borrow the
fixed conclusions that the Moses of history and the
Moses of Mosaism are far apart; and that the Isaiah
of the canon is a mind widely removed from Isaiah
of Jerusalem. Coming nearer home, they use the
fact that the '' John " of the Johannine writings
may be a mind widely removed from the " John "
of Ephesus — whoever he was. They come still nearer
with the conclusion, accepted as a critical certainty
by a large body of scholars, that the Colossian and
Ephesian letters are Paulinist, but not Pauline. They
capitalize the rising value of Acts, enhancing the
value of the Paul of Acts and depreciating the Paul
of the epistles. A letter accepted by all schools as
Pauline now goes the way of Colossians and Ephe-
sians. But the Old-Testsiment standards of analy-
sis must be cautiously used. In the quadrilateral
we are not dealing with a code of law and a body of
sacred history and legend, shaped by the spiritual
and social pressure of centiuies. Between the
" Moses " of the Pentateuch and the " Paul " of
these letters there is an fmmflnsB difference.
" Isaiah " is a body of oracles, diverse in historical
setting and in Uterary style. These four letters are
real letters. They fit closely into that supreme re-
ligious crisis called the founding of the Catholic
Church. Moreover, the Apostolic Fathers ocmdu-
sively narrow the field of time within which that
crisis was passed through. Even the *' John " of
the Johannine writings is not a close parallel. These
four letters are intensely, almost extravagantly, per-
sonal. The style abounds in egoisms (" my Gos-
pel " — Rom. ii. 16, xvi. 25; habit of taking the
oath, Rom. i. 9; I Cor. i. 23; " I myself "—II Cor.
X. 1, xii. 13; Rom. vii. 25, ix. 3, xv. 14). The writer
has passed through imique personal experiences
(I Cor. ix. 15, XV. 8 sqq.; II Cor. xi.-xii.; GJal. vi.
17; Rom. ix. 1 sqq., etc.). Making full allowance
for the Paulinism of the editors, no coiu^e of edi-
ting can account for such intensely hiunan docu-
ments.
4. Third Ghronp ; Prison Bpistlea: If Philippians,
Colossians, and Ephesians belong to Paul, they con-
stitute another distinct group, and record the final
period in a mental development of remarkable sym-
metry. I Thessalonians records the apostle's state
of mind when he was in quickening contact with the
Gentiles and before the Judaizing movement drove
him to deeper thinking. The quadrilateral records
his thinking in defense of the proposition that Jew
and Gentile are equal before God. And the letters
written during his imprisonment carry his mind
forward into conflict with Gnosticism, a view of
€rod and man that dissipated the divine unity and
emptied history of its meaning.
If Paul wrote the three letters, it seems probable
that all of them were written from Rome. As in
the quadrilateral, a decisive argument concerning
1 Phili ^^ sequence of the letters is impossi-
piana. ^^®* Scholars of note (e.g., Weiss) place
Colossians and Ephesians at Cae^irea,
Philippians at Rome. But, on the whole, the in-
ternal argument carries all three to Rome. Philip-
pians almost beyond question belongs there. If it
was written after Colossians and Ephesians, it is
difficult to understand why it fails to show any
trace of the terminology peculiar to them. It is
better to suppose that Philippians is midway be-
tween the quadrilateral and Colossian^-Ephesians.
In Lightfoot's happy phrase, it is the spent wave
of the debate wiUi Judaizing Christianity. The
Philippian letter, cashiered by Baur, has fought its
way back to wide-spread critical recognition. It is
the most intimate of all the Pauline letters. Pos-
sibly the reason is f oimd in the fact that the church
at Philippi never gave the apostle a moment's anx-
iety. There were no Jews tiiere worth mentioning
(Acts xvi. 13, no synagogue). The Judaizing move-
ment never gained a foothold. The relation of the
congregation to Paul was so deeply affectionate that
he broke his rule of self-support (iv. 15-16) and
permitted them to minister to his needs. This in-
timate relationship with his readers may explain the
free air of the letter. The apostle seems to have
nothing on his mind. At Rome Jewish Christians
(i. 15-16) are making trouble. In the second part
of the letter (iii. 2-9) he takes the reasons for pride
Paul tb« ApoatU
in bis own Jewiah inheritance and caats them away.
But be has no doctrinal burden on his mind. So
the letter is self- revealing to a high degree. The
foundation of thought is laid bare. The supreme
concern (aa in I and II Cor. and Rom. xii.-xv.) is
the unity of the local congregation. Paul 6nds the
root of this unity In the incarnation. Developing
a thought struck out in II Corinthians viii. 9, he
cleora the ground for Cliriatian polity (i, 27-ii. 1 1).
