ought rather to be grateful to us for giving you the sufferings you
want. Well, it is quite true that it is our desire to suffer, but it is
in the way that the soldier longs for war. No one indeed suffers
willingly, since suffering necessarily implies fear and danger. Yet
the man who objected to the conflict, both fights with all his
strength, and when victorious, he rejoices in the battle, because he
reaps from it glory and spoil. It is our battle to be summoned to your
tribunals that there, under fear of execution, we may battle for the
truth. But the day is won when the object of the struggle is gained.
This victory of ours gives us the glory of pleasing God, and the spoil
of life eternal. But we are overcome. Yes, when we have obtained our
wishes. Therefore we conquer in dying; [151] we go forth victorious at
the very time we are subdued. Call us, if you like, Sarmenticii and
Semaxii, because, bound to a half-axle stake, we are burned in a
circle-heap of fagots. This is the attitude in which we conquer, it is
our victory-robe, it is for us a sort of triumphal car. Naturally
enough, therefore, we do not please the vanquished; on account of this,
indeed, we are counted a desperate, reckless race. But the very
desperation and recklessness you object to in us, among yourselves lift
high the standard of virtue in the cause of glory and of fame. Mucius
of his own will left his right hand on the altar: what sublimity of
mind! Empedocles gave his whole body at Catana to the fires of Ætna:
what mental resolution! A certain foundress of Carthage gave herself
away in second marriage to the funeral pile: what a noble witness of
her chastity! Regulus, not wishing that his one life should count for
the lives of many enemies, endured these crosses over all his frame:
how brave a man--even in captivity a conqueror! Anaxarchus, when he was
being beaten to death by a barley-pounder, cried out, "Beat on, beat on
at the case of Anaxarchus; no stroke falls on Anaxarchus himself." O
magnanimity of the philosopher, who even in such an end had jokes upon
his lips! I omit all reference to those who with their own sword, or
with any other milder form of death, have bargained for glory. Nay,
see how even torture contests are crowned by you. The Athenian
courtezan, having wearied out the executioner, at last bit off her
tongue and spat it in the face of the raging tyrant, that she might at
the same time spit away her power of speech, nor be longer able to
confess her fellow-conspirators, if even overcome, that might be her
inclination. Zeno the Eleatic, when he was asked by Dionysius what good
philosophy did, on answering that it gave contempt of death, was all
unquailing, given over to the tyrant's scourge, and sealed his opinion
even to the death. We all know how the Spartan lash, applied with the
utmost cruelty under the very eyes of friends encouraging, confers on
those who bear it honor proportionate to the blood which the young men
shed. O glory legitimate, because it is human, for whose sake it is
counted neither reckless foolhardiness, nor desperate obstinacy, to
despise death itself and all sorts of savage treatment; for whose sake
you may for your native place, for the empire, for friendship, endure
all you are forbidden to do for God! And you cast statues in honour of
persons such as these, and you put inscriptions upon images, and cut
out epitaphs on tombs, that their names may never perish. In so far you
can by your monuments, you yourselves afford a sort of resurrection to
the dead. Yet he who expects the true resurrection from God, is insane,
if for God he suffers! But go zealously on, good presidents, you will
stand higher with the people if you sacrifice the Christians at their
wish, kill us, torture us, condemn us, grind us to dust; your injustice
is the proof that we are innocent. Therefore God suffers that we thus
suffer; for but very lately, in condemning a Christian woman to the
leno rather than to the leo you made confession that a taint on our
purity is considered among us something more terrible than any
punishment and any death. [152] Nor does your cruelty, however
exquisite, avail you; it is rather a temptation to us. The oftener we
are mown down by you, the more in number we grow; the blood of
Christians is seed. [153] Many of your writers exhort to the courageous
bearing of pain and death, as Cicero in the Tusculans, as Seneca in his
Chances, as Diogenes, Pyrrhus, Callinicus; and yet their words do not
find so many disciples as Christians do, teachers not by words, but by
their deeds. That very obstinacy you rail against is the preceptress.
For who that contemplates it, is not excited to inquire what is at the
bottom of it? who, after inquiry, does not embrace our doctrines? and
when he has embraced them, desires not to suffer that he may become
partaker of the fulness of God's grace, that he may obtain from God
complete forgiveness, by giving in exchange his blood? For that secures
the remission of all offences. On this account it is that we return
thanks on the very spot for your sentences. As the divine and human are
ever opposed to each other, when we are condemned by you, we are
acquitted by the Highest.