The capacity for service wliich is the distinguishing
mark of Christian fellowship bos its base in the self-
emptying devotion of the Son of Goif.
The Colossian and Ephesian epistles are so closely
related in thought and language that they pmc-
ticaily constitute a single letter in two editions. If
Paul wrote them, it must be supposed
S. The Paul- that, having written Colossians, some
Ine Style, time later be cleared his mind by wri-
ting Ephesiaos. If Paul did not writo
tbem, then a distinguished though unknown Paulin-
ist wrote them both. The history of critical opin-
ion forcibly suggests that Colossiiuis stands on a dif-
ferent footing from Epheslans. Rejected by Baur
and his school, it has so far recovered its standing
that its poBsesaion of a genuine Pauline nucleus is
widely recognized. In that case it must be sup-
poeed that Paul's unknown disciple, having incor-
porated the Pftuhne nucleus into the Colossian let-
ter, proceeded to clarify bis mind and systematize
his thinking in Epheaians. The student, before be
seeks a stable opinion on this difficult question,
must discuss the values to be assigned to various
kinds of evidence. Beyond doubt, the large num-
ber of hapax Ugomena (i.e., expressions not found
elsewhere) in these letters is a real difficulty. The
conservative appeal to Paul's versatility has been
overworked. But it is equally certain that the nega-
tive argument from the hapax Ugomena has been
emphasized (e.g., Holiroonn) to the neglect of a
weighty argument from the structure of the sen-
tence. Of the two constituent elements of language,
the lexical and the structural, the latter is the more
enduring and the more significant. This holds true
at large; in less degree, it holds true of individuals.
When once a mind of any magnitude has shaped its
unit of thinking — the sentence — that sentence in
its structure and internal relationships is a far more
characteristic thing than single words. Now, while
Paul's sensiUveness to new themes and the resulting
openness to new terms has been overstreased, there
is some truth in it. And it has real evidential value
when it is joined to a more solid consideration, the
fundamental quality of Paul's style. Characteristic
sentences differ according to the degree and the
manner in which they utilise and display the power
of mental suspense. Paul bad the power of mental
suspense in large measure. This is proved by his
development of the epistolary salutation into a doc-
trinal summary (Gal. i. 1-5; Rom. i. 1-7). But
he bad not been deeply schooled in Greek, and did
not know enough literary Greek to become self-con-
BoiouB or afraid. At times, he used Greek most
nobly (e.g., I Cor. xiii.). But his characteristic sen-
tence is not literary Greek. He piles perception on
perception and clause on clause until not infre-
quently the sentence almost breaks down under its
own weight. When this test is applied to the Coloe-
aian-Epheeian letters, they show up strongly. ColoB-
sians abounds Id Pauline sentences (i. 3-7, 9-21,
24-29, elf.). Ephesiana, under this aspect, is, if
anything, even more Pauline (i. 3-14, 15-21, 11. 14-
17, iii. 1-7, etc.). In fact, the style of this letter in
some places appears to be almost beyond question
the style of a Paul who is beginning to be victimized
by his own habits of expression. It is hardly likely
that there were two men in the first century who
could write the sentence contained in Eph. i. 3-14.
To this must be added the evidential value of un-
conscious feeling. The apostle had a deep sense of
the richness and frealmeaa and nmny-sidedness of
divine grace. It reveals itself in single terms like
" riches " and ita cognates (Rom. ii, 4, ix. 2.3, xi. 33;
I Cor. i. 6, viii. 2, 9. etc.); in an iilmost riotous use
of compound words; in statements eicpressing the
newness of the redeemed man's experience (II Cor.
V, 17; Gal. vi. 15, et«.). Seen from this angle, Ephe-
sians Is peculiarly Pauline (i. 7, 18, ii. 7, iii. 8, 16).
The consciousness of revelation is deep and fervent,
running clear through the letter. Of course, the
supposed Pauliniat would have caught something of
Paul's feeling as well as hia style. But the counter-
weight is found in two facta: (1) The pseudepigra-
phist was BureUi have something heavy on his mind;
he would be doctrinaire. (2) His standard of imi-
tation was low. The Christian public was largely un-
educated. II Peter is a convincing example of the
easy way in which the pseudepigraphisl carried him-
self. The writer lakes no pains to imitate the feel-
ing of I Peter. He argues, in a doctrinaire way, for
the parousia (see &bUiBNNnru, Millenari&nism),
though the rich feeling for it is lacking; moreover,
at a critical point, the catalogue of virtue (i. 5-7),
bo betrays himself,— the master-word " hope''
does not appear.
ColoBsians, if ita entangling alliance with Ephe-
eians did not handicap it, could defend Itself fairly
well, were it not for one thing. The writer evidently
form of Gnosticism before hia
___^__ mind's eye, and it is widely supposed
that this fact by Itself takes the letter,
in its present text, out of Paul's hand. This ia the
objection urged against the Paulinity of Colos-
siana. Indeed, the difficulty due to the hapax
UgoTTiena and that due to the mental presence of
Gnosticism are not two difficulties but one. Grant
the possibility of Gnosticism, then tlie terms to de-
scribe it enter as a matter of course. There are
strong reasons for the conservative position. (I)
The empire was in the throes of a wide-spread re-
ligious movement, and during the last half of the
first century Asia Minor was its moat important
strategic point. (2) Gnosticism was in full bloom
in the reign of Hadrian. Basibdea shaped a specu-
lative system of great power and appeal. Histor-
ical probability requires a considerable period for a
religious movement to ripen up to such a man,
(3) The beginnings of schismatic mysticism are
within the ken of the quadrilateral (I Cor. viii. 1-
10; Rom. xiv.). Van Manen {EB, a.v. Romans,
S 17) uses this fact to cast suspicion on Romans.
That path, however, is cloaed to the great majority
of those who reject the Pauline authorship (^
8. Coloa-
Paul the ▲postle
THB NEW SCHAFF-HERZCXJ
418
Colossiaiis-Ephesianfl. (4) The first period of
Gnosticism was Jewish Christian. Cerinthus, a
systematic docetist, appeared as early as the last
decade of the first century. When it is considered
that Gnosticism was a practical religious view be-
fore it became a speculative system, it does not seem
an excessive strain on historical evolution to find
its beginnings twenty-five years after Paul had
preached his first sermon to the Gentiles. Chris-
tianity, superbly inspirational and organizing, had
great precipitating power. Besides, the Pauline
churches, outposts of Christ in a vast heathen
world, were wide open to danger from Jewish-
Christian mysticism. And Paul, a bom pastor and
church-builder, had a keen scent for danger.
Colossians, if it stood alone, could take care of
itself. It is on Ephesians, therefore, that the bur-
den of the defense falls. Here the main battle must
be fought. The difficulties are serious. The letter,
if Paul wrote it, can not have been ad-
J^^^, dressed to the Ephesians. But this
does not explain the almost completely
impersonal character of a letter coming from a man
so ebulliently personal as Paul. It is almost en-
tirely doctrinal and systematic. ** Holy apostles '*
in iii. 3 has a strong second-century sound. To
ascribe knowledge regarding the great mystery of
human unity to " all the apostles " is un-Pauline,
by the quadrilateral test-stone. Yet there are strong
groimds for beUef in the epistle's genuineness. The
Pauline type of sentence abounds (i. 3-14, 15-23,
iii. 1-7, 14-19, iv. 11-16, etc.). The epistle is flushed
fuU of prophetic feeling and consciousness. The
conception of the Church is not ecclesiastical (con-
trast I Timothy and Ignatius), but intensely pro-
phetic. Moreover, it is inherently related to the
Paliline doctrine of election (cf. Rom. viii. 28-30)
and the conception of the Church as the body of
Christ (I Cor. xii., xiv.; Rom. xiii.). The view of
the ministry (iv. 11-16) is prophetic and pastoral
(contrast I Timothy). The letter thrills with the
sense of the supreme mystery, the imity of Jew
and Gentile (ii. 11-iii. 13; cf. Rom. xi. 25-36).
History does not duplicate great experiences. The
quadrilateral vein crops out in a natural way (ii.
1-10), quite unlike the pseudepigraphist. The
body of the letter, if taken outside the heroic period
of the Apostolic Age, creates difficulties more seri-
ous than those now besetting it. Finally, the fact
that the mental movement from I Thessalonians to
E}phesians presents a mental autobiography as con-
tinuous and imique as the body of Aristotle's think-
ing starts a presimiption in favor of Ephesians.
The final judgment seems likely to be a compromise.
Ephesians is a Pauline letter more or less colored
by later feeling.
The little letter to Philemon might well have
hoped to escape suspicion, so human is it, so simple
and charming. Yet scholars of deserved repute take
it to be a Paulinizing allegory. Surely the allegorist
who could do this thing so subtly was a master.
The mystic who, by deep thinking, has reduced the
things that do appear to a diaphanous veil of things
that are, would be apt to have a good deal to say.
Would he say it in this simple fashion and with such
praiseworthy brevity? May it not be questioned
whether, if this letter had not had the critical
misfortune to find itself within the sacred canon,
any such charge would ever have been brought
against it?