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[151] [Vicimus cum occidimur.]
[152] [Elucidation XI.]
[153] [Elucidation XII.]
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Elucidations.
-----------------------I.
(Arrangement, p. 4, supra.)
The arrangement I have adopted in editing these Edinburgh Translations
of Tertullian is a practical one. It will be found logical and helpful
to the student, who is referred to the Prefatory pages of this volume
for an Elucidation of the difficulties, with which any arrangement of
these treatises is encumbered. For, first, an attempt to place them in
chronological order is out of the question; [154] and, second, all
efforts to separate precisely the Orthodox from the Montanistic or
Montanist works of our author have hitherto defied the acumen of
critics. It would be mere empiricism for me to attempt an original
classification in the face of questions which even experts have been
unable to determine.
If we bear in mind, however, a few guiding facts, we shall see that
difficulties are less than might appear, assuming our object to be a
practical one. (1.) Only four of these essays were written against
Orthodoxy; (2.) five more are reckoned as wholly uncertain, which
amounts to saying that they are not positively heretical. (3.) Again,
five are colourless, as to Montanism, and hence should be reputed
Orthodox. (4.) Of others, written after the influences of Montanism
had, more or less, tainted his doctrine, the whole are yet valuable and
some are noble defences of the Catholic Faith. (5.) Finally eight or
ten of his treatises were written while he was a Catholic, and are
precious contributions to the testimony of the Primitive Church.
From these facts, we may readily conclude that the mass of Tertullian's
writings is Orthodox. Some of them are to be read with caution;
others, again, must be rejected for their heresy; but yet all are most
instructive historically, and as defining even by errors "the faith
once delivered to the Saints." I propose to note those which require
caution as we pass them in review. Those written against the Church are
classed by themselves, at the end of the list, and all the rest may be
read with confidence. A most interesting inquiry arises in connection
with the quotations from Scripture to be found in our author. Did a
Latin version exist in his day, or does he translate from the Greek of
the New Testament and the LXX? A paradoxical writer (Semler) contends
that Tertullian "never used a Greek ms." (see Kaye, p. 106.) But
Tertullian's rugged Latin betrays everywhere his familiarity with Greek
idioms and forms of thought. He wrote, also, in Greek, and there is no
reason to doubt that he knew the Greek Scriptures primarily, if he knew
any Greek whatever. Possibly we owe to Tertullian the primordia of the
Old African Latin Versions, some of which seem to have contained the
disputed text 1 John v. 7; of which more when we come to the Praxeas.
For the present in the absence of definite evidence we must infer that
Tertullian usually translated from the LXX, and from the originals of
the New Testament. But Mosheim thinks the progress of the Gospel in the
West was now facilitated by the existence of Latin Versions. Observe,
also, Kaye's important note, p. 293, and his reference to Lardner,
Cred. xxvii. 19.
II.
(Address to Magistrates, cap. i., p. 17.)
The Apology comes first in order, on logical grounds. It is classed
with our author's orthodox works by Neander, and pronounced colourless
by Kaye. It is the noblest of his productions in its purpose and
spirit, and it falls in with the Primitive System of Apologetics. I
have placed next in order to it several treatises, mostly unblemished,
which are of the same character; which defend the cause of Christians
against Paganism, against Gentile Philosophy, and against Judaism;
closing this portion by the two books Ad Nationes, which may be
regarded as a recapitulation of the author's arguments, especially
those to be found in the Apology. In these successive works, as
compared with those of Justin Martyr, we obtain a fair view of the
progressive relations of the Church with the Roman Empire and with
divers antagonistic systems in the East and West.
III.
(History of Christians, cap. ii., p. 18.)
The following Chronological outline borrowed from the Benedictines and
from Bishop Kaye, will prove serviceable here. [155]
Tertullian born (circa) a.d. 150.
Tertullian converted (surmise) 185.
Tertullian married (say) 186.
Tertullian ordained presbyter (circa) 192.
Tertullian lapsed (circa) 200.
Tertullian deceased (extreme surmise) 240.
The Imperial history of his period may be thus arranged:
Birth of Caracalla a.d. 188.
Birth of Geta 189.
Reign of Severus 193.
Defeat of Niger 195.
Caracalla made a Cæsar 196.
Capture of Byzantium 196.
Defeat of Albinus 197.
Geta made a Cæsar 198.
Caracalla called Augustus 198.
Caracalla associated in the Empire 198.
War against the Parthians 198.
Severus returns from the war 203.