6. The Pastorial Epistles: The question whether
the apostle was released from imprisonment presses
the conclusion that knowledge of the Apostolic Age
1 Th H^ ^ scanty and full of gaps. But the be-
lease from ^®^ ^ * second imprisonment is gain-
Prison. ^ ground. And if full allowance is
made for the nature of the evidence, it
seems to yield a favoring probability. The Pastoral
Epistles contain at least a nucleus of genuine Pau-
line material which it is difficult to place within the
frame of the apostle's life as Acts records it. The
long- vexed phrase in I Clement v (" the boimds of
the west '' to which the apostle came), taken in its
context, must be overcharged with rhetoric, if it is
to mean Rome, rather than Spain. The Phosbe
letter, unquestionably Pauline, demands a situation
lying beyond the bounds of Acts. The Phodbe letter
(Rom. xvi. 1-16) was written from Corinth or
Cenchrea, its eastern seaport. It is a document of
high value. The apostle's genius for friendship, for
deep and many-sided intimacies, shines out in it.
It also throws a bright light upon the social stra-
tum from which Christianity in Rome made its most
numerous recruits (I Cor. i. 26). A large majority
of those addressed were slaves or f reedmen belong-
ing to the immense aristocratic establishments of
imperial Rome.
The Pastoral Epistles, since the beginning of
critical study, have steadily lost ground. The best
2 I Tim ^^^ some fairly conservative scholars
othv. " ^^*^ ^y ^^^ them to-day is that the
case against them is not closed. The
difficulties besetting I Timothy appear to be in-
superable. The fixed order of thought in Paul's
letter- writing b broken (i. 3). The apostle, because
of his splendid belief in the capacity of man for God
and his delight in spiritual beginnings, was wont to
go forward from the salutation to praise of his read-
ers and thanksgiving (e.g., I These, i. 2 sqq. ; Rom.
i. 8 sqq.). The one exception is Galatians; but the
reason for this exception is found in Paul's attitude
toward the Galatians at the time of writing. In
I Timothy no such reason exists. Timothy ivas the
most intimate member of his spiritual household.
Yet the letter plunges straight into business. Jcnned
to this is the fact that the personal element is a
colorless minimum. Timothy himself is hardly
more than a homiletic personification (vi. 11-21) to
which is addressed an ordination sermon. In i. 3
is what looks like a distinct reference to II Corin-
thians i. 15-17, and ii. 12-13. If I Timothy is gen-
uine, it places itself in the time and mood of the
quadrilateral and so becomes a psychological im-
possibility. Or else in its behalf there must be as-
siuned a later joiuney from Ephesus into Mace-
donia exactly parallel. It is true that the Phoebe
letter and the reference in the letter to Titus (iii.
12) to Nioopolis (probably in Epirus) make this
possible. But in the face of other considerable
possibilities no right exists to capitalise this pos-
sibility. The letter is full of intention; there is no
hint of the casual Herein it raaembleB Galatians
Paul tha ApoMla
and Ephedans. But this parallel becomes di&os-
Iroua. For, while Gulatiaiis and Bphesians thrill
xtith prophetic feeling, I Timothy ia wholly institu-
tional, disciphoaiy, and craedal. The coticeptioa ot
the Church differs from that in Ephegiana (ill. 15;
contrast Eph. i. 22-23). The offices and the func-
tions of the Church (bishops, deacoiia, widows) are
distinct. The episcopate haa clearly emerged from
Ihe corporate presbyterate. The creed (iii. 16) ia
forming. In this connection it is to be noted tjiat
the word " mystery " is beginning to take a new
turn (iii. 9, 10). Caution, however, la necessary
against the bias of the higlily subjective individual-
ism of our time. The creedol element in faith was
easy for St. Paul to reach. Yet between Ephesiana
and I Timothy there is a gulf in feeling. And along
with this goes the tact tha.t the letter abounds ia
expressions (" It ia a credible saying "; " health-
giving teacliing "; "contrary leaching") which
are not found in the letters of the first three groups.
Tlie difficulty ia more serious than the difficulty
created by hapax legomena, in which fixed formulas
enter. The cumulative effect of these difficulties ia
an almost irreBistibIc impression ot ungenuinenesa.
The letter seems to have been written by a Paulin-
ist contending with Jewish-C'hristian heretics, pos-
sibly about the end at the century.
II Timothy is in much better case. At nearly
every point where I Timothy fails to meet the test,
II Timothy succeeds. It follows the Paulino order
of thought (i. 3). The pergonal element is fre«h
„ _ _, and varied. Timothy is a real hidi-
othy Tltn» ^'i'^"'^ I'- 3~6) with flcsh-and-blood
kinsfolk. The writer abounds hi ex-
pressions reveahng the inner life of the apostle (I.
11-18, ii. lIKir, iv. 6-8). In iv. 9-21 is material
which can not have been invented. The institu-
tional element, compared with I Timothy, is a
minimum. The single reference (ii. 2) is general.
The thought of the quadrilateral crops out (i. 8-
!)) in a natural way. The feeling of the letter is
thoroughly Pauline. Pauline idioms abound (" my
gospel "; " I am not aahamed," i. 12; ef. Rom. i.
16). The mental idioma of Paul appear; tor ex-
ample, his use of the aoriat in describing the re-
demptive effects of the death of Christ (ii. II; ct.
Gal. vi. 14 and Rom. vi. 5-10}. Yet the fixed
formulas of I Timothy (" It is a credible saying,
etc.") pervade the epistle. The most probable con-
clusion is that II Timothy is a genuine Pauline let-
ter touched here and there by the Paulinizing edi-
tor. The epistle to Titus, like I Timothy, violates
the order of thought (i. 5 suggests the same hand
that wrote I Tim. i. 3). The two together may pos-
dbly indicate the beginnings of the conscious the-
ory of "Apostolic Succesuon"(q. v.; also see Sit cTEB-
BtoN, Apobtouc). The letter is inatitutional in its
aim. its material being practically identical, so far as
it goes, with I Timothy. It also lacks the pergonal
element. The author's way of handling the Cre-
tans (i. 12) does not seem hke Paul. To be sure,
this is alippeiy ground tor aigument. Yet the apos-
tle's regenerating faith in man, part and parcel of
tlie enthuaiBam which founded the CatboUc Church,
is misaine- What seems to be heard fs the voice of
a later generation, deeply aware of the inertia of
human nature, vexed with questions of discipline,
and substituting the schoolmaster for the prophet.
But iii. 12-14 looks like a genuine Pauline element.
Zahn has proved {EirdeituTig, I. 434-435) that the
Nicopolis here mentioned is in Epirus. There is no
ground for supposing that such a detail is due to
the historical novelist. Moreover, the salutation
(i. 1-4) is strikingly Pauline. May it not be sup-
posed that the fragments of a genuine letter were
used by the editor of II Timothy? And that the
same miler went on to write I Timothy with a
free hand?
It can not be said that all the problems con-
nected with the Pastorals have been finally settled.
This is not a favorable field for the dogmatic scholar
whether he be conservative or critical. The criti-
cism of the Pauline epistles haa some serious ques-
tions still unsolved. But if they are tested by no
other test than that to which the writings ot Plato
and Aristotle are subjected, the conclusionB may
be as certain here as there regarding the main point.
The sweeping negative treatment of the letters is
indeed a just historical nemesis on a canonizing
process that largely dehumanized them. But the
sane critic has no commission to execute poetic
justice or to illustrate in his own person the law of
recoil. There ia a solid body of genuine letters.
They give ua the aelf-revelation of one ot the su-
preme religious agents. It is a real autobiography,
all the more valuable because singularly free from
literary consciousness — a wonderfully sensitive and
expressive body of thought. Insepuruble from the
building ot the CuUiolic Church and cocitaining the
secret of ita life and growth, it is the moat fertile
portion of the Biblical field for those who would
understand the divine method in revelation.
Henht S. Nabh.
■a the Lif B and work of Paul
is oSerDd here. Sams of
church hiitory, particularly tbnse dBaliaf with the apos-
\a\ic asG. For Eaglub Tvadera the three atandAni warka
have looE been: W. J. Conybeare ajid J. S, Howsoq. Lon-
don. IS.'iZ and oFlaa; F. W. Farmr. 2 vals.. London, 1879;
T. Lswia, 2 vqIb.. Lnndoa, IStM. Olhor studies o[ the
lifo and worli of Paul are; K. Sohmder. 6 vols.. Leipajo,
183l>-»e; F. C. Baur. 2 vols., Leipaia. 1S06, Ea«. tranal..
London. 1B73-75: A. Hauarath, Hddelborg. 1872: J.
Stalker. Nsw York. ISS4: E. Reoan. Paris. ISeO, EaR.
Imoal., London, 1890; C. Fouard. Loadon, 189«; W. M.
Ramsay, SI. Paal. thi TravMer and (A> Bomnn Ciliim.
London. ISSIS: P. Soebocck. Paderbom. 1897; O, Cone.
Boston. 1898: G. H. Gilbert. Kew York, 1809: W. Lock,
London. ISSQ; R. Binl. ib. 1900: A. WhyM, Edinburgh.
1903:C. aemen, QiHuen. 1904: H. Weinel.TabiQcen. 1904.
Eng. tranal.. London. 1906; N. Heiio, Paulut der Votkir-
opai€ci naeh BibrI, acxhicUn umt Tradilian, Saliibiu«,
1B05; F. X. Pmlil. Reguuburg, 1905: DB. iii. 606-731;
EB. iii. 31(03-38,
Boaka on npeoial pbasa of Paul's Ufe, voTk. or ngniti-
oance arei J. Smith. The Vayae* and Shipurtck at St.