Celebration of the Secular Games 204.
Plautianus put to death (circa) 205.
Geta called Augustus 208.
War in Britain 208.
Wall of Severus 210.
Death of Severus 211.
IV.
(Tiberius, capp. v. and xxiv., pp. 22 and 35.)
A fair examination of what has been said on this subject, pro and con,
may be found in Kaye's Tertullian, [156] pp. 102-105. In his abundant
candour this author leans to the doubters, but in stating the case he
seems to me to fortify the position of Lardner and Mosheim. What the
brutal Tiberius may have thought or done with respect to Pilate's
report concerning the holy victim of his judicial injustice is of
little importance to the believer. Nevertheless, as matter of history
it deserves attention. Great stress is to be placed on the fact that
Tertullian was probably a jurisconsult, familiar with the Roman
archives, and influenced by them in his own acceptance of Divine Truth.
It is not supposable that such a man would have hazarded his bold
appeal to the records, in remonstrating with the Senate and in the very
faces of the Emperor and his colleagues, had he not known that the
evidence was irrefragable.
V.
(The darkness at the Crucifixion, cap. xxi., p. 35.)
Kaye disappoints us (p. 150) in his slight notice of this most
interesting subject. Without attempting to discuss the story of Phlegon
and other points which afford Gibbon an opportunity for misplaced
sneering, such as even a Pilate would have rebuked, while it may be
well to recall the exposition of Milman, [157] at the close of Gibbon's
fifteenth chapter, I must express my own preference for another view.
This will be found candidly summed up and stated, in the Speaker's
Commentary, in the concise note on St. Matt. xxvii. 45.
VI.
(Numbers of the Faithful, cap. xxxvii., p. 45.)
Kaye, as usual, gives this vexed question a candid survey. [158] Making
all allowances, however, I accept the conjecture of some reputable
authorities, that there were 2,000,000 of Christians, in the bounds of
the Roman Empire at the close of the Second Century. So mightily grew
the testimony of Jesus and prevailed. When we reflect that only a
century intervened between the times of Tertullian and the conversion
of the Roman Emperor, it is not easy to regard our author's language as
merely that of fervid genius and of rhetorical hyperbole. He could not
have ventured upon exaggeration without courting scorn as well as
defeat. What he affirms is probable in the nature of the case. Were it
otherwise, then the conditions, which, in a single century rendered it
possible for Constantine to effect the greatest revolution in mind and
manners that has ever been known among men, would be a miracle compared
with which that of his alleged Vision of the Cross sinks into
insignificance. To this subject it will be necessary to recur
hereafter.
VII.
(Christian usages, cap. xxxix., p. 46.)
A candid review of the matters discussed in this chapter will be found
in Kaye (pp. 146, 209.) The important fact is there clearly stated that
"the primitive Christians scrupulously complied with the decree
pronounced by the Apostles at Jerusalem in abstaining from things
strangled and from blood" (Acts xv. 20). On this subject consult the
references given in the Speaker's Commentary, ad locum. The Greeks, to
their honour, still maintain this prohibition, but St. Augustine's
great authority relaxed the Western scruples on this matter, for he
regarded it as a decree of temporary obligation, while the Hebrew and
Gentile Christians were in peril of misunderstanding and estrangement.
[159]
On the important question as to the cessation of miracles Kaye takes a
somewhat original position. But see his interesting discussion and that
of the late Professor Hey, in Kaye's Tertullian, pp. 80-102, 151-161. I
do not think writers on these subjects have sufficiently distinguished
between miracles properly so called, and providences vouchsafed in
answer to prayer. There was no miracle in the case of the Thundering
Legion, assuming the story to be true; and I dare to affirm that marked
answers to prayer, by providential interpositions, but wholly distinct
from miraculous agencies, have never ceased among those who "ask in the
Son's Name." Such interpositions are often preternatural only; that is,
they economize certain powers which, though natural in themselves, lie
outside of the System of Nature with which we happen to be familiar.
This distinction has been overlooked.
VIII.
(Multitudes, cap. xl., p. 47.)
Note the words--"multitudes to a single beast." Can it be possible that
Tertullian would use such language to the magistrates, if he knew that
such sentences were of rare occurrence? The disposition of our times to
minimize the persecutions of our Christian forefathers calls upon us to
note such references, all the more important because occurring obiter
and mentioned as notorious. Note also, the closing chapter of this
Apology, and reference to the outcries of the populace, in Cap. xxxv.