Paul, l/indon. ISSU; J. 8. Howson, CAomrlcr of 81. Paul.
ib. 1BS3; O. PReidsrar, Pauiinitm. 2 vols., ib. 1877: idem.
Injlutmti af Pavl on Ike Deidapment of CkriiHaiiUv. ib.
1885; a. Mathaun. Spiriiuat DevtUipmrnt of SI. Paul,
Loadoa. 1890: Van Manen. in ThT. 1890. ISOfl, 1900 l.d.
EipoMmi Tima. 1898. pp. 206-211, 257-259. 314-3111):
C. C, Everett, Oonwi of Paul. Edinburgh. 1S93; A. B.
Bruee. St, PaoTi Conetptum of CArufianilv. Edinbur^,
1894: A. Sabatler. L-ApMrt Paul. Ea^uitu d'«n> hi*-
loin it « ptnitt, Paiia, 1896; S. A. Aleiaader. Tht CAri*-
tianitv of Si. Paul, Landon. 1899: H. St. J. Tbaekeray,
Rtbilion of SI. Patil Ic Jacith Conltmpararv Vujuel'l, lb.
1900; W. E. Bail, St. Paul and Roman Law. Edinburgh,
Pftol the Apostle
414
1901; 8. Means, St. Paul and the AtUe-Nieens Chunh,
Loadon, 1003; B. W. Baoon, The Story of St. Paul: a
Comparieon of AcU and EjritiUa, Boston, 1904; W. Q.
Jordan, The PhUippian OoepeL; Pauline Ideals, New York,
1904; T. Nigeli. Der WortechaU dee Apoetele Paulue, QOt-
tingen, 1905 (on Paul and the development of the Greek
language, Paul and the Greek O. T. and Paul and the
epistles ascribed to him; the most important recent con-
tribution on Paul); D. Vdlter, Paulue und eeine Briefe,
Strasburg, 1905; S. Monteil, Eeeai eur la chrietologie de
8. Paul, Paris. 1906; W. P. Du Bose, The Gospel aeeordine
to St. Paul, New York, 1907; £. Moske. Die Bekehrunt
dee heil, Paulue. Eine exegetieeh-kritieehe UfUereuchung,
Monster, 1907; J. M. Campbell. Paul the Myetie, New
York, 1908; W. E. Chadwiok, Social Teaching of St. Paul,
London. 1906; idem, Paetoral Teaching of St, Paul, Edin-
buigh, 1908; G. Munsinger, Paulue in Korinth, Neue
Wege Mum Veratandnie dee Urchrieteniume, Heidelberg,
1908; F. Prat. La ThMogie de S. Paul, part i.. Paris,
1908; A. T. Robertson, Epochs in the Life of Paul: a
Study of Development in PauTs Career, New York, 1909;
C. E. Woods. The Ooepel of Rightneee. A Study in Pauline
Philosophy, London, 1909; A. B. D. Alexander. The Ethics
of St. Paul, Glasgow, 1910; J. Moffatt, Paul and Paulin-
ism, Boston, 1910.
II. Questions of criticism on the writings of Paul are,
of course, discussed in the works on Biblical introduction
— cf . the literature in and under that article, on the canon
(e.g.. Zahn's), and on early Christian literature (e.g., BLar-
naok's OeechichU). Consult further: G. G. Findlay. Epis-
tlee of Paul the Apostle, New York, 1893; P. Gloag, Intro-
duction to the Pauline Epistles, Edinbuigh, 1876; C. H.
Waller, Handbook to the Epistles of Paul, London, 1887;
M. Krenkel, BeitrOge sur Aufhdlung der Oesehichte und der
Briefe dee PauliAS, Brunswick, 1890; D. VOlter, Die Kom-
position der paulinistJien Hauptbriefe, part i., TQbingen,
1890; P. V. Schmidt, Der Oalaterbriefim Feuer der neuesten
Kritik, Leipsic, 1892; C. Qemen, Die Chronologic der
paidinischen Briefe, Halle, 1893; idem. Die Einheiilich-
keit der paulinischen Briefe, Gdttingen, 1894; F. J. A.
Hort, Prolegomena to . . , Romane and Ephesians, Lon-
don, 1895; H. Lisoo, Entstehung dee t. Korintherbriefes,
Berlin, 1896; R. D. Shaw, The Pauline Epietlee, Edin-
buigh, 1901; W. Kelly, ShoH Introduction to the Epietlee
of Paul, London, 1902; C. G. Baskerville, Side-LighU on
the Epistle to the Ephesians, London, 1903; J. D. James,
Oenuineneee and Authorship of the Pastoral Epietlee, Lon-
don, 1906; A. Stein mann. Die Abfaeeungezeit dee Oala-
terbriefes, MOnster. 1906; W.C. Van Usaien,Die Unechtheit
dee Romer-briefee, Leipsic, 1906; D. Round. The Date of St.
PauTe Epistle to the Oalatians, Cambridge, 1907; A. Stein-
mann, Der Leserkrcis dee Galaterbriefes, MOnster, 1908;
W. LQtgert, Freiheitapredigt und Schtoarmgeister in Ko-
rinth, GQteniloh, 1908; idem. Die Irrlehre der Paato-
ralbriefe, ib. 1909; R. Scott, The Pauline Epietlee; A
Critical Study, Edinburgh. 1909; A. Schlatter. Erl&it-
terungen turn Neuen Testament, vol. iii.. Die Briefe dee
Paulue, Stuttgart, 1909; H. B. Bnmibaugh, Onseimue
the Runaway Slave, Elgin. 111.. 1910.
Among commentaries are those which cover the whole
Bible or the New Testament, such as: Lange*s. Eng.
transl.. New York, 1869 sqq.; Meyer's. Eng. transl.. New
York. 1873 sqq. ; Cambridge Bible for Schoole, Cambridge.
1879 sqq.; B^le CommenUury, London. 1881; P. Schaff,
Popular Commentary, New York, 1882-83; Pulpit Com-
mentary, London and New York, 1883 sqq.; Cambridge
Greek Teetament, Cambridge, 1887 sqq.; Expositor's Bible,
London and New York, 1888 sqq.; Handkommentar zum
Neuen Testament, Freiburg, 1892-93; Kurzgefasster Kom-
mentar, Munich, 1893 sqq.; IntemationcU Critical Com-
mentary, Edinburgh and New York, 1895 sqq. (in prog-
ress) ; T. Zahn's Kommentar zum Neuen Testament, Leip-
sic, 1903 sqq.; add C. J. EUicott's Handy Commentary,
New York, 1880.
Commentaries on all or on groups of the Pauline epis-
tles: B. Jowett (on Romans, Galatians. and Thessaloni-
ans), best ed.. London. 1859; A. F. Manoury, 4 vols.,
Paris. 1878-81; K. Heydt, 2 vols.. Elberfeld, 1882; J. B.
Lightfoot, Colossians and Philemon, London, 1886; J. A.
Beet, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Philemon, Lon-
don, 1890; H. Oltramare (Romans. 2 vols.), Geneva, 1882,
(Colossians, Ephesians, Philemon, 3 vob.), Paris, 1891-
1892; J. Drummond, Epistles of Paul the Apostle, Boston,
1899; E. Haupt, Die Gefangenschaftsbriefe, Gdttingen.
1899; W. G. Moorfaead, OvtUne Studies in Romans, Cor-
inthians, Oalatians, and Ephesians, Cihicago, 1902; R. D.
Shaw, The Pauline Epistles, Edinbuigh. 1903; J. B. Light-
foot, Notes on Epistles of SL Paul, London, 1904; J. £.
Belser (on Timothy and Titus and Ephesians), Freibucg,
1907-06; W. G. Rutherford, St, PauCs Epietlee to the
ThessiUonians and to the CoruUhians, London, 1906.
On Romans: A. Tholuck, Berlin, 1856, Eng. tnnsl.,
Edinbuigh, 1848; R. Haldane, New York. 1870; W. S.
Flumer, London, 1871; T. Robinson, 2 vols., ib. 1871;
G. Volioner, Zurich, 1875; M. Stuart, Andover, 1876;
F. A. Philippi, Frankfort, 1866, Eng. transl.. 2 vols.. Edin-
buigh, 1878-79; W. G. T. Shedd, New York, 1879; F.
Godet, 2 vols., Paris, 1883-90, Eng. transL, of earlier ed.,
2 vols., 1880-^1; J. A. Beet, London. 1882; F. Moulinie,
Geneva, 1883; E. Boehmer. Bonn, 1886; C. Hodge, Phila-
delphia, 1886; C. J. Vaugfaan, London, 1690; H. B.
liddon, ib. 1893; W. Sanday and A. C. Heedlam, Edin-
burgh and New York. 1895; F. Spitta, Q6ttingen. 1901;
P. Peine, ib. 1903; H. Hoffmann, Leipnc, 1903; G. Stock-
hardt, St. Louis, 1907.
On Corinthians: J. E. Osiander, 2 vols., Stuttgart,
1847-58; A. Neander, Beriin, 1859; C. Hodge, 2 vols..
New York, 1860; A. Klfipper, Berlin, 1874; G. Heinrid.
2 vols., ib. 1880-^7; A. P. Stanley, London, 1682; J. A.