[160] See admirable remarks on the benefits derived by the Church from
the sufferings of Christian martyrs, with direct reference to
Tertullian, Wordsworth, Church Hist. to Council of Nicæa, cap. xxiv.,
p. 374.
IX.
(Christian manners, cap. xlii., p. 49.)
A study of the manners of Christians, in the Ante-Nicene Age, as
sketched by the unsparing hand of Tertullian, will convince any
unprejudiced mind of the mighty power of the Holy Ghost, in framing
such characters out of heathen originals. When, under Montanistic
influences our severely ascetic author complains of the Church's
corruptions, and turns inside-out the whole estate of the faithful, we
see all that can be pressed on the other side; but, this very important
chapter must be borne in mind, together with the closing sentence of
chap. xliv., as evidence that whatever might be said by a rigid
disciplinarian, the Church, as compared with our day, was still a
living embodiment of Philippians iv. 8.
X.
(Paradise, cap. xlvii., p. 52.)
See Kaye, p. 248. Our author seems not always consistent with himself
in his references to the Places of departed spirits. Kaye thinks he
identifies Paradise with the Heaven of the Most High, in one place (the
De Exhort. Cast., xiii.) where he probably confuses the Apostle's
ideas, in Galatians v. 12, and Ephesians v. 5. Commonly, however,
though he is not consistent with himself, this would be his scheme:-1. The Inferi, or Hades, where the soul of Dives was in one continent
and that of Lazarus in another, with a gulf between. Our author places
"Abraham's bosom" in Hades.
2. Paradise. In Hades, but in a superior and more glorious region. This
more blessed abode was opened to the souls of the martyrs and other
greater saints, at our Lord's descent into the place of the dead.
After the General Resurrection and Judgment, there remain:
1. Gehenna, for the lost, prepared for the devil and his angels.
2. The Heaven of Heavens, the eternal abode of the righteous, in the
vision of the Lord and His Eternal Joy.
Tertullian's variations on this subject will force us to recur to it
hereafter; but, here it may be noted that the confusions of Latin
Christianity received their character in this particular, from the
genius of our author. Augustine caught from him a certain indecision
about the terms and places connected with the state of the departed
which has continued, to this day, to perplex theologians in the West.
Taking advantage of such confusions, the stupendous Roman system of
"Purgatory" was fabricated in the middle ages; but the Greeks never
accepted it, and it differs fundamentally from what the earlier Latin
Fathers, including Tertullian, have given us as speculations.
XI.
(The Leo and the Leno, cap. l., p. 55.)
Here we find the alliterative and epigrammatic genius of Tertullian
anticipating a similar poetic charm in Augustine. The Christian maid or
matron preferred the Leo to the leno; to be devoured rather than to be
debauched. Our author wrests a tribute to the chastity of Christian
women from the cruelty of their judges, who recognizing this fact, were
accustomed as a refinement of their injustice to give sentence against
them, refusing the mercy of a horrible death, by committing them to the
ravisher: "damnando Christianam ad lenonem potius quam ad leonem."
XII.
(The Seed of the Church, cap. l., p. 55.)
Kaye has devoted a number of his pages [161] to the elucidation of this
subject, not only showing the constancy of the martyrs, but
illustrating the fact that Christians, like St. Paul, were forced to
"die daily," even when they were not subjected to the fiery trial. He
who confessed himself a Christian made himself a social outcast. All
manner of outrages and wrongs could be committed against him with
impunity. Rich men, who had joined themselves to Christ, [162] were
forced to accept "the spoiling of their goods." Brothers denounced
brothers, and husbands their wives; "a man's foes were they of his own
household." But the Church triumphed through suffering, and "out of
weakness was made strong."
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[154] Kaye, p. 36. Also, p. 8, supra.
[155] Kaye (following L'Art de verifier les Dates) pp. 11 and 456.
[156] My references are to the Third Edition, London, Rivingtons, 1845.
[157] In his edition of The Decline and Fall, Vol. I., p. 589, American
reprint.
[158] pp. 85-88.
[159] Ep. ad Faust. xxxii. 13. and see Conybeare and Howson.
[160] Compare Kaye on Mosheim, p. 107.
[161] pp. 129-140.
[162] Even under Commodus, vol. ii. p. 598, this series.
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tertullian idolatry anf03 tertullian-idolatry On Idolatry
/ccel/schaff/anf03.iv.iv.html
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On Idolatry
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II.
On Idolatry.
[Translated by the Rev. S. Thelwall.]
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