Beet, ib. 1885; T. C. Edwards, Edinbuigh, 1865; J. J.
lias, London, 1886 (on I Cor.); J. F. RAbiger, Braslau,
1886; E. P. Gk>uld, Philadelphia, 1888; C. J. Ellioott.
London, 1887 (on I Cor.); F. Godet, 2 vols., Paris, 1886-
1887. Eng. transl., 2 vols., Edmbuigh. 1886-67 (on I Cor.);
W. Kay. London, 1887; H. H. Henaon, Ib. 1696; H.
Oouard, Potsdam, 1901; A. Sch&fer, MOnster, 1903;
F. S. Gutjahr. Gras, 1907 (II Corinthians); G. H. Rendsll,
London, 1909; J. E. McFadyen, New York, 1909; A.
HacLaren, London, 1909; P. Bachmann, Leipsic, 1909
(II Corinthians).
On Galatians: J. B. Lightfoot, London. 1695; H. A.
Sehott, Leipsic, 1834; F. Windlschmann, Mains, 1843
(Roman Catholic); A. Hilgenfeld, Leipsic, 1652; C.
Wieseler, G5ttingen, 1859; G. B. Winer, Leipsic. 1659;
G. J. Gwynne, Dublin, 1663; G. W. Matthias, Casael
1865; J. Eadie, Glasgow, 1869; J. Venn, London, 1878;
J. A. Beet, ib. 1865; R. Steck, Berlin, 1886; G. B. Stevens,
Hartford, 1890; J. Drummond, London, 1693; W. M.
Ramsay, ib. 1699; E. S. Askwith, ib. 1809; V. Weber.
Freiburg, 1901; B. W. Baoon, London and New York,
1909; A. L. Williams, London, 1910; H. Lietsnann,
Tubingen, 1910.
On Ephesians: B. F. Westcott, Londoci, 1906; F. A.
HoUhausen. Hanover, 1833; R. Stier, Berlin, 1648; A.
Hariess, Eriangen, 1858; J. Eadie, Edinbun^ 1661; A.
Monod, Paris, 1867; C. Hodge, New York, 1883; E. Ernst,
Herbenthal, 1890; A. Kl5pper, GOttingen, 1691 ; R. W. Dale,
London. 1892; J. Macpheraon. Edinburgh, 1892; E. Kruken-
berg. GQtersloh. 1902; G. H. Whitaker, London. 1902;
J. A. Robinson, ib. 1903; E. F. Stroeter, London, 1909.
On Philippians: J. B. Lightfoot, London, 1895 (epochal);
A. Kldpper, 1893; A. Rilliet, Geneva. 1641; B. Weiss,
Berlin, 1859; W. Hoyt, New York. 1863; J. Eadie. Edin-
burgh, 1884; C. J. Vaughan, 1885: J. Hutchinson, Edin-
buigh, 1887; H. C. G. Moule, London, 1669; H. von
Soden, TQbingen, 1906; N. Bachmann, Z^ht in Dark
Placee; or. Lectures on . . . Philippians, Richmond, 1910.
On Colossians: J. B. Lightfoot, London, 1695; F. Bihr.
Basel. 1833; W. Bdhmer, Berlin. 1635; W. Steiger. Ei^
langen, 1835; E. T. Mayerhoff. Berlin, 1636; J. E. Hather.
Hamburg. 1641; F. Bleek. Beriin, 1665; A. KlApper, Ber-
lin, 1882; J. Eadie, Edinbuigh, 1664; J. Rutherford.
London. 1908.
On Thessalonians: E. Headland and H. B. Swete.
London, 1866; A. Koch. Berlin, 1849; J. Eadie, London.
1877; J. Hutchison, Edinbuigh, 1864; P. Schmidt, Ber-
lin, 1886 (on I. Thess.); A. K15pper. Kteigsbeig, 1869;
G. Wohlenberg, Leipsic, 1903; G. Milligan, London. 1908;
E. von DobschQts, new ed., (ji5ttingen, 1909.
On the pastoral epistles: K. Knoke. 2 vois^ G6ttiiigen«
1887-89; F. C. Baur, Stuttgart. 1835; O. & Matthies.
Greifswald. 1840; M. J. Mack, TQbingen. 1641; P. Fair-
baim, Edinburgh, 1874; G. Cuivier, Geneva, 1676; W.
Bahnsen, Leipsic, 1876 (II Tim.); H. J. Hcdtamann, Leip-
sic, 1880; H. Kdlling. Beriin. 1862 (J Tim.); £. Kroken-
beig. GQterrioh, 1901; J. P. Ulley, Edinlmigh. 1901;
B. Weiss. Gfittingen. 1902; A. Schlatter, Oahr. 1901;
A. Schumann, Leipeio, 1906 (PhileaiOQ).
Paul the Apostle